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Book_ C ^'^^^< 



Extract from the American Farmer. 

" Had we anticipated the masterly and patriotic addresses of the 
Philadelphia Society for the promotion of National Industry, before 
the publication of our first number, we should gladly have lemained 
silent. We should have blushed to speak on subjects to be simulta- 
neously discussed in a manner far transcending our ability. And 
now, could we know that all the readers of the American Farmer 
would peruse the numbers of those excellent addresses, no more of 
our comparatively trifling essays would appear. But our belief to the 
contrary, and the expectation which may have been justly excited, 
must be our apology for continuing our numbers. We are happy to 
find in what we have seen of that grand production, some notions 
which we had conceived, fully confirmed ; and we hope not a little 
praise may be rendered to its author, if some of the bright rays which 
have been shed on ourselves, should be occasionally, but faintly, re- 
flected upon our readers." 

Extract of a letter from John Adams, Esq. ex-presldent, to the Edi- 
tors of the Manufacturers and Farmer^s Journal. 

" The gentlemen of Philadelphia have published a very important 
volume upon the subject, which I recommend to your careful peru- 
sal." 

Extract of an Address from Benjamin Austin, Esq. 

'• This subject has produced researches, which demonstrate the 
abundant resources of our country, and the practicability of accom- 
plishing those important objects, (the establishment of national ma- 
nufactures) with the aid of government. Among the foremost, the 
Philadelphia Society for the promotion of National Industry, is en- 
titled to our thanks for their perseverance in this national and laud- 
able pursuit." 

Extract of a letter from General Harrison to one of the members 
of the Philadelphia Society for the promotion of American vManu- 
factures. 

" I should be wanting in candour not to acknowledge, that I have 
been converted to my present principles in favour of manufactures, 
by the luminous views upon the subject which have been published 
by your society." 

Yours. &c. 

W. H. HARRISON. 

r A 1 



( ii ) 

Extract of a letter from the Hon. Oliver Wolcott, Esq. Governor of 
the State of Connecticut, dated Litchfield, June 13, 1821, to the 
author. 

" I have received your pamphlet addressed to the farmers and 
planters of the United States. My opinions on the interesting sub- 
jects, which you have undertaken to discuss, are coincident with yours 
— and I do all in my power to recommend them to the public. I be- 
lieve that the people in this part of the country, have settled down 
in a firm conviction, that we must protect our internal industry. 
Your writings have done much to produce this conviction — and I 
consider you as a distinguished benefactor of our country." 



Extract of a letter from the Hon. James Madison, ex-president of 
the United States, dated Montpelier, May 26, 1821, to the same. 

** I have received your pamphlet, [The Address to the Farmers 
and Planters of the United States,] of which I cannot say less, than 
that it exhibits the same extent of statistic research — the same con- 
densation of ideas — and the same tone of disinterested patriotism, 
which have been remarked in other publications from the same pen." 

Extract of a letter from Governor Clinton to Joseph Coppinger. 

" Mr. Carey's indefatigable and enlightened efforts in favour of 
this great department of human industry, [domestic manufactures,3 
entitle him to the thanks and encouragement of every friend of 
America." 



National progress to prosperity or to decay. 

Dedicated to the Legislature and Executive of the United States. 

<' CHOOSE YE." 



NATIONAL INDUSTRY 

" In all its shapes andforms^'' 



PROTECTED.* 

1. Prohibitions of what can be 
advantageously made at home. 

2. Protecting duties. 

3. Moderate importations. 

• 4. Industry fostered and pros- 
perous. 

5. Every person able and will- 
ing to work employed. 

6. Early and numerous mar- 
riages. 

I. Population rapidly increas- 
ing. 

8. Poor rates diminishing. 

9. Bankruptcies rare. 

10. Great accession of immi- 
grants and capital. 

II. Numerous houses build- 
ing. 

12. Credit preserved at home 
and abroad. 

13. Revenue increasing. 

14. Capital, talent, and indus- 
try, sure of success. 

15. Debts easily collected. 

16. Property rising in value. 

17. General prosperity. 

18. New towns springing up. 

19. Cordial attachment to go- 
vernment. 



UNPROTECTED.! 

1. Heavy duties on teas, wines, 
coffee, spu-its, salt, pepper, &c. 

2. Light duties on manufac- 
tures. 

3. Immense importations. 

4. Great bargains of cheap fo- 
reign goods. 

5. Drain of specie. 

6. Remittances of government 
and bank stock. 

7. Decay of national industry. 

8. Workmen discharged. 

9. Poor rates augmented. 

10. Increase of idleness, pau- 
perism, and gmlt. 

11. Soup houses. 

12. Manufactm-ing estabhsh- 
ments in ruins. 

13. Manufactm-ers bankrupt. 

14. Merchants and traders fol- 
lowing in their train. 

15. Marriages rare. 

16. Population slug^sh. 

17. Immigration discounten- 
anced. 

18. Emigrations in quest of an 
asylum abroad. 

19. Capital, talents and indus- 
try, wanting employment. 

20. Staples sinking in price. 

21. Distress and ruin of agricul- 
turists. 

22. Credit impaired at home 
and abroad. 

23. Banks stopping payment. 

24. Sheriffs' sales. 

25. Houses falling to decay. 

26. General emban-assment. 

27. Monied men engrossing 
the estates of the distressed. 

28. Failure of revenue. 

29. Legal suspension of the 
collection of debts. 

30. A.pplications for relief 
wholly disregarded, or unfeel- 
ingly rejected. 

31. Alienation from a govern- 
ment regardless of the suffer- 
ings of its citizens. 



■ With some veiy shght variations, this sketch apphes to the state of France, 
since the downfall of Bonaparte. It is a fair picture ot every country m which 
industry is protected. „ , _i.- „x- 4.v,~ 

tThis is a striking likeness of the situation of a very large portion ot the 
United States in the calamitous and never-to-be-forgotten years Iblb, 1«17, i»ie 
and 1819 ; and partly of Holland, since the year 1816. 



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ESSAYS 

ON 



OR, 

THE MOST CERTAIN MEANS 

OF 
PROMOTING THE WEALTH, POWER, RESOURCES, 

AND 

HAPPINESS OF NATIONS : 
Applied particularly to the United States.. - - , ^ 



BY M. CAREY, 



MEMBER OF THE AMERICAN PHILOSOPHICAL SOCIETY, AND OF THE •iJ(i:^Bj((;A,l^,.AK'0 '^ 

TIftUARIAN SOCIETT AUTHOR OF THE POLITICAL OLITE ' ''^ ' •» 

BRANCH, VINniCI33 HIBERNICJ5, &C. 



"I have neglected nothing to procure correct information. I do not, how- 
ever, pretend to publish a perfect work. All that I can pledge myself for, is, 
that it emanates from honest intentions." — Clmptal, sur L'industrie Frangoise. 

" To be independent for the comforts of life, we must fabricate them our- 
selves. We must now place the manufacturer by the side of the agriculturist." 
Jeffei^son. 

" j\fan7ifactures are no-w as necessary to our indepenilence as to our comfort."'— 
Idem. 

" While the necessities of nations exclusively devoted to agriculture for the, 
fabrics of manufacturing states, are constant and regular; the wants of the latter, 
for the products of the former, are liable to very considerable fluctuations and inter- 
ruptions." — A. Hamilton. 

" Not only the -wealth but the independence and security of a country, appear 
to be materially connected -with the prosperity of manufactures. Every nation, with 
a view to tl\ese great objects, ought to endeavour to possess within itself all the 
essentials of national supply. These comprise the means of subsistence, habi- 
tation, clothing, and defence." — Idem. 

" If Europe will not take from us the products of our soil, on terms consistent 
with our interest, the natural remedy is to contract as fast as possible our luants of 
her." — Idem. 



PHILADELPHIA: 
H. C. CAREY & I. LEA— CHESNUT STREET. 



1832. 



^^COU£CTlO«| 



//S^c^c^ c^u<^^ 



7 



subscribi;rs' names. 



A. 

Andrew Anderson, Philadelphia. 
Thomas Amies, Lower Merion. 
Armsby, Tucker, & Co. Boston. 
Nathaniel Alley. 

B. 

Lydia R. Bailey, Philadelphia. 
Richard Barnard, jun. Wilming- 
ton. 
William Brobson. 
Abner Bourne, Brunswick. 
J. B. Brown, Boston. 
Brigham & Delano. 
Benjamin Bussey. 
William Barry. 
James Bradley. 
Joseph P. Brad lee. 
Samuel Billings & Co. 
William Barret. 
Amos Binney. 
Kirk Boot. 
Silas Bullard. 

Benjamin Butler, New York. 
J. Smith Boice, Dorchester. 



J. Cushing, jun. Salem. 
Joshua Clapp, Boston. 
Joel Carter. 
R. Crowninshield, Danvers. 

Coppinger, Havanna. 

De Witt Clinton, Albany. 

D. 

T. W. Dyott, Philadelphia. 
E. I. Dupont, Wilmington. 
Victor Dupont. 
Samuel Davis & Co. Boston. 
Alfred Dutch & Co. 
Benjamin Dearborn. 
Nathaniel G. B. Dexter, Paw- 
tucket. 



E. 

George P. Ellis, Walpole. 

F. 

Henry Fiske & Co. Boston. 
William Few, New York. 
French & Burbank, Pawtucket. 

G. 

John Greiner, Philadelphia. 

Levi Garrett. 

Richard Graves, Boston. 

Robert Graves. 

Orra Goodell, Mil bury. 

H. 

Gavin Hamilton, Philadelphia. 

Thomas Hopkins & Co. 

Benjamin Hawks, Salem. 

William Hovey, Boston. 

Jonathan Hunnewell. 

D. Hale. 

Hoi brook & Dexter. 

Hall J. How & Co. 

S. P. Haywood. 

Josiah J. Hastings. 

Daniel Hastings, 

Henshaw & Farnham. 

Samuel Harris. 

Eliphalet Hale. 

Holmes & Rogers. 

Thomas Hand, Chelmsford. 

Edward Howard, Oxford. 



Isaac Jones & Son, Philadelphia. 
P. T. Jackson, Boston. 
Jabel Ingraham, Pawtucket. 

K. 

C. Keen, Philadelphia. 
Caleb Kirk, Wilmington. 
Sewall Kenny, Weathersfield. 
[B.] 



SUBSCRIBERS' NAMES. 



L. 

J. G. Langstroth, Philadelphia. 

Thomas Leiper. 

William Laird. 

T. J. Lobdell, Boston. 

H. & J. Lovering. 

Thomas Lord. 

William Lawrence. 

Jonathan Lock, Swansey. 

Ezekiel Lord, New York. 

M. 

M*Carty & Davis, Philadelphia, 
25 copies. 

Samuel Mansfield, Salem. 

Townsend M'Coun, New York. 

Wm. F. Mott. 

Samuel Mott. 

Barney Mirney, North Provi- 
dence. 

N. 
J. P. Norris, Philadelphia. 
William Nassau. 
J. & J. Newhall, Salem. 
Francis H. Nicoli, New York. 

O. 

Otis & Holbrook, Boston. 

John Osborne. 

John Oliff, New York. 

P. 

Richard Povall, Philadelphia. 
Charles Parker, Salem. 
George Prichard & Co. Boston. 
William Phillips, Dedham, 
Isaac Pierson, New York. 
Jeremiah H. Pierson. 

R. 

James Ronaldson, Philadelphia, 

6 copies. 
Mark Richards. 
James Rundlett, Portsmouth. 
Robert Rogerson & Co. Boston. 
Henry Robinson, New York. 

S. 
Abraham Small, Philadelphia, 10 

copies. 
Joseph R. A. Skerrett, 2 copies. 



John Siddall, Brandywine. 

Henry Southard, New Jersey. 

George H. Smith, Salem. 

Richard Stickney. 

Jonathan Stitson, Marshfield. 

Horace vSeaver, Portland. 

Peter H. Schenck, New York. 

Peter A. Schenck, Fishkill. 

A. H. Schenck. 

J. W. Stephens, Poughkeepsie. 

Richard Savery, Salem, 

J. Shepard & Co. Boston. 

John Spring. 

N. Somes & Co. 

Skinner & Dunn. 

T. 

John Torbert, Wilmington. 
William Tileston, Boston. 
Dexter Tiffany & Co. 
Rev. Wm. Taylor. 

V. 

Joseph Underwood, Pawtucket. 
James Vila & Co. Boston. 

W. 

James Way, Philadelphia. 
Robert Wilson. 

Wells & Lilly, Boston, 12 copies. 
N. G. Williamson, Wilmington, 

2 copies. 
George Whitelock. 
Pierce L. Wiggins, Salem. 
Isaac Wendell, Dover, 2 copies. 
James Wolcott, jun. Boston. 
WUliams & Wendell. 
Francis J. Williams. 
Thomas J. Whittemore. 
Wing & Sumner. 
Whitwell, Bond & Co. 
Jonathan Winship, Brighton. 
Enoch Wiswall, Watertown. 
Oliver M. Whipple, Chelmsford. 
T. B. Wakeman, New York. 
Jacob T. Walden. 
Wm. W. Watkinson. 
White & Bliss, 54 copies. 
J. Wolcott, Southbridge. 

Y. 

William Young, Philadelphia, 10 
copies. 



PREFACE. 



THIS collection of Essays is liable to one very strong 
objection, which I state in the foreground, as a sort of caveat 
emptor^ that the purchaser may be early aware of what he 
has to expect, and form his determination accordingly. 

Many of the facts and arguments are repeated twice and 
thrice, and some few even four times. This circumstance, 
which arises out of the nature of the case, can be easily ac- 
counted for. The arguments opposed to the doctrines herein 
advocated, are few in number ; but have been, for above thirty 
years, unceasingly repeated by almost every writer who has 
discussed the subject, and often in the same words. It is 
evident, that an objection once fully answered, if twenty or 
fifty times repeated, must be twenty or fifty times refuted by 
nearly the same arguments. The reasonings against, and the 
dissuasives from, vice and guilt, as well as the arguments in 
favour of virtue, used by the earliest moralists, have been re- 
peated from age to age ever since, with mere variations of style 
and manner, by their successors in the same useful and honour- 
able career. 

The principal objections alleged in 1789 against interpos- 
ing the powerful segis of governmental protection in favour 
of that important portion of the national industry devoted to 
convert the rude produce of the earth into such shapes and 
forms as are demanded by the necessities, the comfort, or the 
luxury of mankind, were — that we had not capital to spare for 
manufactures on an extensive scale — that it would divert capi- 
tal from more to less useful objects — that our labour was too 
dear to allow us to compete with European or Asiatic indus- 
try — that while we had so much vacant lands, it was our duty 
to direct our industry to the cultivation of the soil — that 
manufacturing establishments tended to demoralize those oc- 
cupied in them — that agriculture was the most useful and most 
innocent employment of mankind — that protecting or pro- 
hibitory duties would destroy commerce, afford a monopoly 
to one class of our own citizens, and thus tax the many for 
the benefit of the few, &c. To these objections was added, after 
the late war, the danger of a repetition of the extortion, confi- 
dently asserted to have been perpetrated by the manufac- 
turers during its continuance. 

Now, every one of these objections, except the last, which 
of course did not exist in his time, was discussed and tri- 
umphantly refuted by Alexander Hamilton in 1791. They 



VIU PREFACE. 

have been, nevertheless, throughout the whole period that 
has since intervened, as flippantly advanced, and as pertina- 
ciously insisted on, not only as if they had never been re- 
futed, but as if they were so thoroughly and completely esta- 
blished as to bid defiance to argument. What can be done 
in such a case, but repeat the refutation as often as the ob- 
jection is repeated ? 

The various essays contained in this work were written 
at different periods, during the last three years, to meet 
and refute some of the great number of essays and memorials 
against the protection of manufactures, in which the old ar- 
guments were repeated — and of course it was indispensable 
to pursue the course above traced out. And as truth travels 
slowly, it is probable, that whoever takes up the subject ten 
or twenty years hence, may have to adduce many of the same 
arguments as I have done. 

I will exemplify this reasoning by the case of the accusa- 
tion of extortion, of which such use was made in 1816, to 
defeat the hopes of the manufacturers, and consign so many 
of them to destruction. This accusation has been times with- 
out number in newspaper essays, paragraphs, petitions and 
memorials, and was advanced in conversation almost hourly in 
1816 in every company. The proper answer to it is, that the 
cotton planter who raised the price of his cotton from thirteen 
cents per pound to twenty-seven, between 1814 and 1816 — 
the tobacco planter, who in 1816 raised the price of tobacco 
from g96 to ^185 — the farmer who raised that of wheat from 
one dollar per bushel to three dollars during the wars of the 
French revolution — and the merchants, who availed them- 
selves of every opportunity of scarcity, to lay enormous ad- 
vances on their goods, often ten, twenty, and thirty per 
cent, in a month — could not, without the most manifest disre- 
gard of justice and propriety, charge their fellow-citizens 
with extortion, for an increase of prices, which arose chiefly 
out of the increase of the price of raw materials, labour, and 
sites for establishments. This answer was repeatedly and 
fully made in 1816, and ought to foreclose the objection for 
ever. But it is still adduced with undiminished confidence, 
and by men, against whom the accusation would lie with infi- 
nitely more propriety. So little attention is paid to the scrip- 
tural admonition : " First take the beam out of thine own eye, 
" and then thou shalt see clearly to cast out the mote out of 
*' thy brother'^s eye.'''' 

It may be said, that in the republication, the repetitions 
might have been avoided, and the matter condensed. This 
arrangement I contemplated, and had determined on — but on 
trial, I found it would so totally derange the different essays. 



PREFACE. IX 

that the whole work would require to be moulded anew, which 
would consume nearly as much time as the original composi- 
tion. I could not reconcile myself to encounter this labour 
— and was therefore under the necessity of either abandoning 
the whole, or republishing in the present form. 

To the former alternative I had strong objections. Many 
of the facts, (of these, I presume, I may speak freely,) col- 
lected with considerable research, are immensely important, 
and shed great light on the subject. They deserve to be 
put into permanent form, for the use of those who may here- 
after devote themselves to this most important study — other- 
wise many of them, derived from scarce works, not easily 
procured, might be sought for in vain, or require trouble in 
the research, which few persons would be willing to under- 
take. 

But let it be observed, that the whole amount of the re- 
peated matter would not probably extend to fifty pages — and 
the volume contains about that quantity beyond the size I pro- 
posed to give. 

To conclude this point, I wish it distinctly understood, that 
this volume is presented to the public merely as a collection 
of pamphlets, written at different times on one subject, and of 
course containing many repetitions — and not by any means as 
one continued work, in which the topics are discussed in re- 
gular order, and then dismissed. Should the latter estimate be 
formed of it, it would be found greatly deficient. It is to 
be regarded merely as a work of occasional reference, in 
which I hope it will be found useful. 

Throughout these essays, there are various assumptions 
made, two of which I have already discovered to be errone- 
ous — and others may probably be in the same situation. I 
therefore wish the reader to subject them universally to a se- 
vere scrutiny — and to admit none until they have undergone 
that ordeal. The proper data, on which to predicate assump- 
tions in political economy, are difficult of attainment, even 
in countries where much greater facilities are afforded than 
are accessible by writers here. This circumstance pleads 
powerfully in extenuation of errors. 

The recent census proves, that in pages 331 and 479 I have 
greatly erred in fixing the proportions of the different classes 
of society — having rated the agricultural class too low, and 
the other classes too high. I have, moreover, elsewhere, in 
, two instances, estimated very differently the consumption of 
food and drink by each member of society. I regret this 
discrepancy, and other errors, " quos incuria fudW'' — and 
throw myself on the indulgence of a public, .a sincere desire 
to promote whose welfare and happiness has given birth to 



X PREFACE. 

this work, which is published with a full conviction of its 
manifold imperfections. Let me be permitted to add, in the 
words of the great Chaptal — ^" I have neglected nothing to 
*' procure correct information. I do not, however, pretend 
*' to publish a perfect work. All that I can pledge myself 
" for, is, that it emanates from honest intentions."* Such is 
the language of the Minister of the Interior of France, respect- 
ing his admirable work on " French Industry." If, with the 
immense advantages he possessed through his official station, 
and his unlimited command of the national statistics — he 
found it necessary to propitiate public opinion for the indul- 
gence of his errors — how incomparably more necessary is 
such propitiation for this work, labouring as I have done, 
under almost every kind of disadvantage to which a writer 
is liable. f Let me observe, as an additional reason for critical 
indulgence, that before I began to write the Addresses of the 
Philadelphia Society for the Promotion of National Industry 
in 1819, I had never devoted three days to the study of po- 
litical economy. 

As some of the articles contained in this volume, viz. the 
Addresses of the Philadelphia Society for the promotion of 
National Industry — the Memorial to Congress — the Report 
of a Committee of the Citizens of Philadelphia — ^^and the 
Circular Letter of the same committee, were issued in the 
names of public bodies, it may be proper to state how far 
the authorship has been correctly appropriated. They were 
all written by the same hand as the rest of the contents of the 
volume — put into type — carefully corrected — and then read 
to the bodies respectively, in whose name they were pub- 
lished. Emendations were occasionally suggested by the 
members, and were generally adopted by the writer. No. 12 
and 13 of the first-mentioned set of papers, were written by 
Dr. Samuel Jackson. 

* " Je ci'ois n'avoir rien neglige pour obtenir cles renseignemens exacts; 
" cependant je ne pretends pas publier un ouvrage parfait. Tout ce dont je 
"puis repondre, c'est qtie c'est iin oicvrage de bonne foi." 

f The pains I have taken to procure correct information are scarcely credi- 
ble — as are the difficulties I have experienced, where none were to have been 
expected. Numbers of persons, deeply interested in the result of these dis- 
cussions, iiave not condescended to reply to civil letters requesting informa- 
tion fully within their power. 

It is an extraordinary fact, that there were 4750 copies of the circular let- 
ter, page 229, distributed throughout the United States, one to every post-of- 
fice, of which the number was about 3600 — the i-emainder in different direc- 
tions — and that not more than ten or a dozen answers were received. 

Philadelphia^ April &^ 1^22. 






m 



THE PHILADELPHIA SOCIETY 



FOR 



THE PROMOTION 



NATIONAL INDUSTRY. 



" A trade is disadvantageous to a nation which brings in things of mere luxury 
or pleasure, which are entirely or for the most part consumed among us. 

" Much worse is that trade which brings in a commodity that is not only con- 
sumed among us, but hinders the consumption of the like quantity of ours. 

" That trade is eminently bad, which supplies the same articles as -we manufac- 
inre ourselves, especially if we can make enough for our consumption." — British 
Merchant, vol. i. p. 4. 

" Foreign luxuries, and needless manufactures, imported and used in a na- 
tion, increase the people of the nation that furnislies them, aiid diminish the people of 
the nation that uses them. 

" Laws, therefore, that prevent such importations, and, on the contrary, pro- 
mote the exportation of manufactures, to be consumed in foreign countries, 
may be called, (with respect to the people that make them,) generative laws .■ 
as, by increasing subsisteiice, they encourage mai~riage. 

" Such laws, likewise, streiigthen a nation doubly, by increasing its own peo- 
ple, and diminishing its neighbours." — Franklin's Works, vol. iv. pp. 188, 189. 



SIXTH EDITION. 

PHILADELPHIA. 

1822. 



ERRATA. 



The reader is requested to correct with his pen the following and some 
minor errors which have escaped attention. 

Page 9, line 22, dele Holland. 

26, line 19, for conferences read consequences. 
225, line 36, dele and the JVetherlands. 
294, line 25, for fojir read three. 

470, line 29, for 130,107, read 80,107. 

471, line 4, for fifty-seven read sixty. 
540, line 3, for onii/ read duty. 



PREFACE TO THE ADDRESSES. 



IN presenting our fellow citizens with these addresses, collect- 
ed together, we cannot refrain from expressing our high sense of 
the very favourable reception they have experienced. The vari- 
ous defects of style and arrangement which pervade them, have 
been overlooked, in consideration of the magnitude of the sub- 
ject they embrace. 

We feel persuaded that the cause we advocate yields to none 
in importance. It is a great error to suppose, as unhappily is 
too frequently done, that it is the cause of the manufacturers 
alone. Nothing can be more foreign from the real fact. It is 
the cause of the nation. It is the mighty question, whether we 
shall be really or nominally independent — whether we shall per- 
severe in a policy, which, in four or five years, has done more to 
prostrate our strength and resources, than a fierce war of equal 
duration could have done — a policy similar to that which has 
sunk and degraded Spain for centuries, notwithstanding her im- 
mense internal and colonial resources — a policy which has never 
failed, and never can fail, to debilitate and impoverish every 
country where it has prevailed or may prevail — a policy discard- 
ed by every wise nation in Europe — a policy in direct hostility 
with that of England, Russia, Austria, France, Holtend, and 
Denmark — a policy, in a word, that fosters and promotes the 
wealth, power, resources, industry, and manufactures ol foreign 
nations, and represses and paralizes those of our own country. 

If there be any one truth in political economy more sacred 
and irrefragable than another, it is, that the prosperity of na- 
tions bears an exact proportion to the encouragement of their 
domestic industry — and that their decay and decrepitude com- 
mence and proceed pari passu with their neglect of it. The 
wonderful resources of England, so far beyond her intrinsic ad- 



\ 



10 PREFACE TO THE AliDRESSES. 

vantages, and the prostrate state of Spain and Portugal, not- 
withstanding the numberless blessings bestowed on them by na- 
ture, place these great truths on the most impregnable ground. 

The United States pursue a wayward and short-sighted po- 
licy, of which the world affords few examples, and which evinces 
how little we have profited by the experience of other nations — 
and how much we neglect the maxims of the wise statesmen of 
Europe, as well as of our own country. 
•— With a capacity to raise cotton to supply the whole world, our 
treasures are lavished in Hindostan to purchase cotton of infe- 
rior quality, which is now manufactured in the United States,* 
to the injury of our cotton planters. And with skill, talents, 
water-power, capital, and machinery to supply our utmost de- 
mand for cambrics and muslins, millions of money are in a si- 
milar manner lavished in Hindostan and England, to procure 
those articles ; while tens of thousands of our own citizens, ca- 
pable of furnishing them, are pining in indigence ; their employ- 
ers ruined ; and machinery, which cost millions of dollars, rust- 
ing and rotting ; and while hundreds of manufacturers, invited 
to our shores by the excellence of our form of government, are 
unable to earn a subsistence at their usual trades, and are forced 
to go to Canada or Nova Scotia, or to return to Europe.f About 
fifty sailed from hence in one vessel, a few days since. 

Under the influence of such a mistaken system, is it wonder- 
ful, that distress and embarrassment pervade the nation — that 
the enlivening sound of the spindle, the loom, and the hammer, 
has in many places almost ceased to be heard — that our mer- 
chants and traders are daily swept away by bankruptcy, one af- 
ter another — that our banks are drained of their specie — that 
our cities exhibit an unvarying scene of gloom and despair — 
that confidence between man and man is almost extinct — that 
debts cannot in general be collected — that property cannot be 
sold but at enormous sacrifices — that capitalists have thus an 
opportunity of aggrandizing themselves at the expense of the 
middle class of society, to an incalculable extent — that money 
cannot be borrowed, but at an extravagant interest — in a word, 
that with advantages equal to any that Heaven has ever bestow- 
ed on any nation, we exhibit a state of things at which our ene- 
mies must rejoice — and our friends put on sackcloth and ashes ?:j; 
We trust the day is not far distant, when we shall cast a 
retrospective eye on this lamentable folly, with as much as- 

* [At the time this was written, there were large quantities of East India Cottoij. 
used by the manufacturers of the U. S.] 

I [It is ]n-obable, that above one thousand emigrants retvimedfrom the U. S. 
to their native countries in 1819.] 

t [For a statement of the distress of this period, see the New Olive Branch, 
Chapter VD.] '^ 



PREFACE TO T»E ADDRESSES. 11 

tonishment, as we now do at the folly and wickedness of our an- 
cestors in hanging and burning witches. The folly in both cases 
is about equal. Theirs, however, was limited to a narrow 
sphere, out of which it was perfectly innocuous. But ours ex- 
tends its baneful influence to the remotest extremities of the 
nation. 

We are gravely told, by writers on whom, unfortunately, great 
reliance is placed, that our circumstances as a nation being ma- 
terially different from those of other nations, we require a to- 
tally different policy — and that, however proper or necessary it 
maybe for England or France, to encourage manufactures, sound 
policy dictates a different course for the United States. 

These maxims are the reverse of truth ; and having had great 
influence on the operations of our government, have proved 
highly pernicious. We are, on the contrary, more imperiously 
called on to encourage manufactures than most other nations, 
unless we be disposed wantonly to sacrifice the interests of a 
most important and numerous portion of our population, those 
farmers and planters who are remote from the seaboard. We 
request a patient hearing while we offer our reasons. 

In a compact country, like England, where inland navigation 
is carried to such a wonderful extent, there are few parts of the 
kingdom that are not within one or two days' carriage of the 
seaboard — and consequently their productions can be transport- 
ed to foreign markets at a moderate expense. Whereas a large 
portion of our agricultural citizens are from three hundred to a 
thousand miles distant from any seaport, and therefore almost 
wholly debarred from all foreign markets, especially at the pre- 
sent and all probable future prices. 

Flour has been forwarded to the Philadelphia market from 
Pittsburg, at a freight of four dollars per barrel. Some of it 
was probably brought to Pittsburg, from fifty to a hundred and 
fifty miles, at considerable expense. Deduct the expenses and 
profits of the Pittsburg merchants, from six or seven dollars, 
and in what a lamentable situation it places the farmer — how mi- 
serable a remuneration he has for his labour — and how " dear 
he pays for the xvhhtle^'' in buying his goods cheap in Hindos- 
tan, and depending on European markets for the sale of his 
productions ! 

The consequences of this system are so pernicious, that it re- 
quires a little further notice. A farmer in the neighbourhood 
of Pittsburg, sends his produce to that city, whence it is con- 
veyed to Philadelphia, three hundred miles by land — or to New 
Orleans, two thousand by water. It is thence conveyed toui 
thousand to Liverpool, from whence he receives his china, his 
delftware, and his pottery. From the amount of his flour as 
sold in England, all the expenses of transportation are to be de»- 



12 PREFACE TO THE ADDRESSES. 

ducted — and to the price of his china and other articles, the ex- 
penses of the return voyage are to be added. What a frightful 
view of the situation of a large portion of the people of the 
western country does this sketch exhibit ? Is it difficult to ac- 
count for the prostrate state of affairs in that part of the union^ 
and under a government, which, emanating more completely 
from the mass of the people than any other that ever existed, 
might have been expected to have extended a more paternal care 
over its citizens than the world ever witnessed ! 

It is therefore indubitable, that to the reasons for encourag- 
ing manufactures, existing in England and France, all of which 
apply here, is to be added a powerful one peculiar to the United 
States, arising from the distance between so large a portion of 
our territory and any seaport towns, as well as the immense dis- 
tance from those towns to the countries from whence we draw 
our supplies. 

Let us suppose for a moment, that the western farmer, instead 
of purchasing his pottery and delftware in England, had, in his 
own neighbourhood, manufactories of those articles, whence he 
could procure them free of the enormous expenses of sea and 
land carriages, amounting in many instances to treble the first 
cost — and that in return, he supplied the manufacturer, of whom 
he purchased them, with his wheat and corn and other articles ! 
—What a different face that country would wear ! — What rapid 
Strides it would then make in the career of prosperity ! — What 
additional allurements it would hold out to immigrants ! 

We offer for reflection, fellow-citizens, an important fact, that 
sheds the strongest light on this theory. The settlement of 
Harmony in the western country, was conducted on this plan. 
This little commonwealth depended wholly on itself for supplies. 
It had, to use the cogent language of Mr. Jefferson, '■'■ placed the 
manufacturer beside the agriculturist y What was the conse- 
quence ? The settlement made more rapid advances in wealth 
and -prosperity, than any equal body of men in the world at any 
period of time — more, in one year, than other parts of the 
United States, which depend on foreign markets for the sale of 
their produce and the supply of their wants, have done in ten. 

It is frequently stated, that as some of the cotton manufac- 
turers in the eastern states have prospered, the protection to the 
manufacture is abundantly adequate. If this argument war- 
ranted the inference drawn from it, it would prove that the po- 
licy of Spain is sound, and fraught with wisdom ; for notwith- 
standing the decay of that nation, there are in it many prosper- 
ous manufactures, which, from particular circumstances, are, 
like some of those in the eastern states, enabled to struggle 
against foreign competition. — But the decay of so large a por- 
tion of the manufacturing establishments in the middle and 



PREFACE TO THE ADDRESSES. 13 

eastern states, notwithstanding the enterprise, large capital, and 
industry of the proprietors, is a full proof that there is not suf- 
ficient protection to this important branch. 

Public attention has unfortunately been diverted from the real 
sources of our prostrate state, by certain trite common places, 
re-echoed throughout the union, — that it is a time of general 
suffering — that distress and embarrassment pervade the whole 
civilized world — that we are no worse than other nations — and 
that we cannot hope for an exemption from the common lot of 
mankind. 

This appears plausible — but will not stand the test of exami- 
nation. It is not wonderful, that the nations of Europe, exhaust- 
ed by a twenty years war — pillaged and plundered by hostile ar- 
mies — with expensive governments and immense armies to sup- 
port in time of peace — and groaning under the weight of enor- 
mous debts, and grinding tithes and taxes, should be in a state 
of suffering. But there is no parallel between their situation 
and ours. Our short war, far from exhausting our resources, 
developed them. We retired from it, prosperous and glorious. 
Our fields are as fertile— our citizens as industrious and inge- 
nious — our capacity for manufacturing as great as ever — and 
our taxes are comparatively insignificant. Our distresses cannot 
therefore be traced to the same source as theirs. They flow 
wholly from our own mistaken policy, Avhich leads us to pur 
chase abroad what we could produce at home — and, like thought- 
less prodigals and spendthrifts, to incur debts beyond our ut- 
most means of payment. 

The restoration of peace, however, as might have been natu- 
rally expected, greatly affected our commerce, particularly the 
carrying trade, of which the war had given us an inordinate 
share. An immense capital, invested in commerce, was thus 
rendered wholly unproductive ; and, had manufactures been 
encouraged, as sound policy dictated, hundreds of our mer- 
chants, whose property has since wasted away, and who have 
been swallowed up in the vortex of bankruptcy, would, as was 
the case during the war, have transferred their talents, their in- 
dustry, and their capital to that department, to the advancement 
of their own interest and the general welfare ; instead of a vain 
struggle in a branch which was so overstocked, that it could not 
afford support to more than half the persons engaged in it. — 
Those that remained in the mercantile profession, after such a 
transfer of a portion of its members to profitable employment of 
another description, might and probably would have prospered. 
And thus it is as clear as the noon-da}'^ sun, that an efficient pro- 
tection of manufactures would have been highly advantageous 
to the merchants ; although many of them, from taking a super- 



14 ^REt-ACE TO THE ADDRESSES. 

ficial view of the subject, have been under an opposite impres* 
sion, and have, unfortunately, been hostile to such protection. 

The advocates of the system of Adam Smith ought to be sa- 
tisfied with the fatal experiment we have made of it. It is true, 
the demands of the treasury have not allowed us to proceed its 
full length, and to discard import duties altogether. But as our 
manufactures are paralized, so large a portion of our manufac- 
turers ruined, and our country almost wholly drained of its me- 
tallic medium, to pay for foreign merchandize, notwithstanding 
the duties imposed Jor the purpose of revenuCy it is perfectly 
reasonable to conclude, that the destruction would have been 
more rapid and complete, had those duties not existed. This, 
we hope will be regarded as decisive ; for, if our woolen manu- 
facture, for instance, protected, as it is termed, by a duty of 
27 1-2 per cent., has been more than one half destroyed, so that 
it was no longer an object to preserve the invaluable breed of 
Merino sheep, in which millions of dollars were invested, and 
of which the greater part have been consigned to the shambles, 
to the great and manifest injury of the proprietors, it cannot be 
doubted, that, without such duty, it would have been at once 
wholly annihilated, as our citizens would, in that event, have 
been utterly unable to maintain a struggle against foreign rivals. 
If argument were of avail against the dazzling authority of great 
names, and against ingrained, inveterate prejudice, this case 
would settle this question forever. Where are now, we asky 
the " collateral branchefi^'' to which the thousands of our artists, 
mechanics, and manufacturers, " thrown out of their ordinary 
employment^ and common method of subsistence^'' can *' easily 
transfer their industry y^"*^ as Dr. Smith asserts ? 

Another part of Dr. Smith's theory, is, that when a particular 
branch of industry is destroyed by " the home market being sud- 
denly laid open to the competition of foreigners'^ " the stock will 
still remain in the country^ to employ an equal number of people in 
some other xvay.^^ And, therefore, '■'• the capital of the country 
remaining the same^ the demand for labour zvill still be the same^ 
though it may be exerted in different places^ and Jor different 
occupations ?''\ These maxims are now fairly tested in the Uni- 
ted States, as they have been for centuries in Spain. The cot- 
ton, woollen, pottery, glass, and various other manufactures, 
have been in a great measure suspended in the middle states, by 
" the home market being suddenly laid open to the competition of 
foreigners'''' at the close of the war. Is there a man who will 
venture to assert, that " the demand for labour is the same?^^ that 
" the stock remains the sameP^ or that it " employs an equal num- 
ber of people in some other zuayP'^ We flatter ourselves that the 

* Wealth of JSTations, Hartford Edition, I. 329—30, f Ibid. 



PREFACE TO THE ADDRESSES. 15 

most decided advocate of the doctor's system will admit, on 
calm reflection, that these maxims are utterly destitute of 
even the shadow of foundation. 

We urge this point on the most sober and serious reflection 
of our fellow citizens. It is a vital one, on which the destinies 
of this nation depend. The freedom of commerce, wholly un- 
restrained by protecting duties and prohibitions, is the keystone 
of the so-much-extolled svstem of the doctor, which, though dis- 
carded, as we have stated, in almost every country in Europe, 
has, among our most enlightened citizens, numbers of ardent, 
zealous, and enthusiastic admirers. We have made an experi- 
ment of it as far as our debt and the support of our government 
would permit. We have discarded prohibitions ; and, on the 
most important manufactured articles, wholly prohibited in 
some countries, and burdened with heavy prohibitory duties in 
others, our duties are comparatively low, so as to afford no ef- 
fectual protection to the domestic manufacturer. The fatal re- 
sult is before the world — and, in almost every part of the union, is 
strikingly perceptible. In addition to the example of Spain and 
Portugal, it holds out an awful beacon against the adoption of 
theories, which, however splendid and captivating on paper, are 
fraught with ruin when carried into practice. 

There is one point of view, in which, if this subject be con- 
sidered, the egregious errors of our system will be manifest be- 
yond contradiction. The policy we have pursued renders us 
dependent for our prosperity on the miseries and misfortunes of 
our fellow-creatures ! Wars and famines in Europe are the 
keystone on which we erect the edifice of our good fortune !— ^ 
The greater the extent of war, and the more dreadful the fa- 
mine in that quarter, the more prosperous we become ! Peace 
and abundant crops there undermine our welfare ! The misery 
of Europe ensures our prosperity ! its happiness promotes our 
decay and prostration ! ! What an appalling idea ! Who can 
reflect without regret on a system built upon such a wretched 
foundation ! 

What a contrast between this system and that developed with 
such ability by Alexander Hamilton, which we advocate ! Light 
and darkness are not more opposite to each other. His admira- 
ble system would render our prosperity and happiness dependent 
wholly on ourselves. We should have no cause to wish for the 
misery of our fellow men, in order to save us from the distress 
and embarrassment which at present pervade the nation. Our 
wants from Europe would, by the adoption of it, be circum- 
scribed within naiTower limits, and our surplus raw materials be 
amply adequate to procure the necessary supplies. 

Submitting these important subjects to an enlightened com- 
munity, and hoping they will experience a calm and unbiassed 



16 PREFACE TO THE ADDRESSES- 

consideration, we ardently pray for such a result as may tend to 
promote and perpetuate the honour, the happiness, and the real 
independence of our common country. 

To the legislature of the United States, on whose decision 
depends the perpetuation of existing distress, or the restoration 
of the country, to that high grade of prosperity from which a 
false policy has precipitated her, we present the following lumi- 
nous maxims ; viz. 

" The wiiform appearance of an abundance of specie^ as the 
** concomitant of a flourishing' state of manifactures, and oj the 
" reverse -where they do not prevail^ ajfford a strong presumption 
" oJ their favourable operation on the wealth of a country.^ 

" Considering a monopoly of the domestic market to its own 
" manufactures^ as the reigning policy of manujacturing nations, 
" a similar policy^ o?i the part of the Vnited States^ in every pro- 
^^ per instance., is dictated^ it might almost be said^ by thepri?ici- 
" pies of distributive Justice ; certainly^ by the duty of endeavour - 
" hig to secure their own citizens a reciprocity of advantages,''^] 

" The United States cannot exchange with Europe on equal 
" termsy% 

" That trade is emitiently bad zvhich supplies the same goods 
" as we manufacture ourselves ; especially ^ if we can make enough 
^^ for our own consumptioir.''^^ 

* Hamilton's Works, vol. 1. p. 217. f Idem, p. 225. 

* Idem, 186. § British Merchant, vol. I. p. 4. 



ADDRESSES 



OF THE 



PHILADELPHIA SOCIETY, 

TO THE CITIZENS OF THE U. STATES. 

NO. T. 

Philadelphw^ March 27, 1819. 
Definition of political economy. Its importance, hifluence of 
great names. Leading feature of Adam Stnith^s theory. Fer- 
iiicious consequences of its adoption. 

FRIENDS AND FELLOW CITIZENS, 

The Philadelphia Society for the Promotion of National In- 
dustry, respectfully solicit your attention to a few brief essays 
on topics of vital importance to your countrj^, yourselves, and 
your posterity. They shall be addressed to your reason and 
understanding, without any attempt to bias your feelings by de- 
clamation. 

Political economy shall be the subject of these essays. In its 
broad and liberal sense, it may be correctly styled the ' science of 
promoting human happiness ;' than which a more noble subject 
cannot occupy the attention of men endowed with enlarged 
minds, or inspired by public spirit. 

It is to be regretted that this sublime science has not had ade- 
quate attention bestowed on it in this country. And unfortu^ 
nately, so many contradictory systems are in existence, that 
statesmen and legislators, disposed to discharge their duty con- 
scientiously, and for that purpose to study the subject, are liable, 
to be confused and distracted by the unceasing discordance in 
the views of the writers. 

It is happily true, nevertheless, that its leading principles, 
calculated to conduct nations safely to the important and benefi- 
cent results, which are its ultimate object, are plain and clear j 
and, to be distinctly comprehended, and faithfully carried into 
effect, require no higher endowments than good sound sense and 
rectitude of intentions. 

It is a melancholy feature in human affairs, that imprudence 
and error often produce as copious a harvest of wretchedness as 
absolute wickedness. Hence arises the imperious necessity, rn 



18 ADDRESSES. 

a country where so many of our citizens may aspire to the cha- 
racter of legislators and statesmen, of a more general study of 
this science, a thorough knowledge of which is so essential a re- 
quisite, among the qualifications for those important stations. 

To remove all doubt on this point, numberless mstances are 
to be found in history, in which single errors of negotiators and 
legislators have entailed full as much, and in many cases more 
misery on nations, than the wild and destructive ambition of 
conquerors. Unless in some extraordinary instances, a sound 
policy, on the restoration of peace, heals the wounds inflicted by 
war, and restores a nation to its pristine state of ease and com- 
fort. But it has frequently occurred, that an article of a treaty, 
of ten or a dozen lines, or an impolitic or unjust law, has pro- 
duced the most ruinous consequences for a century. 

It is our intention, 

1. To review the policy of those nations which have enjoyed 
a high degree of prosperity, with or without any extraordinary 
advantages from nature ; and likewise of those whose prosperity 
has been blasted by fatuitous counsels, notwithstanding great 
natural blessings : 

2. To examine the actual situation of our country, in order to 
ascertain whether we enjoy the manifold blessings to which our 
happy form of government and numerous local advantages enti- 
tle us ; and, if we do not, to investigate the causes to which th? 
failure is owing : 

3. To develop the true principles of political economy, suited 
to our situation and circumstances, and calculated to produce 
the greatest sum of happiness throughout the wide expanse of 
our territory. 

In this arduous undertaking, we request a patient and candid 
hearing from our fellow-citizens. We fondly hope for success ; 
but, if disappointed, we shall have the consolation of having en- 
deavoured to discharge a duty every good citizen owes to the 
country which protects him ; the duty of contributing his efforts 
to advance its interest and happiness. 

As a preliminary step, we propose to establish the utter falla- 
cy of some maxims, supported by the authority of the name of 
Adam Smith, author of The Wealth of Nations, but pregnant 
with certain ruin to any nation by which they may be carried in- 
to operation. This course is prescribed to us by the circum- 
stance, that the influence of these maxims has been most sensibly 
and perniciously felt in our councils ; has deeply affected our 
prosperity ; and been the main source whence the prevailing dis- 
tress of the nation has flowed. 

This writer stands so pre-eminent in the estimation of a large 
portion of Christendom, as the Delphic Oracle of political econo- 
my, and there is such a magic in his name, that it requires great 



AJDDRESSES. 19 

hardihood to encounter him, and a high degree of good fortune 
to obtain a fair and patient hearing for the discussion. 

But at this enlightened period, we trust our citizens will scorn 
to surrender their reason into the guidance of any authority 
whatever. When a position is presented to the mind, the ques- 
tion ought to be, not who delivered it, but what is its nature ? 
and, how is it supported by reason and common sense, and espe- 
cially by fact ? A theory, how plausible soever, and however 
propped up by a bead-roll of great names, ought to be regarded 
with suspicion, if unsupported by fact — and, a fortiori^ if contra- 
ry to established fact, ought to be unhesitatingly rejected. This 
course of procedure is strongly recommended by the decisive 
circumstance, that, in the long catalogue of wild, ridiculous, and 
absurd theories on morals, religion, politics, or science, which 
have domineered over mankind, there is hardly one that has not 
reckoned among its partisans, men of the highest celebrit)^.* 
And in the present instance, the most cogent and conclusive facts 
bear testimony against the political economist, how great soever 
his reputation. 

We hope, therefore, that our readers will bring to this discus- 
sion, minds wholly liberated from the fascination ot the name of 
the writer whose opinions we undertake to combat, and a deter- 
mination to weigh the evidence in the scales of reason, not those 
of prejudice. 

In order to render Dr. Smith full justice, and to remove all 
ground for cavil, we state his propositions at length, and in his 
own language : 

1. "To give the monopoly of the home market to the pro- 
'* duce of domestic industry, in any particular art or manufac- 
*' ture, is in some measure to direct private people in whatman- 
" ner they ought to employ their capitals ; and must, in almost 
" all cases, be either a useless or a hurtful regulation. If the do- 
" mestic produce can be brought there as cheap as that of fo- 
" reign industry, the regulation is evidently useless. If it cannot, 
" it must generally be hurtful. 

2. " It is the maxim of every prudent master of a family, 
" never to attempt to make at home what it will cost him more 
" to make than to buy. The tailor does not attempt to make 

* Montesquieu, whose reputation was as great as that of Dr. Smith, and whose 
Spirit of Laws has had as extensive a ciurency as the Wealth of Nations, held 
tlie absurd idea, wliich remained uncontroveited for half a century, that the ha- 
bits, manners and customs, and even the virtues and vices of nations, were in a 
great measui-e governed by cUmate ; whence it would result that a tolerable idea 
might be formed of those important features of national character, by consulting 
maps, and ascertaining latitudes and longitudes! Bacon studied judicial astrolo- 
gy ! All the great men of his day beheved in ma^c and witchcraft ! Johnson 
had full faith in the storj- of the Cocklane-Ghost ! So much for great names. 



20 ADDRESSES. 

'* his own shoes, but buys them of the shoemaker. The shoe- 
" maker does not attempt to make his own clothes, but employs 
" a taylor. The farmer neither attempts to make one nor the 
" other, but employs those different artifict-rs. All of them find 
" it for their interest t employ their whole industiy in a way in 
" which they have some advantage over their neighbours ; and 
" to purchase, with a part of its produce, or, what is the same 
" thing, with the price of a part of it, whatever else they have 
'* occasion for. 

3. "That which is prudence in the conduct of every private 
* " family, can scarcely be folly in tliat of a great kingdom. If 

" a foreign country can supply us with a commodity cheaper 
": than we ourselves can make it, better buy it from them, with 
" some part of the produce of our country, employed in a way 
"in VA^hich we have some advantage.' 

4. " The general industry of the country being in propor- 
*' tion to the capital which employs it, will not thereby be dimi- 
" nished, any more than that of the above-mentioned artificers ; 
" but only left to find out the way in which it can be employed 
" with the greatest advantage. It is not so employed, when di- 
" rectfed to an object which it can buy cheaper than it can make. 
" The value of its annual produce is certainly more or less di- 
" minished, when it is thus turned awa)^ from producing com- 
" modities evidently of more value than the commodity which 
"it is directed to produce. According to the supposition, that 
" commodity could be purchased from foreign countries cheaper 
" than it can be made at home. It could, therefore, have been 
"purchased with part only of the commodities, or, what is the 
" same thing, with a part only of the price of the commodities, 
" which the industry employed by an equal capital would have 
" produced at home, had it been left to pursue its natural 
" course."* 

There is in the subordinate parts of this passage much so- 
phistry and unsound reasoning, whicii we may examine on a 
future occasion ; and there is likewise, as in all the rest of the 
doctor's work, a large proportion of verbiage, which is admi- 
rably calculated to embarrass and confound common understan- 
dings, and prevent their forming a correct decision. But, strip- 
ped of this verbiage, and brought naked and unsophisticated 
to the eye of reason, the main proposition which we at present 
combat, and to which we here confine ourselves, is, that, 

" If a foreign country can supply us with a commodity 
" cheaper than we ourselves can make it, better buy of them, 
" with some part of the produce of our own industry, employed 
^'in a way in which we have some advantage." 

♦Wealth of Nations, Hartfoi-d, 1818, vol. i. p. 319. 



ADDRESSES. 21 

The most rational mode of testing the correctness of any max- 
im or principle is, to examine what have been its effects where 
it has been carried into operation, and what they would be in 
any given case where it might be applied. This is the plan 
we shall pursue in this investigation. 

Great Britain affords a felicitous instance for our purpose. 
Let us examine what effect the adoption of this maxim would 
produce on her happiness and prosperity. 

There are above a million of people, of both sexes and of all 
ages, employed in that country, in the woollen and cotton manu- 
factures.* By their industry in these branches, they make for 
themselves and families a comfortable subsistence. They af- 
ford a large and steady market for the productions of the earth, 
giving support to, probably, at least two millions of persons en- 
gaged in agriculture, who furnish the one set of manufacturers 
with the raw materials, and both with food. They moreover, 
enrich the nation by bringing into it wealth from nearly all parts 
of the earth. The immense sums of money they thus introduce 
into their native country afford means of employment, and en- 
sure happiness to other millions of subjects — and thus, like the 
circles made on the surface of the stream by the central pebble 
thrown in, the range of happiness is extended so wide as to em- 
brace the whole community. 

From this cheering prospect, let us turn the startled eye to 
the masses of misery, which Dr. Smith's system would produce ; 
and we shall then behold a hideous contrast, which, we trust, 
escaped the doctor's attention ; for the acknowledged goodness 
and benevolence of his character, will not allow us to believe 
that he would have been the apostle of such a pernicious doc- 
trine, had he attended to its results. We fondly hope, that, 
like many other visionary men, he was so deeply engaged in the 
fabrication of a refined theory, that he did not arrest his pro- 
gress to weigh its awful consequences. 

The East Indies could at all times, until the recent improve- 
ments in machinery, have furnished cotton goods at a lower rate 
than they could be manufactured in England, which had no 
other means of protecting its domestic industry, but by a 
prohibition of the rival fabrics. Let us suppose that France, 
where provisions and labour are much lower than in England, has 
possessed herself of machinery, and is thus enabled to sell wool- 
len goods at half, or three-fourths, or seven-eighths of the price 
of the English rival commodities. Suppose, further, that arti- 
cles manufactured of leather are procurable in Germany, and 

• Dr. Seybert states, that in 1809, there were 800,000 persons in Great Britain 
engaged in the cotton manufacture alone. It has since increased considerably. 
It is, therefore, probable that the two branches employ at least 1,300,000 per- 
sons. — Statisticsj p. 92. - 



22 ADDRESSES. 

iron wares in Sweden, below the rates in England. Then, if 
the statesmen of the last nation were disciples ot Adam bmith, 
as " foreign countries could supply them with those commodities 
" cheaper than they themselves can make them," they must, ac- 
cording to the doctor, " buy from them with some part of the 
" produce of their own country," and accordingly open their ports 
freely to those various articles, from these four particular na- 
tions. Who can contemplate the result without horror ? What 
a wide spread scene of ruin and desolation would take place ? 
The wealth of the country would be swept away, to enrich for- 
eign, and probably hostile nations, which might, at no distant 
period, make use of the riches and strength thus fatuitously 
placed in their hands, to enslave the people who had destroyed 
themselves by following such baneful counsels. The labouring 
and industrious classes would be at once bereft of employment ; 
reduced to a degrading state of dependence and mendicity j andj 
through the force of misery and distress, driven to prey upon 
each other, and upon the rest of the community. The middle 
classes of society would partake of the distress of the lower, and 
the sources of the revenues of the higher orders be dried up.* 
And all this terrific scene of wo, and wretchedness, and depravi- 
ty, is to be produced for the grand purpose of procuring broad- 
cloth, and muslins, and shoes, and iron ware, in distant parts of 
the earth, a few shillings per yard, or piece, or pound, cheaper 
than at home ! The manufacturers of Bombay, and Calcutta, 
and Paris, and Lyons, and Frankfort, and Stockholm, are to be 
fed, and clothed, and fostered by English wealth, while those of 
England, whom it ought to nourish and protect, are expelled 
from their workshops, and driven to seek support from the over- 
seers of the poor. We trust this will not be thought a fancy 
sketch ! Such a view of it would be an extravagant error. It 
is sober, serious reality ; and puts down forever this plausible, 
but ruinous theory. Ponder well on it, fellow citizens. 

Let us suppose another strong case. The cotton produced in 
this country, amounts, probably, to thirty millions of dollars an- 
nually at present prices — but to forty at least, at the prices of 
1815 and 1816. We will suppose the minimum of the price, at 
which it can be sold, to pay for the labour and interest on the 
capital employed in its culture, to be twelve cents per pound. 
We will further suppose, that the southern provinces of Spanish 
America have established their independence, and are able to 
supply us with this valuable raw material at the rate of ten cents. 
Ought we, for the sake of saving a few cents per pound, to de- 
stroy the prospects, and ruin the estates of nearly 800,000 inha- 
bitants of the southern states — to paralize a culture so immense- 

* No small portion of this picture is [1819] rapidly realizing in this countrj'. 



ADDRESSES. 23 

ly advantageous, and producing so large a fund of wealth, and 
strength and happiness ? Should we, for such a paltry conside- 
ration, run the risk of consequences which cannot be regarded 
without awe, and which could not fail eventually to involve in 
ruin, even those who might appear in the first instance to pro- 
fit by the adoption of the system ? 

It may be well worth while to proceed a step further, and 
take the case of a nation able to supply us fully and completely 
with wheat and other grain at a lower rate than our farmers can 
furnish them. Thus then we should find ourselves pursuing 
Adam Smith's sublime system ; buying cheap bargains of wheat 
or flour from one nation ; cotton from another ; hardware from 
a third ; and, to pursue the system throughout, woollen, and 
cotton, and linen goods from others ; while our country was ra- 
pidly impoverishing of its wealth, its industry paralized, the la- 
bouring part of our citizens reduced to beggarj^, and the farm- 
ers, planters, and manufacturers, involved in one common mass 
of ruin. The picture demands the most sober, serious atten- 
tion of the farmers and planters of the United States. 

It may be asserted, that the supposition of our country being 
fully supplied with cotton and grain, by foreign nations, is so 
improbable, as not to be admissible even by way of argument. 
This is a most egregious error ; our supposition, so far as it re- 
spects cotton, is in " the full tide of successful experiment." 
That article, we repeat, to a great amount, is even at present* 
imported from Bengal, and sold at a price so far below our own, 
(difference of quality considered^ that our manufacturers find 
the purchase eligible. Let it be considered, that in 1789, doubts 
were entertained whether cotton could be cultivated in the 
United States ;f that in the year 1794, there were exported from 
this country, of foreign and domestic cotton, only seven thou- 
sand bags ;:j: and yet, that in 1818, the amount exported was 
above ninety-two millions of pounds. No man can be so far 
misled as to suppose that Heaven has given us any exclusive 
monopoly of the soil and climate calculated for such extraordi- 
nary and almost incredible advances. The rapid strides we have 
made, may be also made by other nations. Cotton is said to be 
shipped at Bombay for three pence sterling per lb. ; and there- 
fore, setting South America wholly out of the question, it can 
hardly be doubted, from the spirit with which the culture of that 
plant is prosecuted in the East Indies, and the certaintj^ that the 
seeds of our best species have been carried there, that in a few 
years that country will be able, provided Adam Smith's theory 
continues to be acted upon here, to expel our planters from their 
own markets, after having driven them from those of Europe. 

[•1819.] t Seybert's Statistics, page 84. ± Idem, p. 94. 



24 ADDRESSES. 

It is not, therefore, hazarding much to assert, that the time can- 
not be very remote, when southern cotton industry will be com- 
pelled to supplicate congress for that legislative protection, for 
which the manufacturing industrj^ of the rest of the union has 
so earnestly implored that body in vain ; and which, had it been 
adequately afforded, would have saved from ruin numerous 
manufacturing establishments, and invaluable machinery, which 
cost millions of dollars — now a dead and irreparable loss to the 
enterprising proprietors. Had these establishments been pre- 
served, and duly protected, they would have greatly lessened 
our ruinously unfavourable balance of trade, and of course pre- 
vented that pernicious drain of specie, which has overspread 
the face of our country with distress, and clouded (we trust on- 
ly temporarily) as fair prospects as ever dawned on any nation.* 
We have given a slight sketch of the effects the adoption of 
this system would produce in England and the United States, 
if carried into complete operation ; and also glanced at the con- 
sequences its partial operation has already produced here. We 
now proceed to cast a very cursory glance (reserving details for 
a future occasion) at its lamentable results in Spain and Portu- 
gal, where the statesmen are disciples of Adam Smith, and 
where the theory, which now gots under the sanction of his 
name, has been in operation for centuries. As " foreign coun- 
" tries can supply them with commodities cheaper than they them- 
*' selves can make them," they therefore consider it " better to 
*' buy from them, with some part of the produce of their own 
" country." 

* This view may appear too gloomy. Would to heaven it were ! A cur- 
sory glance at some of the gi-eat interests of the United States, will settle the 
question. Cotton, the chief staple of the country, is falling", and not likely to 
rise :f as the immense quantities from the East Indies have glutted the English 
mai'ket, which regulates the price in ours. Aftairs in the western country, on 
which so many of our importers depend, are to the last degree unpromising. — 
The importers, of course, have the most dreary and sickening prospects before 
them. They are deeply in debt, their resources almost altogether suspended, and 
■ a large propoi-tion ultimately precarious. Our commerce and navigation languish 
every where, except to the East Indies, the most ruinous branch we caiTy on. Fur- 
ther, notwithstanding neai'ly eight millions of specie were imported by the 
Bank of the U. States at a heavy expense, in about one year; so great has been 
the drain, that the banks are generally so slenderly provided, as to excite serious 
uneasiness. We are heavil)^ indebted to England, after having remitted im- 
mense quantities of government and bank stock, whereby we shall be laid under 
a heavy and perpetual annual tax for interest. Our manufactures are in general 
drooping, and some of them are one-half or two-thirds suspended. Our. Cities 
present the distressing view of immense numbers of useful artizans, mechanics, 
and manufactiu-ers, willing to work, but unable to procure employment. We 
might proceed with the picture to a great extent; but presume enough has been 
stated to satisfy the most incredulous, that the positions in the text are by no 
means exaggerated. ^ 

[tAt the time tliia was written, the price in Liverpool wp? for Uplands, about 16d. stej-ling— for Sea 
Islands, 34d. It is now for tlie former, lOd.— for the latter, 18d.] 



ADDRESSES. 25 

These countries are in a forlorn and desperate state, notwith- 
standing the choicest blessings of nature have been bestow- 
ed on them with lavish hand ; industry is paralized, and 
the enormous floods of wealth, drawn from their colonies, 
answer no other purpose but to foster and encourage the 
industr\'^, and promote the happiness of rival nations ; and all 
obviously and undeniably the result of the system of " bvy- 
ing- goods -where they are to he had cheapest^'' to the neglect 
and destruction of their domestic industry. With such aw- 
ful beacons before your eyes, can you contemplate the deso- 
lating effects of the system in those two countries, without deep 
regret, that so many of our citizens, and some of them in high 
and elevated stations, advocate its universal adoption he e, and 
are so far enamoured of Dr. Smiths theory, that they re';>ard as 
a species of heresy the idea of appealing to any other authority, 
on the all-important and vital point of the political economy of 
nations ! 

To avoid prolixity, we are obliged to postpone the considera- 
tion of other positions of Dr. Smith on this subject ; and shall 
conclude with a statement of those maxims of political economy 
which we shall endeavour to inculcate, the soundness of which 
is established by the experience of the wisest as well as of the 
most fatuitous nations of the earth. 

1. Industry is t!ie only sure foundation of national virtue, 
happiness, and greatness ; and, in all its useful shapes and forms, 
has an imperious claim on governmental protection. 

2. No nation ever prospered to the extent of which it was ca- 
pable, without due protection of domestic industry. 

3. Throughout the world, in all ages, wherever industrj^ has 
been duly encouraged, mankind have been uniformly indus- 
trious. 

4. Nations, like individuals, are in a career of ruin when 
their expenditures exceed their income. 

5. Whenever nations are in this situation, it is the imperious 
duty of their rulers to apply such remedies, to correct the evil, 
as the nature of the case may require. 

6. There are few, if any, political evils, to which a wise le- 
gislature, untrammelled in its deliberations and decisions, can- 
not apply an adequate remedy. 

7. The decay and distress, for a long series of years, of Spain, 
Portugal, and Italy, prove, beyond controversy, that no natural 
advantages, how great or abundant soever, will counteract the 
baleful effects of unsound systems of policy ; and the cotempo- 
raneous prosperity enjoyed by Switzerland, Holland, and Scot- 
land, equally prove, that no natural disadvantages are insupe- 
rable by sound policy. 

8. Free government is not prosperity. It is^ only the means, 

4 



26 ADDRESSES. 

brt, wisely employed, is the certain means of insuring prosperity', 

9. The' interests of agriculture, manufactures, and commerce- 
are so inseparably connected, that any serious injury suffered 
by one of them must materially affect the others. 

10. The home market for the productions of the earth and 
manufactures, is of more importance than all the foreign ones, 
even in countries which carry on an immense foreign commerce. 

11. It is impossible for a nation, possessed of immense natu- 
ral advantages, in endless diversity of soil and climate — in pro- 
ductions of inestimable value — in the energy and enterprize of 
its inhabitants — and unshackled by an oppressive debt — to suf- 
fer any great or general distress, in its agriculture, commerce, 
or manufactures, (war, famines, pestilence and calamities of sea- 
sons excepted) unless there be vital and radical errors in its 
system of political economy. 



NO. II. 

Philadelphia^ April 7, 1819. 

Further review of Adam Smithes maxims. Their pernicious con- 
ferences admitted by himsef. Proposed remedy in collateral 
mamfacmre-s and country labour. Futility of the proposition. 
Ignorance of the nobility^ country gentlemen and merchants^ 
asserted by Dr. Smith. Position utterly unfounded. 

Dr. Smith's maxim, discussed in our first number, inevitably 
involves in its consequences, as we have proved, the destruc- 
tion of those manufacturing establishments, which produce ar- 
ticles that can be purchased "• cheaper abroad than they can be 
made at home ;" and its necessary result is, to deprive those 
engaged in them of employment. The doctor, after having in- 
flicted a deadly wound by this maxim, undertakes to provide a 
sovereign and infallible remedy for the evil, which, to do him 
and his system justice, we shall exhibit in his own words : — It 
rem.ains to examine how far the prescription applies a remedy 
to the e- il. 

I. " Though a number of people should, by restoring the free- 
*' dom of trade., be thrown all at once out of their ordinary em- 
'''■pJoyment.^ and common method oj subsistence., it would by no 
"means follow, that they would thereby be deprived either of 
" employment or subsistence."* . ,.. : ;.., ,^^ , , > ^v, 

II. '•^ To x\iQ. greater part of manufactures, ■there are other 

libit^ If 
* Wealth of Nations,!. 329i 



ADDRESSES. 37 

'* collateral manufactures of so familiar a nature, that a work- 
" man can easily transfer hhi vulu^t* i] from one to the othtr, 

III. " The greater part of such workmen, too, are occasion- 
" ally employed in coimtry labour. 

IV. " The stock, which employed them in a particular manu- 
" facture before, will still remain in the country, to employ an 
"equal number of people in some other way. 

V. " The capital of the country remaininn^ the same^ the de~ 
" mand for labour rvill still be the same., though it mav be exerted 
" in different places, and for different occupations.*" 

Here are five distinct propositions, more clear and plain than 
Dr. Smith's usually are ; but, as we hope to make appear, all 
highly erroneous, calculated to lead those statesmen astray, who 
square their systems by them, and pregnant with ruin to those 
nations which may be impolitic enough to carry them into ope- 
ration. 

The main point is the facility, of " transferring industry''^ 
from one branch to a " collateral manufacture?'' All the rest 
are but subsidiary to, or explanatory of this fallacious assump- 
tion. 

Two questions arise here, both important, and both demand- 
ing affirmative answers, in order to support the doctor's hypo- 
thesis. 

I. Are there such "■' collateral manufactures^'' as he assumes,- 
in which men, bereft of employment in those departments of 
manufacture, which are to be destroyed by the doctor's grand 
and captivating idea of " restoring the freedom of commerce^"* 
may " transfer their industry ?" 

It may be conceded, that there is a species of affinity between 
the weaving of cotton and woollen, and a few other manufac- 
tures. But this cannot by any means answer the doctor's pur- 
pose. Where will he, or any of his disciples, find " collateral 
manufactures^'' to employ printers, coach-makers, watch-makers, 
shoemakers, hatters, paper-makers, book-binders, engravers, 
letter-founders, chandlers, saddlers, silver-platers, jewellers, 
smiths, cabinet-makers, stone-cutters, glass-makers, brewers, 
tobacconists, potters, wii-e-drawers, tanners, curriers, dyers, 
rope-makers, brick-makers, plumbers, chair-makers, glovers, 
umbrella-makers, embroiderers, calico-printers, paper-stainers, 
engine-makers, turners, wheelwrights, and the great variety of 
other artists and manufacturers ? There are no such collateral 
manufactures as he has presumed. And it may be asserted, 
without scruple, that if, by what the doctor speciously styles 
'■'■ restoring the freedom of trade ^'' five hundred, or a thousand, or 
ten thousand hatters, shoemakers, printers, or chandlers, are 
*' thrown out of their ordinary employment," there is no ^'■colla- 
teral manufacture of so familiar a nature^'' th^t they " can eas'i- 

* Wealth of Nations, I. 330. 



28 ADDRESSES. 

ly transfer their industry from one to another P For the troth 
of this assertion we freely appeal to the common sense of an en- 
ligl'tened public. 

We state a case, plain and clear. We will suppose five hun- 
dred workmen, and a capital of five hundred thousand dollars, 
employed in the manufacture of watches, coaches, and silver- 
plate ; and that Switzerland, or Paris, or London, fills our mar- 
kets at such rates as to overwhelm at once all competition, and 
suppress the home manufactories, as has often been the case in 
various branches, in this and other countries. Where are the 
" c-o'la^eral manufactures^'* to receive and emplov those oppress- 
ed and forlorn workmen, whose prospects, and those of their 
families are thus blasted ? Are they to become hatters, or shoe- 
makers, or tailors, or saddlers, or weavers, or smiths, or car- 
penters ? Is there a man who can persuade himself into the 
belief of such an order of things ? Is there a man fatuitous enough 
to suppose, that " the general industry of the country will not 
there'^y be dimimshed?^'' No : and it is a matter of inexpressible 
astonishment, that such an idea could have ever been hazarded, 
in a sober and serious book, which has been so long regarded as 
a guide to statesmen and legislators, and as the infallible ora- 
cle of political economy. It will not stand the test of a mo- 
ment's investi,?ation. As well might we suppose, that, on shut- 
ti'ig ap the courts of justice, and expelling the whole corps of 
lawyers, they might at once commence the medical or clerical 
prtjfession, without any previous study, as that hatters, or tai- 
lors, or shoemakers, or weavers, or watch-makers, or printers, 
whom the grand ssstem of "■ purchasing commodities cheap ^^ 
and the equaiiy grand system of " restoring the freedom oj com- 
merce^'' might bereave of employment, should find those " coU 
latcrnl mawfacturex^'' which Dr. Smith has so kindly provided 
for them. 

We explicitly declare, that we are far from charging the doc- 
tor with an intention to mislead or deceive. We believe him, 
like many other theorists, to have been deluded by his own sys- 
tem. But be this as it may, we trust it will appear that a more 
deceptions ground never was assumed. We use strong and une- 
qur.'ocal language ; as the political heresy we combat is of the 
most pernicious tendency ; is supported by the most imposing 
and formidable name in the whole range of political science ; 
and, as has been observed, embraces among its disciples a large > 
portion ot those of our citizens whose situations as legislators 
of the Union and of the .se^'eral states, render their errors on 
this vital point pregnant 4^ith the most destructive and ruinous 
consequences. 

II. Suppose every branch of manufactures, without excep- 
tion, to have some " collateral manufacture^'' can those who are 



devested of employment by what is speciously and captivatingly 
styled " restoring- the freedom of trade ^'' *> transfer their indus- 
try'''' so '• easily" as Dr. Smith assumes ? 

We answer distinctly. No : or, at all events, on so very small 
and insignificant a scale, as to be unworthy of notice, in discus- 
sions involving the best interests and the happiness of nations. 
To test the correctness of this opinion, let it be observed, that, 
in manufacturing countries, all the departments are generally 
full, and not only full, but there are almost always supernume- 
raries in abundance : and therefore, even did these " coHateral 
ma mi futures'^'' really exist, to the full extent the doctor's the- 
ory would require, and not been *' fancy sketches," derived from 
his fertile imagination, there would be no vacancy, to which the 
objects of the doctor's care could " transfer their industry.'''' 

Although this appears so plain and palpable, as not to admit 
contradiction or dispute, yet, on a point of such magnitude, it 
cannot be time ill-spent, to illustrate it by example. 

There are scarcely any branches between which there is so 
much affinity as the cotton and woollen. And if the doctor's 
theory would ever stand the ordeal of examination, it would be 
in the case of these two " collateral manufactures y Suppose, 
then, that, by the introduction of East India muslins, four or 
five hundred thousand persons, (about one-half of the whole 
number engaged in the cotton manufacture) in England, are at 
once thrown out of employment : — can any man be led to be- 
lieve, that they could find a vacuum in the " collateral'''^ woollen 
" manufacture^'' to which " they could easily transfer their in- 
dustry ?" Fatuity alone could harbour the supposition. They 
would find all the situations in that branch full and overflowing. 

But the strongest argument against the doctor's " collateral 
mawfnctiires^'* and '•'■transfers of industry^'' remains. He ob- 
viously did not calculate the results of his owm system, nor take 
into consideration, that, to give it free operation, its pernicious 
effect would not be confined to one or two branches of industry. 
It would extend to the whole mass. The flood of importation 
on the " restoration^'' of the Doctor's '■'■freedom oftrade^'' would 
bear down in one common ruin, all those manufactures, of 
which the articles fell within his description of being '■'■ purchased 
cheaper elsewhere." What then becomes of his '■'■ collateral 
manufactures?'''' and '•'■ transfers of industry i^'' and " employment 
of capital^'' and all those elegant, sounding phrases, with which 
he rounds off his paragraphs ? Are they not swept away, " like 
the baseless fabric of a vision," not leaving " a trace behind ?" 

The doctor with great gravity informs us, that " the greater 
part of such -workmen are occasionally employed in country la- 
bour.'''' This is most extravagantly erroneous ; for of all the 
manufacturers of England or any other country, there is not 



30 ADDRESSES. 

probably one in five, whojias ever been in his life twelve months 
at " country labour y Their habits and manners wholly incapa- 
citate them for that kind of employment. A jeweller, a watch- 
maker, a hatter, a shoemaker, or a weaver, would be almost as 
unfit for " country labour^'' as a ploughman, or a gardener, or a 
shepherd, to make hats or coats. 

But suppose, for a moment, through courtesy, that we admit 
with Dr. Smith, that all these different manufacturers are so 
much accustomed to " country labour!!'' as to be adepts at it, 
what inference is to be drawn from the admission ? Did the 
doctor believe, did he intend the world to believe, or does there 
live a man who can believe, that when, by the grand project of 
*' restoring the freedom oftrade^'' and " buying' commodities from 
foreign countries^'' which can supply us with them " cheaper than 
zve ourselves- can make them^^ thousands and tens of thousands 
of people are *' all at once thrown out of their ordinary employ- 
ment^ and common means of subsistence^^ they can find employ- 
ment at " country labour .*"', However extravagant and childish 
the idea is, the -doctor must have meant this, or the words were 
introduced without any meaning whatever. 

But it is well known, that except in harvest time, there is in 
the country no want of auxiliaries. The persons attached to 
farms are generally, at all other seasons, amply adequate to exe- 
cute all the necessary " country labour'''' without " transferring" 
to that department the industry of those " manvifacturers" who 
are " all at once throxvn out of their ordinary employment^ and 
• common means of subs'istence P 

Dr. Smith, in order to prove the impropriety of those laws, 
whereby rival manufactures are wholly excluded, observes, 

" If the domestic produce can be brought there as cheapo the re- 
'■'■ gulation is ev'idently useless. If it cannot^ it is evidently 
<-^hurtfui:'"^ 

This passage ig written in a style very different from that usu- 
al with Dr. Smith, who is as lavish of words as any writer in the 
English language, and equally lavish of explanations and ampli- 
fications. But here he falls into the contrary extreme, and his 
brevity renders his positions ambiguous ; as he does not conde- 
scend to give us the reason for those assertions. He leaves the 
reader to divine why " the regulation is useless .^" why " hurt- 
ful .^" We must, therefore, endeavour to explore the meaning. 
It appears to be, if we understand the first sentence, that " all 
restrictions or regulations," in favour of domestic industry, to 
the exclusion of rival manufactures, are " useless^' if " the arti- 
cles can be made at home, as cheap^'' as the imported ones ; be- 

* Wealth of Nations, 1. 319. 



ADDRESSES. 31 

cause, in that case, the domestic manufacturer is secure from in- 
jury- by the competition. 

This is extravagantly erroneous. Suppose our woollen manu- 
facturers sell their best broadcloth at eight dollars per yard, 
and that foreign broadcloth to an immense amount, is imported 
" a.i ( heap.''^ Is it not obvious, that the glut in the market, and 
the ardent competition between the two parties, would produce 
the effect which such a state of things has never failed to pro- 
duce, that is, a reduction of the price below the minimum at 
which the manufacturer could support himself by his labours, 
and that he would therefore be ruined ? 

We now proceed to consider the last proposition : — 

" The capital oj the countrij remaining' the same^ the demand 
''^ for labour xvi II still be the same^ though it be exerted in different 
'•'•places and in dijferent occupations.''^* 

To prove the extreme fallacy of this position, we will take the 
case of any particular branch, in which there are one hundred 
master manufacturers, each worth ten thousand dollars, forming 
together, " a capital^'* of one million, whose business is destroyed 
by the " restoratio?i of the freedom of commerce^^'' and '■'■ the pur- 
chase of articles from abroad cheaper than we ourselves can make 
themr 

It is well known that the property of manufacturers generally 
consists in buildings for their works, machinery, raw materials, 
manufactured goods, and outstanding debts. The result of 
*' the restoration of the freedom of commerce'''' on Dr. Smith's 
plan, would be to reduce the value of the four first items, from 
twenty to fifty per cent, and to bankrupt a large proportion of 
the proprietors. 

As this is a point of considerable importance, we shall take a 
single instance, which is always more easily comprehended than 
a number, and yet affords as clear an illustration. 

We will suppose the case of a tanner, worth thirty thousand 
dollars, of which his various vats, buildings, and tools amount 
to ten thousand ; his hides and leather, ten thousand ; and his 
outstanding debts, an equal sum. By the inundation of foreign 
leather, sold, we will suppose, far below the price which affords 
him a reasonable profit, or even a reimbursement of his expen- 
ses, he is unable to carry on his business, which sinks the value 
of his vats and buildings three fourths, and of his stock one-half. 
At once, his fortune is reduced above twelve thonsand dol- 
lars : and thus, with a diminished capital and broken heart, 
perhaps in his old age, he has to go in quest of, but will not find, 
a " collateral manufacture^'' to employ that diminished capital. — 
Analogous cases without number would occur, by the doctor's 

* Wealth ©f Nations, I. 330, 



32 ADDRESSES. 

system of " restoring th.e freedom of trade :'*'* and let lis add, as 
we can with perfect truth, and we hope it will sink deep into the 
minds of the citizens of the United States, that throughout this 
country there are numberless cases equally strong, which no man 
of sound mind and heart can regard without the deepest sympa- 
thy for the iil-fated sufferers, and regret at the mistaken policy 
which produced such a state of things. 

It therefore irresistibly follows, that Dr. Smith's idea, that 
*' the capital of the country ivUl be the .same^'' after the destruc- 
tion of any branch of manufacture, is to the last degree unsound : 
and, of course, that the superstructure built on it partakes of its 
fallacy. 

The doctor gravely informs us, " The tailor does- not make his 
*' o-wn .'ihoes, but buys them of the shoemaker. The shoemaker 
*' does not attempt to make his own clothes^ but employs a tailor J'^* 
And he adds farther : 

" By means of glasses, hot-beds, and hot-walls, very good 
f' grapes can be raised in Scotland, and very good wine too 
*' can be made of them, at about thirty times the expense for 
^' which at least equally good can be brought from foreign coun- 
" tries. Would it be a reasonable law to prohibit the importa- 
" tion of all foreign wines, merely to encourage the making of 
** Claret and Burgundy in Scotland ?"f 

From these positions, to which no man can refuse assent, he 
deduces the specious, but delusorj^ maxim of " restoring thejree- 
dom oj trade^'' which, in fact and in truth, is nothing more or 
less than opening the door to the admission of foreign goods to 
an unbounded extent, to the ruin of the citizens or subjects en- 
gaged in the manufacture of articles of a similar description — 
and thereby impoverishing the nation, and sacrificing its domes- 
tic industry at the shrine of avarice, in order to purchase goods 
*' cheaper than they can be made at home.'''* 

But by what process of sound reasoning does it follow, because 
the shoemaker will not become a tailor, or the tailor a shoema- 
ker ; or because it would be extravagant folly to exclude foreign 
wines, in order to introduce the culture of the vine into Scotlaiid, 
a country wholly unfit for that object ; that therefore thousands 
of men employed in useful branches of business, diffusing happi- 
ness among tens of thousands of workmen and their numerous 
families, and enriching their country, are to have their usefulness 
destroyed, their prospects blasted, their workmen with their fa- 
milies reduced to distress, and the country exposed to a ruinous 
drain of specie ? 

These maxims are the basis on which a large portion, indeed 
the mpst important part of Dr. Smith's work, depends. ^ If the 

*Wealtliof Nations, 1.320. f Idem, 320. 



ADDRESSES. -33 

basis be solid and impregnable, tbe fabric will stand firm : but if 
the foundation be sandy, the superstructure will crumble into 
ruins. We trust we have fully proved that the foundation is 
sandy ; and that the necessary and inevitable consequence fol- 
lows, that the theory itself is wholly untenable and pernicious. 
With one more extract, we shall conclude this review : 
" That foreign trade enriched the country, experience demon- 
" strated to the nobles and country gentlemen, as well as to the 
*' merchants; but, how^ or in what manner^ none of them knew! 
" The merchants knew perfectly in what manner it enriched 
*' themselves. It was their business to know it. But to know 
*' in xvh'it manner it enriched the countri/, 7vas no part of their 
" hi/sines.s f The subject never came into their consideration, 
" but when they had occasion to apply to their country for some 
" change in the laws respecting foreign trade."* 

It is hardly possible to conceive a passage more absurd or er- 
roneous than this. That " the nobles^ and country gentlemen^ 
and merchants^'''' were ignorant " how foreign tra< e enriched their 
country^'' is almost too ludicrous to be assailed by argument, 
and is a strong instance of the delirium, in which enthusiastic 
theorists are liable to be involved, by the ignis fatuus of their 
visionary views. Can there be found a man, in the wide extent 
of the United States, to believe that sir Joshua Gee, Josiah 
Child, Theodore Janssen, Charles King, Thomas Willing, Ro- 
bert Morris, George Clymer, Thomas Fitzsimons, Governeur 
and Kemble, and the thousands of other merchants, of equal 
mind, who have flourished in Great Britain and this country, 
could be ignorant " in zvhat manner foreign commerce enriched 
a country^'' without the aid of the Wealth of Nations ? It is 
impossible. Take any man of sound mind, who has followed 
the plough, or driven the shuttle, or made shoes all his life, and 
clearly state the operations of trade to him, and he will rationally 
account for the " manner in xvhich foreign trade enriches a 
country. '''' Indeed a merchant's apprentice of six months stand- 
ing, could not mistake " the manner.'''' Any one of them would 
fit once pronounce, that foreign trade enriches a country, ex- 
actly as farmers, planters, or manufacturers are enriched ; that 
is, by the verv^ simple process of selling more than they buy. No 
nation ever was, none will ever be enriched in any other way. 
And it is unaccountable that Dr. Smith should have supposed 
that it was reserved for him to make the grand discovery. The 
principle was well understood by the merchants of Tyre 3000 
years before Adam Smith was born. 1 And if Spain be one of 
the most forlorn and wretched countries in Europe, it has not 
arisen from ignorance of the true principles of political econo- 

• Wealth of Nations, 1. 303. 
5 



•3-4' ADDRESSES. 

my, but from neglecting them, as well as the counsels or' het 
wisest statesmen. U»tariz, who flourished about a hundred 
years ago, in that ill-fated and impoverished country, has ably 
developed the grand principles of that noble science, in a sys- 
tem as far superior to Dr. Smith's as the constitution of the 
United States is superior to the form of government of Spain, 

Postscript, October 23, 1821. 

[The grand point, on which the political economists of the 
new and old school are at issue, is the unlimited freedom, or the 
qualified restriction of Commerce : the disciples of the new 
school contending for the former, as thf best means of promot- 
ing national prosperity and happiness, and the adverse party 
contending for such restrictions as raised England to that height 
of power which she now possesses, and to that prosperity which 
she enjoyed till her wild and wasteful wars crippled her re- 
sources, impaired her prosperity, and entailed on her an enor- 
mous debt, with a most burdensome and oppressive taxations- 
such restrictions, in fine, as retrieved the desperate circumstances 
in which France was sunk, when subjugated by the Holy Al- 
liance. In corroboration of the doctrines advanced on this vital 
topic in the preceding pages [written in March, 1819] I am happy 
to be able to adduce the powerful testimony and unanswerable ar- 
guments, of the Quarterly Review for January 1821, which are 
respectfully submitted to the consideration of the statesmen of- 
the United States.] 

[" Questions of commercial policy have been lately treated in 
" so abstract a manner that their connection with common life 
" and practice seems to be entirely forgotten. Speculative wri- 
" ters send forth from their closets general propositions and. 
" paradoxical dogmas upon matters relative to the common in- 
" ercourse of the world, with the most confident affirmation of 
" their universal applicability. They find supporters in persons 
" of rank and influence, pleased with this sort of ' royal road to 
" geometry ;' while practical men, too much occupied to weigh 
" theoretical notions of this difficult nature, or to examine their 
" operation in the varied and conflicting movements of traffic 
" and national interests, add their conclusive assent. The adopt- 
" ed opinions thus acquire general reception, and are promul- 
*' gated as undisputed and unconditional truth, and the sole 
" panacea for existing evils. 

[" Our forefathers could not maintain with greater zeal, that^a 
*' favourable balance of ti'ade and an abundant circulation of the 
" precious metals were essential to prosperity, than has recently 
*' been manifested for the necessity of universal freedom of 
*' trade, with a view to the attainment of the same object."* 

* Quarterly Review, No. 48, page 281. 



ADDRESSES. 35 

[" In the conversion of unwrought into wrought commodities 
" lies the great field in which legislators have endeavoured to 
*' appropriate by regulations — understood to operate as encou- 
" ragements — the largest portion of skilful industry and pro- 
*' duction. 

[" It has been by means of complete prohil^ition, or the conve- 
*' nient expedient of taxes on importation, that governments have 
'' aimed to effect this appropriation of wealth. The duties im- 
*' posed upon commodities which we cannot produce, as cotton, 
*' rice, coffee, are to be considered as merely financial : such as 
" are laid upon productions common to the growth of this coun- 
" try, as flax, wool, deals, are protective as well as financial. 
*' The prohibition and duties laid upon some raw, and all 
" wrought articles, are designed to advance the home produc- 
*' tion and manufacture ; as in the instance of grain, wrought 
*' wool, linen, cotton, silk, refined sugar."* 

[" With regard to wrought goods, the manufacture of which 
*' requires small space and occupies a numerous and usually 
" wealthy population, giving much value in a little bulk, it has 
*' been held the soundest policy to engross the largest possible 
" portion of such productions. Either all foreign fabrics have 
" been prohibited, or duties have been placed upon their intro- 
" duction so heavy as to exclude the chance of an equal compe- 
" tition with the home manufacture. 

[" These principles of restriction^ exclusion^ and encouragement^ 
'' occurred at periods of the earliest application of the mind to the 
" tnea7is of advancing" the public wealthy and have been the rule of 
*' conduct for governments for centuries past. They appear in 
" the oldest enactments of the statute book, commencing with 
*' our first Edwards and Henrys ; were long inculcated as in- 
" controvertible, and at this day prevail in ever^^ stage of so- 
*' ciety : — in China and Turkey, in England, Fi-ance, and the 
" United States, the most ancient and the last instituted ; — un- 
*' der every form, the freest and the most arbitrary governments 
" alike act upon the system. 

[" This has been tenaciously adhered to in practice, though 
" for more than half a century all writers upon commercial po- 
" licy have held an opposite argument ; every one, from the time 
" of Quesnay and Smith, however differing on other points, 
*' agreeing in this one principle, that general freedom of trade 
*' is the surest and most rapid way to wealth. It is maintained 
" that to force the consumer to pay dearer for home productions 
*' than he can purchase from abroad, is not to promote the na- 
" tional advantage, but the interest of the producer at the ex- 
" pense of that of the consumer. It is asserted, that the freest 

• Quarterly Review, No. 48, page 282, 



36 ADDRESSES. 

" admission of foreign predicts and manufactures will best as- 
" sist, in the early stages of society, the progress of agriculture, 
■" till the accumulation of capital necessarily raises manufac- 
" ti res, foreign commerce, and navigation. In the advanced 
" state, every indi' idual, intent on the increase of his own ad- 
*' variiage and fortunes, and left to the unrestrained pursuit of 
" his interest, will follow it with most zeal and effect : and from 
" prevalent private success results the general prosperity. 

[" A main principle insisted upon by the advocates of freedom 
" of commerce, is, that no industry or source of wealth is lost by 
*' the declension or disappearance of a home manufacture, in con- 
" sequence of the opening of the country to the admission of a 
"like foreign fabric possessing a superiority; because some- 
" thing must be given in payment for the new importation, and 
"the latoarers in the declining manufacture will transfer them- 
" selves to the production of this other object required to effect 
" the exchange. 

[" The truth of this position rests upon the power of the home 
" manufacturer to find occupation in some other labour, which 
" will afford the value wanted to give in exchange for the new 
" foreign imports. We must retain yet in our possession a suf- 
" ficient diversity of departments of industry, or some of so much 
" magnitude as to receive the labourers dislodged from their usu- 
" al employment by the introduction of foreign commodities. It 
" can hardly be expected that any material new opening for la- 
" hour can at this day be discovered ; those remaining depart- 
" rnents of industry, therefore, must be productive of objects, 
" which will be received in other countries to an extent to pay 
" for our new importations ; and those increased in proportion 
" to our transferred labour."]* 

[" The transition from one description of labour to another 
" would not be easy. A man accustomed for a number of years 
" to a particular kind oftvork^ cannot readily pass over to another 
" ahogethet d fferent. Persons, especially of the class of life of 
" artizans and labourers, are slow to form and slow to change 
" their hab'ts ; the skill which they tardily acquire, they tena- 
" ciously adhere to, and come with difficulty to learn any other. 
" A farmer's labourer will not readily become a mechanic ; a 
" silk -weaver be made a cutler ; a lace-maker or glover be con- 
*' verted into a maker of woollens." ' 

p' Not onhj -would a change rf occupation be requisitt^ but also 
" of the seat of industry. The Norfolk farming labourer might 
" have to miake hose in Leicester or Nottingham ; the East Loi 
" thian cottager to weave muslins at Glasgow or checks at Car- 
" lisle ; and the Spitalfields weaver to become a japanner at Bir- 

* Quarterly Keview, No. 48, page 283. 



ADDRESSES. S7 

" mingham or a cotton spinner at Manchester. Whole districts 
" of Ireland might l^ave to interchange residence with those of 
'' England and Scotland, the north with the south, and the east 
" with the west, with the rapidity of a horde of Tartars. There 
^'^ must be a traiuffvence of the diseng'uged people to the seats of 
^'- I'etained manufai ture^ or the retained manufartur e must (extend 
'' to their reiiidence. The latter is scarcely practicable, when the 
*' convenience or necessity is considered of concentration, in 
*' manufacturing industry, of the several connected processes and 
"branches. 

{]" The advocates of freedom of trade meet this objection by 
*' inculcating a gradual chaii.ge, according to the nature of the 
" industry which they see must be lost. If the silk and kersey- 
" mere weavers cannot convert their skill to a beneficial use in 
*' other employments, they are willing to allow a period equal 
'' to the probable lives of the silk and kerseymere weavers. 
*' Even then the opening of a foreign import of silk and kersey- 
" mere must overtake numbers of those exercising these trades ; 
*' and it will be incumbent, first, to inquire whether this positive 
*' loss is likely to be accompanied with any commensurate bene- 
*' fit. 

[" While the peculiar skill of many trades cannot be turned 
*' to any other manufacture, the capital to a considerable extent, 
*' which employs that skill, and which is, in a great degree, fixed 
" in machinery, buildings, implements, &c. is appUcable to no 
•■' other object^ and must be lout. In the uncertainty, with all quar- 
" ters of the world open, how far a manufacture may be affected, 
'' the capital in many branches will be retained in a delusive hope 
*' till it decays within tne hand. The knowledge of a particular 
*' business which is frequently conjoined with capital, and leaves 
*' a double advantage in the remuneration of the skill and the 
*' interest of the money, causes an unwillingness to remove to 
*' other departments of industry, in ignorance of their nature 
*' and with but a chance of improvement. In such transitions, 
*' especially in the smaller, which, in the aggregate, form the 
*' most considerable portion of capital, more is wasted than 
*•'• transferred ; and all is commonly wrecked in the gulf of 
*' bankruptcy."*] 

[" Freedom of trade seems more peculiarly to favour the in- 
" terests of merchants trading with foreign states, and most to 
*' prejudice certain branches of manufacture and agriculture ; 
*' but of the labour constituting wealth, — the commercial., which 
" interchanges commodities., however usejul and important., — is 
*' still subordinate to the inanufacturing and agricultural., which 
" produce those commodities : and the greater the produce of agri- 

* Quarterly Review, No. 48, page 285. 



S8 ADDRESSES. 

*' culture and manufacture, which is raised and interchanged in 
*' a given country, the greater must be its affluence"* 

['■'■ The slightest examination of the history of commerce 
" shews hoTv many mamijuctures^ and also natural productions of 
*' homogeneous climates^ have oived their introduction amongst a 
*' people to special encouragement^ and have risen by protection 
" till they flourished in self-supported excellence and extension. 
*' Because interference and encouragements may be carried to an 
** extreme, are they, therefore, in all cases, impolitic and inju- 
*^ rious ? Are governments to be considered as having done 
*' every thing, when, in fact, they have done nothing whatever .'"f 

" A superiority in a manufacture arises from skill, the result 
" of manual dexterity, of chemical or mechanical ability, indi- 
*' vidua! or co operative. This, at times, will proceed from ac- 
*' cident, or, when numbers are engaged in an employment, it 
*' will occur to the observing and reflecting : it becomes mani- 
" fest in the qualities of finer texture, in brighter or more per- 
" manent colours, and in method of finishing. These are nice- 
" ties and refinements, the effect of long labour and attention 
*' applied in a particular direction. It may be the interest of a natioji 
*' to preserve within itsef when at a moderate cost of restriction^ 
<' the rudiments oj all manufactures. Practice will confer skilly 
" opportunity give rise to invention^ and perseverance and the 
'•'• groxvth of wealth bestow importance and stability ^-^ 

[" Florence owed her splendour to the woollen manufacture, 
" with which she supplied the world."] ***** [" The spirit of 
" the woollen manufacture, by a kind of Pythagorean transmi- 
" gration, now resides in France, Flanders, and England. How 
" has it escaped from Florence ? Can any reason be assigned 
" but the absence of a su^cient safeguard Jrom external intrusion 
" and subversion .?"§ 

[" The favourite idea of our political economists is to banish 
" regulations, and to leave every species of industry to its own di- 
" rection. They dwell on the course which wealth naturally takes 
" in its free progress to its greatest height, through the various sta- . 
" ges of society, from the hunter, through the pastoral, agricul- 
" tural, manufacturing, and commercial state. They hold every 
" interruption to perfect freedom to be prejudicial to the speediest 
" advance. They beg the question of a never-failing activity and 
" love of accumulation ; they count not on the disposition to in- 
" dolence, the contentment with little, taught and actually prac- 
" tised by so many ; the calls of religion ; the love of pleasure ; 
" the passion for honour overcoming that for wealth : all which 
" may arrest the advance of public opulence in its free course 

* Quarterly Review, No. 48, page 292. f Idem, page 293. 

ii Idem, page 295, § Idem, page 296. 



ADDRESSES. 93 

" through the early and middle stages. We would call into ac- 
" tion more motives than one. Individual exertion, on ouradop- 
" tion of liberty of trade, may not be allowed free plav : if home 
" regulations do not cramp it, external arts and rivalry will. 

" If we endeavour to ascertain the result of freedom of Irade 
" in the commercial history of the world, it will, we believe, be 
" found that its effects have not been to create any material 
" braJiches of manufactures ^ nor yet to retain those previously pos~ 
" sessed. It has, in fact, proved rather favourable to commerce 
" than to manufactures. Italy ^ once the seat of numerous manU' 
'■'■Jactures^ which admits allforeig7i goods upon moderate duties^ 
'■'• has nothing remainitig but some small fabrics of silk goods. 
" Switzerland receives foreign manufactures, and possesses a few 
" herself; but these have probably arisen from the forced situa- 
" tion of the war — she had none previously. Hume remarks 
" ' that agriculture may flourish even where manufactures and 
" other arts are unknown and neglected. Switzerlaiid is, at 
" present, a remarkable instance ; where we find at once the most 
" skilful husbandmen and the most bungling tradesmen that are 
" to be met with in Europe.'* Many small territories and iS' 
** lands are to be observed in different parts of the globe enjoying 
*' absolute liberty of commerce^ Hamburgh^ Lisbon, Malta, Guern- 
'"'■sey, St. Thomas, ^c. yet no manufactures have been found to 
*' mix amongst them ; and though possessed of certain portions 
" of commerce, this may be ascribed more to favourable position, 
" or vicinity to countries under restriction, than to any inherent 
" virtue of an open commerce. 

[" The doctrine of free trade has something very generous in 
" its professions. It aims to remove all impediments and ob- 
" structions on the intercourse of nations ; to withdraw much 
" complication in government with regard to legal enactments, 
" to customs, and custom-house officers ; to prevent the callous 
*' commission of vice in a profusion of oaths, of smugghng, 
*' and other encroachments on revenue ; with endless jealousies 
*' and contentions of trade. In these feelings we participate : 
*' and could the dreams of the theorists be verified, we zvouldwil- 
" lingly enter into the adoption oj that entire liberty of trade 
'■^ which was to lead to the realization cj them. But many of 
" the evils enumerated are inseparable from the constitutic a of 
*' society ; laws are possibly us necessary to the protection ofna- 
" tional industry as they are to that of individual property ; the 
" safeguards and resources of the revenue must be maintained. 
" If wealth be an essential part of power and a security of inde- 
" pendence, we must admit and establish the system best fitted 
" for its preservation. Narrow, malignant, or hostile feelings 

* Essay XI. On the populousness of Ancient Nations. 



40 ADDRESSES* 

*' spring from the mind, and not from the existence of restric- 
*' tions of self-defence or patriotic encouragement. If ill pas- 
*' sions are bred by prohibitive regulations, their removal .nght 
" lead to others of a nature not more benevolent — abjectness, 
" sense of inferiority, and of inability to protect ourselves."*] 

[" It is a strong reason to doubt the practicubilitif of these 
*■*■ schemes^ that Stat esmeri have no where ventured upon them; 
*' not from ignorance^ as has been petxdantlu pretended^ bitt Jrom 
*' extended knowledge. Neither in old nor new states, do legis- 
" latures find the Utopian ideas of these philosopher;- to be fea- 
" sible : yet Adam Smith, the great advocate for the most unre- 
" stricted trade, is read in all countries and languages, and Ids 
*' doctrines have been moulded into ail shapes, whether to in- 
^'■form youth or piiz'z.le the learned !! ! Reflection and practice 
*' seem to show, that this valuable writer, in the zeal of his ar- 
" gument, carried too far his vietvs of freedom of trade ^ as he «.?- 
*' surediy did those of unlimited production and unrestrained par- 
** simonijP^ 

It is impossible attentively to read this reasoning, witliout a 
thorougli conviction of the futility of the remedv proposed for 
the desiruction of particular branches of industry by free im- 
portation, in Adam Smith's " collateral branches'*'' and " country 
labour^ 



NO. IIT. 

Philadelphia, April 12, 1819. 

Policy of Great Britain. Extracts from British tariff" of 1818. 
Wonderful pr ofts of the British nation by manufactures. Ame^ 
rican system compared with that of Great Britain. 

We proceed to take a view of that portion of the system of 
political ecoyiomy pursued in England, xvhiih regards the protec- 
tion of her manufacturing industry, and which has elevated that 
country to a degree of wealth, power, and influence, far beyond 
that 1 to which her population or natural resources would entitle 
her. This part of her system displays profound policy and 
wisdom, and may with safety be taken as a pattern by other na- 
tions, with such variations as particular circumstances may re- 
quire. We do not pretend that it is altogether perfect; nothing 
human ever deserved this character. But that it has more ex- 
cellence than, and as little imperfection as, that of any other na- 

* Quarterly Review, No. 48, page 300. f Idem pag^e 301. 



ADDRESSr.S. 41 

tion in ancient or modern times, can hardly be questioned. The 
nearer any nation approximates to its leading principles, the 
more certain its career to prosperitv. Indeed, it is not hazard- 
ing much to aver, that no nation ever did or ever will arrive at 
the degree of power, or influence, or happiness, of v.hich it is 
susceptible, without adopting a large portion of her plan of protect- 
ing the industry of her subjects. There are parts of her system, 
however, which are '' more honoured in the breach than the observ- 
ance :" we mean those, particularly, which restrain personal lib- 
ertv, in preventing the emigration of artists and mechanics. 

The grand and leading object of this system, into which all 
its subordinate regulations resolve themselves, is to encourage 
domestic industry, and to check and restrain whatever may in- 
jure it. This pervades the whole political economy of the na- 
tion ; and as industry has ever been, and, according to the fixed 
laws of nature, must eternally be, a great security to virtue and 
happiness, this is among the primary duties of everj^ legislative 
body : and their neglect of, or attention to, this duty, affords an 
unerring criterion of their merits or demerits. To enable her 
to effect this object. Great Britain is unwearied in her eflfbrts — 

I. To facilitate the importation of raw materials, for the em- 
ployment of her artisans and manufacturers ; 

II. To discourage, or wholly prohibit, the exportation of raw 
materials ; 

III. To export her manufactures in the most finished form 
possible ; 

IV. To secure her own manufacturers from the ruinous ef- 
fects of foreign rivalship ; 

V. To prohil)it the emigration of artists and mechanics, and 
the exportation of machinery. 

To accomplish these purposes, she has steadily employed the 
powerful means of — 

1. Bounties on, or encouragement to, tl'.e establishment of new 
manufactures ; 

2. Absolute prohibitions, or sucii heavy duties as nearly 
amount to prohibition on the importation of such articles as in- 
terfere with her own manufactures : 

3. Drawbacks, on exportation, of the whole or chief part of 
the excise paid on the various articles, or on the raw materials 
of which they are composed. 

All great undertakings, such as the establishment of exten- 
sive manufactui-es, require heavy disbursements previous to 
their commencing operations ; and in their incipient state are at- 
tended with great difficulty, in consequence of which they too 
frequently fail of success in all countries, and involve the under- 
takers in ruin. While they are in this perilous situation, the aid 
of government is necessary, and wisdom commands to afford it. 

6 



4-2 ADDRESSES, 

Small temporary sacrifices a>e abundar^tly compensated, by im- 
mense permanent national advantages. We shuU furnls i noble 
instances of this kind, on a large and liberal scale, worthy of a 
great nation, when we enter on the discussion of the policy of 
Prussia. 

It was by these means that the woollen manufacture was first 
estaitiished in England. Edward III. a most sagacious prince, 
held out great inducements to the manufacturers in that branch 
to remove from Flanders to England. *•' Very great privil^'ges 
*' xvtre granted^ and pennkons -were alloxved to them Jrom the 
*' crcvjn^ till they should he able to gain a comfortable livelihood 
*' bif their ingenuity nn.-l induxfryy* 

Further to favour and foster this infant manufacture, the ex- 
portation of wool, and the importation of foreign cloth were 
prohibited.! 

Such was the degree of care and attention undeviatingly be- 
stowed on it, that " in the short and turbulent reign of He'nry 
IV." who reigned but fourteen years, and was almost constant- 
ly at war, " there were no fewer than twelve acts of parliament 
" made for the regulation and encouragement of that manufac- 
" ture ; for preventing the exportation of wool and importation of 
" cloth ; and for guarding against frauds in the fabrication of it 
*' at home."=* 

It is obvious that the continuance of bounties beyond the in- 
fancy of manufactures, would be oppressive to a nation, and 
waste its treasures. And therefore as soon as they are fully es- 
tablished, the English government usually adopts a cheaper and 
equally effectual mode of fostering them, by the prohibition of 
the rival articles, or by the imposition of such heavy duties as 
nearly to amount to prohibition, and thus securing to its own 
subjects the whole or principal part of the domestic market. 

in the year 1463, under Edward IV. the wisdom and policy 
of fostering domestic industry, having become generally under- 
stood, the prohil'ition of importation, which had previously been 
confined chiefly to woollens, was extended to a very great va- 
riety of articles, viz : 

Woollen caps Andirons Buskins 

Woollen cloths Gridirons Shoes 

Lsces Locks Galoches 

Rings of copper, or latten Dice Con bs 

gilt Tennice balls Pattens 

Chaffing dishes Points Pack-needles 

Crosses Purses Painted ware 

Ribands Globes Forcers 

* Henry's History of Great Britain, X. 187. 

* Mortimer's Elements of Commerce, p. 16. 
•jr Anderson's Histoiy of Commerce, J. 401. 



ADDRESSES. 



4a 



Fringes of Silk 

Ditto of thread 

Laces of tliread 

Silk-lwined 

Silk in anywise embroi- 
dered 

Laces of gold 

Ditto of Silk and gold 

Saddles 

StiiTups 

All harness pertaining to 
saddles 

Spurs 

Bosses for bridles 

Hammers 

Pincers 

Fire tongs 



Girdles Caskets 

Harness for girdles, of iron, Ciiatting balls 

latten, steel, tin, or al- Hanging candlesticks 
kemine Rings for curtains 

Any thing wrought of tan- Ladles 



Scummers 

Sacring-bcUs 

Counterfeit basins 

Ewers 

Hat brushes 

Wool-cards 

White wire 

If detected in the impor- 
tation, they were to be for- 
feited, one half to the king 
and the other to the infor- 
mer.* 



ned leather 

Any tanned furs 

Corks 

Knives 

Daggers 

Sword bkdes 

Bodkins 

Shears 

Scissors 

Razors 

Chessmen 

Playing cards 
Under Charles II. the prohibition was extended to 
Wool-cards Bone-lace Fringe 

Card-wire Cut-work Buttons 

Iron-wire Embroidery Button or needle workf 

Dripping-pans 

The list of articles at present prohibited to be imported into 
Great Britain, is not quite so extensive as that of Edward IV. 

They are as follows: — 

Brocades Fringe Velvet 

Calicoes Girdles Laces 

Chocolate and Cocoa paste Silk or leather mits and Needle work 

Cocoa nut shells or husks gloves Plate 

Embroidery Manufactures of gold, sil- Ribands 

Silk ver, or metal Laces 

Silk stockings Tobacco stalks and snuff Shapes for gloves or mit» 

Thi-ead work Wiret 

The penalties for the importation of some of those articles are 
verv severe. For example, besides the confiscation of the goods, 
there is a forfeiture of two hundred pounds sterling for every 
offence in the case of leather gloves. 

The most general mode, however, of encouraging domestic in- 
dustry in Great Britain, at present, is by the imposition of such 
heavy duties as in most cases amount to prohibition ; or if the 
rival articles will still admit of importation, they cannot, from 
the necessary advance of price, materially affect the native ma- 
nufacturer. We annex a list of some of the articles, thus pro- 
tected, with the amount of the duties imposed on them. 
Extracts from the British Tariff'of \H\S. . 
Articles subject to duty of 59/. 7s. 6d. per lOO/. value. 



Baskets 
Musical instruments 
Nuts 

Oil of pine 

Oils not particularly enu- 
merated 



Almond paste 

Dressing-boxes 

Snuff-boxes 

Manufactures of brass 

Pens 

Pomatum 



Telescopes 

Thread, not otherwise 

enumerated 
Turnery, not otherwise 

enumerated 



* Anderson's History of Commerce, I. 636. 

■j- Postlethwaite's Dictionarj' of Commerce, I. 975. 

% Pope's Practical Abridgment of the Laws of Customs and Excise. Title 284. 



44 ADDRESSES. 

Paintings on glass Stone pots Vases, except of stone or 

Pencils Coloured paper and prints marble 

Pieces of skins and furs Sago powder Wicker-ware 

Spouts of wood Scratch brushes Silver, gilt, or plated wire 

Statues, except of marble Seeds not particularly enu- Worsted yarn 

or stone merated Goods of all kinds, in part 

Steel not otherwise enu- Silk-worm guts or wholly manufactured. 

merated Skates Bronze figures 

Ticking Skins and flu's Worsted caps 

Ticks Walking sticks Carpets 

Tin-foil Thread or worsted stock- Caniages 
Tooth-powder ings Clocks 

Toys Filtering stones Manufactures of copper 

Tubes for smoaking Open tapes Copperplates engrav- 

Tubs Worsted tapes ed, &c. &c. 

Watches Tapestry, not of silk 

To 31/. 1-i. 4f/. per 100/, 

Chalk Cast iron Lime-stone 

Copper in pigs Minerals not otherwise Polishing stones 
Hoofs of cattle enumerated Rag stones 

Horns Polishing rushes Tanners' waste 

Silk laces Ships with their tac- Tare 
Pig lead kle Touchstone 

To 791. 3,9. 4^. per 100/. 
China ware Earthen ware Shawls Tobacco pipes 

To 63/. 6.9. %d. per 100/. 
Linen, not being chequered or striped Cause of thread 

To 85/. \0s. per 100/. 
Cotton stockings Cotton caps Cotton tl-u-ead Linen sails. 

To 114/. per 100/. 
Glass bottles, Rough plate glass, German sheet glass, Glass manufactures. 

To 142/. 10.S. per 100/. 

Leather fan mounts Skins or furs, tanned. Articles whereof leather 

Linens chequered or tawed, cumed, or is the most valuable part. 

striped, painted, or any way dressed. Hides, or pieces of hides, 

stained Articles made of leather tanned tawed, or in any 

way dressed. 

'\c 

An idea has been long entertained, by many well meaning- 
people, that to secure the home market to our own manufac- 
turers, operates merely to enable them to prey on and oppress 
their fellow-citizens, by extorting extravagant and exorbitant 
prices for their productions. And hence many of our planters 
and farmers in congress have uniformly opposed duties for the 
mere purpose of protecting manufactures. There are some who 
have openly avowed, that their sole view in laying impost du- 
ties, is to provide a revenue for the expenses of the government. 
And a writer of considerable celebrity, John Taylor, esq. of 
Caroline county, Virginia, has devoted a number of chapters 
of his Arator, to prove that every dollar given by a nation as 
bounty, or imposed as duty, to protect domestic manufactures, 
is a dollar robbed from the pockets of the farmers and planters ! 

It is a trite but indisputable truth, that one solid, well-estab- 
lished fact, bearing upon any particular point, will countervail 
a long train of arguments, however plausible, which militate 



ADDRESSES. 45 

against that fact. Behold a case, which must operate to open 
the eyes of every man accessible to conviction. There is pro- 
bably no country in the world, where the system of heavy pro- 
hibitory duties is carried farther- than in England : and yet. not- 
withstanding this circumstance, and the enormous burden of 
taxation which she sustains, as well as the boundless extent of 
her paper money, which must enhance the expenses of living, 
she is able to meet in their own markets, and undersell, a iaige 
portion of the manufacturers of all the other nations of Chris- 
tendom. This fact sets the question at rest forever ; and es- 
tablishes, on the firmest basis, the luminous maxim of Alexan- 
der Hamilton, a maxim that ought to be written in letters of 
gold, and affixed in a conspicuous place in the hall of congress, 
that powerful body, on whose wisdom or errors depends the 
prosperity or decay of a mighty empire : — 

" Though it rvere true^ that the immediate and certain effect 
^'- of regulations controlling the competition of foreign rvith do- 
" me.stic fabrics xvas an increase of price^ it is universallij tme^ 

" that THE CONTRARY IS THE ULTIMATE EFFECT WITH EVERY 

" SUCCESSFUL MANUFACTURE. When a domestic manujacture 
'"'' has attained to perfection^ and has engaged in the prosecution of 
'-^ it a competent number of persons^ it invariably becomes 
*' CHEAPER. Being free from the heavy charges xvhich attend 
*' the importation of foreign commodities^ it can be afforded cheap- 
" er, and accordingly seldom or never fails to be sold cheaper^ in 
*■'' process of time^ than xvas the foreign article for xvhich it is a 
" substitute. The interned competition xvhich takes place ^ soon 
" does axvay every thing like monopoly ; and by degress reduces 

" THE PRICE OF THE ARTICLE TO THE MINIMUM OF A REASONA- 
*' BLE PROFIT ON THE CAPITAL EMPLOYED. This aCCOrds xvith 

** the reason of the things and xvith experience.^'''* 

The true tests of the excellence or folly of any system, are its 
results, when carried fully into operation. These confirm sound 
theories, however unpopular they may appear on a superficial 
view ; and set the seal of reprobation on pernicious ones, how 
plausible soever an aspect they wear on paper. 

By this touchstone, let us judge the political economy of 
England, respecting her manufactures ; and, on a fair examina- 
tion, we shall unhesitatingly bestow the most unqualified plaud- 
its on her parliament, for the admirable and incomparable sys- 
tem it has devised. We may fairly assert, without the least 
danger of contradiction, that there never existed a legislative- 
body which bestowed more attention on the solid, substantial, 
and vital interests of its constituents, so far as respects national 
industry in all its various Jar ms, 

* ITamilton's works, T. 210. 



4b ADDRESSES. 

We might extend tlie consideration of the wonderful excel- 
lence, and immense advantages of the policy of Great Britain 
respecting manufactures, trade, and commerce, to volumes. 
The subject appears inexhaustible. But our limits forbid much 
detail, and constrain us to confine ourselves to two points : — 
I. The immense wealth she acquires by this system ; and 

II. The astonishing increase of power it has secured her. 



I. We shall, on the first point, confine ourselves to the four 
great maaufactures, linen, cotton, woollen, and leather, and make 
no doubt, the statement will astonish our fellow-citizens, and re- 
move all doubt of the correctness of the eulogiums we have ha- 
zarded on the British political economy. 

According to Colquhoun*, the annual proceeds of the cotton 
manufacture are - - - £ 29,000,000 

The woollen - . - - 26,000,000 

The linen - - - - - 15,000,000 

The leather - - - - 15,000,000 

Total- £ 85,000,000 
Whereas the raw materials of the cotton 

cost - - ^6,000,000 

The woollen - - 8,000,000 

The linen - - 5,000,000 

The leather - - 3,000,000 



£ 22,000,000 



Balance £ 63,000,000 



Thus a gain is secured to the nation of 63,000,000 of pounds 
sterling, or above 270,000,000 of dollars annually. This at 
once solves the mystery of the wonderful '■'■ porver and resources^* 
of Great Britain, and establishes beyond controversy the wis- 
dom of its policy, which is, in every respect, let us observe, the 
antipodes of the doctrines of Adam Smith in the Wealth of 
Nations. 

What stupendous facts ! What a lesson to the legislators of 
other countries, particularly the United States ! We possess 
the capacity of raising the raw materials of the cotton manufac- 
ture, the chief of the four kinds above stated, to an extent com- 
mensurate with the demand of the whole world ; and we could, 
with ease, if proper encouragement were oflPered, produce the ma- 
terials of the other three, in sufficient quantity for all our purposes. 

* Treatise on the wealth, power, and resources of the British Empire, p. 91 



ADDRESSES. 47 

II. The second point, to which we wish to turn the attention 
of our fellow-citizens, in order to establish the soundness of the 
system of political economy, respecUng her manufacture >i^ pur- 
sued in England, is the wonderful increase of power it has se- 
cured her. 

For twenty years she was the main support of a war of unex- 
ampled expenditure, against the most gigantic combination of 
power, and the most formidable monarch, that Europe has be- 
held for a thousand years. Her resources alone prevented him 
from arriving at universal empire. She not only preserved her- 
self from the loss of her possessions, but conquered colonies 
and dependencies of her enemies, of great extent and immense 
value. Her revenue for the year 1812, was about 63 500,000/.* 
and in the same year her expenditure was above 112,000,0C0/.f 

During the whole of this war, she was not obliged to borrow 
money from anv other nation ; but made large loans to several. 
She has subsidized some of the first-rate monarchs in Europe. 

Her enormous debt, which, according to Colquhoun, amount- 
ed at the close of 1813, to above 900,000,000/.:}: is wholly owned 
by her own subjects, except about 17,000,000/. purchased and 
owned by foreigners. 

It is no impeachment to the merits of her system, that her 
paupers amount to above 1 ,500,000, and her poor tax to 6,000,000/. 
sterling, equal to 26,000,000 of dollars. § This lamentable fea- 
tiu'e in her affairs, arises partly from the labour of the working 
class being superseded by machinery, and partly from the waste- 
ful and ruinous wars she has maintained, which alone have pre- 
vented the country from being an earthly paradise. 

Since our recent War, she has been enabled to lay this country 
under heavy contribution, so that there is an enormous debt due 
her, notwithstanding she has possessed herself of a very large 
portion of our bank and other public stocks, in payment for her 
manufactures, which will yield her a great and permanent in- 
come, at the expense of the United States. 

To her suppport of domestic industry alone, she chiefly owes 
these capacities and advantages, and the inordinate power she 
possesses. Were she to abandon her system, and adopt that of 
Adam Smith, she could not fail, in a few years, to be reduced to 
a level with Spain and Portugal, All her treasi:res would be 
drawn away to the East-Indies, France, Germany, Sec. 

We shall close with a comparison between her policy and that 
of the United States, on a few plain and simple points : 

* Colqulioun on the wealth, power, and resources of the British Empire, 
p. 258. t Idem, 261. 

t Page 273. He states, however, in this pag-e, that 236,000,00U/. of this debt 
have been redeemed, § Idem, 1 25. 



48 ADDRESSES. 

GRICAT BRITAIN THE UNITED STATES 

Prohibits the importation of calicoes, Proliibit no manufactured article* 

silks, threads, ribands, velvets, &c. even whatev r, however great tiie capacity 
from her own dependencies. (See page of our citizens to supply them. 
43.) 

She imposes a duty of 85 per cent. They admit all cotton fabrics, of 

ad valorem on various articles of cot- eveiy denominatjon, from Great Bri- 
ton, the production of those depen- tiun and herdependeiides, ^ndnny oi'.i'^v 
oies. pai-t of th'. globe, at 27 1-2 per cent. 

(except those below 25 cents per sq- i^re 

yard, which are dutied as at 25 cen-.s.) 

She imposes a duty of 79 per cent. ■ Al though vthey could supply tlicm- 

ad valorem on earthenware. selves superabundantly with eartiien- 

ware, ihey admit it at 22 per cent ! 
She imposes a duty of 142 1-2 per They ad.nit leather manufactures at 

cent, on leather manufactures. 33 per cent. 

COiVlPARlSON CONTINUED. 

BRITISH DUTJ.-^.s. UNiTED STATKs' DUTIES. 

Woollen clo'.r.s, per \ ard, 345. ster- 27 1-2 per cent, ad valorem, 
ling, equal to about 7 ilr>':l.s. 5-i cts. 

Hats, per piece, 34.?. or raolls. oOcts. 33 per cent. 

• Glass bottles, 114 per cent. 22 per cent. 

Linens, not chequered or striped, 63 16 1-2 per cent, 
per cent. 

Linens, chequered or striped 142 16 1-2 per cent, 
per cent. 

The annals of legislation and revenue cannot produce a 
stronger constrast between the most profound policy and its di- 
rect opposite. 

Thus we see that Great Britain, possessing machinery which 
increases her. powers of manuiacturing at the rate of two hun- 
dred for one, does not reiy on it for the protection of her do- 
mestic manufactures, bat interposes the powerful shield of pro- 
hibition and enormous duties, to preserve them from danger ; 
while the United States, which had, at the close of the war, a 
great number of important and extensive manufacturing esta- 
blishments, and invaluable machinery, erected and ad^'antage- 
ously employed during its continuance, and although blessed 
by a bounteous heaven with a boundless capacity for such esta- 
blishments, have, for want of adequate protection, suffered a 
large portion of them to go to decay, and their proprietors to be 
inv^olved in ruin, the helpless victims of a misplaced reliance on 
that protection ! 

The comparison iraght be pursued to a very great extent : but 
we trust therje is enough stated to enable our fellow-citizens to 
account for the prostrate situation of our affairs. No two na- 
tions ever carried on intercourse on terms more entirely desti- 
tute of reciprocity : and hence our citizens on the banks of the 
Missouri are clothed with fabrics manufactured in England and 
Hindostan, while thousands of useful men, women, and children, 



ADDRESSES. 49 

capable of furnishing superior goods, at equal prices, arc lite- 
rally pining in wretchedness, in our towns and cities, for want of 
employment, and many of them driven to mendicity, to support 
a miserable existence ! and while our country is impoverished, 
to support the manufacturers of the East Indies and various parts 
of Europe. And why (let us solemnly ask) does this Ian ent- 
able state of things exist ? Because, in the language of Adam 
Smith, '"^foreign countries can furnish us xvtth commodities 
" cheaper than roe ourselves can make them ,-" and we have thought 
it " hetter to buy from them^ with some part of the produce oj our 
" 07vn industrif /" 

Every prudent merchant, farmer, or planter, commencing his 
career of business, will naturally inquire into the plans acted on 
by those engaged in similar pursuits, before he determines on 
his own. Those dictated by wisdom, tested by long experience, 
and attended with success, he will study as guides by which to 
regulate his conduct. Those emanating from folly, sinister views, 
or empiricism, he will regard as beacons to warn him to beware. 

This conduct, indisputably wise in private life, is imperiously 
the dut\' of those on whom rests the high responsibility of re- 
gulating the career of nations, particularly in their infancy or 
youth. This is a duty which no enlightened or honest legisla- 
ture will ever neglect. 

We trust, therefore, that a calm and candid observation of the 
fatal consequences of adopting the doctrines of Adam Smith, 
as well as of the transcendent benefits, public and private, re- 
sulting from the English system, which is in undeviating hosti- 
lity with that of the doctor, will serve to displav the true policy 
which this country ought to pursue, in order to fill the high des- 
tin)'^ which appears allotted to her in the course of human events j 
and induce the legislature of the union, to devote that attention 
to the protection of domestic manufactures, without which the 
united states can never hope to be really independent, or to 
enjoy that degree of prosperity and happiness which God and 
nature have placed within their grasp ; and which cannot be 
neglected without a most culpable dereliction of our duty to 
ourselves, and to our posterity, on whom the folly or wisdom of 
our councils will operate when we are consigned to the peaceful 
grave. 



50 ADDRESSES. 



NO. IV. 

Philadelphia^ April 26, 1819. 

Policy of Russia. Extracts from her tariff. State of cotton 
manufactures in Rhode Island. Prussian policy. Bounties 
and premiums for manufactures. 

We have presented to your view, fellow-citizens, a cursory- 
sketch of the admirable and beneficent policy of Great Britain* 
on the all-important and vital point of fostering and protecting 
domestic industry — a policy, we repeat, and wish steadily borne 
in mind, in direct hostility with the doctrines of Adam Smith, 
which rank among their supporters so large a portion of our ci- 
tizens. 

We now request your attention to the policy of a mighty em- 
pire, whose situation bears considerable analogy to that of this 
country. 

Russia, like the united states, possesses territories of most 
immoderate extent, which are very slenderly peopled. The 
cultivation of her vacant lands, according to the captivating and 
plausible theories of many of our citizens, might find employ- 
ment for all her inhabitants. And as other nations, if " the 
freedom of trade -were restored.^ could furnish her -with commodi- 
ties cheaper than she could manufacture them^'' she ought, ac- 
cording to Adam Smith, to open her ports to the merchandize 
of all the world. 

But, low as we fastidiously and unjustly rate her policy, she has 
too much good sense to adopt a maxim so pernicious in its re- 
sults, although so plausible in its appearance. And let us add, 
its plausibility is only in appearance. It vanishes on even a cur- 
sory examination. 

Russia fulfils the indispensible duty of fostering and protect- 
ing domestic industry, and guarding it against the destructive 
consequences of overAvhelming foreign competition. This is 
the great platform of her political system, as it ought to be of 
all political systems ; and it is painful to state, that so far as re- 
spects this cardinal point, she is at least a century in advance of 

* Objections have been made to our statement of the prosperity of England 
resulting- from her protection of domestic industiy, grounded on the oppression 
she exercises on, and the abject state of, some of her dependencies. This does 
not in the least mihtate with our view, which went to prove, from inchsputable 
facts, tliat the protection of domestic industry in the island of Great Britain, 
had there produced as great a mass of wealth and prosperity as ever existed. 
Her wars, which greatly impair that prosperity, and her treatment of her depen- 
dencies, which is unjust and oppressive in the extreme, have not the most remote 
connection with our theory. 



ADDEESSES. 51 

the united states. She is not satisfied with the imposition of 
heavy duties for the purpose of raising a revenue, which, with 
too many statesmen, appears to be the chief, if not the only ob- 
ject worthy of consideration in the formation of a tariff. No. 
She prohibits, under penalty of confiscation, nearly all the arti- 
cles with which her own subjects can supply her, unaffected by 
the terrors, so powerfully felt in this country, of giving a mono- 
poly of the home market to her own people — terrors which have 
probably cost the United States one hundred millions of dollars 
since the war — terrors which the profound and sage maxim of 
Alexander Hamilton, quoted in our last number,* ought to have 
laid in the grave of oblivion nearly thirty years ago, never to 
rise again to impair the prosperity of the nation, or the happi- 
ness of its citizens. 

The annexed list deserves the most pointed attention, and 
cannot fail to surprise the citizens of a country, where unfortu- 
nately nothing is prohibited, how great soever the domestic sup- 
ply, and where there are hardly any duties deserving the name 
of prohibitory, and few affording adequate protection. 

List of goods the importation of which is prohibited into the Rus- 
sian empire^ according to the tariff of l%\Q.\ 

Alabaster. Beer of all kinds, except English por- 

Ale, ter. 

Bronze, gilt or ungilt, statues, busts. Boots of all kinds. 

vases, urns, girandoles, lustres, can- Baizes of all sorts. 

delabras, &c. Cotton g-oods, wroug-ht of cotton inter- 
Beads of all kinds. mixed with gold and silver ; also 
Blacking for boots and shoes. dyed, printed or cliintz. 

Brandy, distUled from grain of every Candles. 

kind. Chess-boards, and other boards for 
Brandy, poured on cherries, pears, or games, with their appendages. 

other fruits. Carpets interwoven with gold or silver. 

Brooms, of twigs or rushes for cleaning Cranes of all kinds. 

clothes. Confectionary of all kinds. 

Bolts of metal, of every kind for fasten- Cringles. 

ing doors, &c. Coffee-mills. 

Books, covmting house books in blank. Coin, base coin, or being of a less value 
Buttons of all lands. than its denomination. Russian bank 

Baskets of sti-aw or twigs. notes. 

Butter of cows or sheep. Combs of Horn. 

Besoms, brushes of all kinds. Copper utensils of every kind 

Bellows, for fire-places. Copper articles, whether hammered or 
Blankets, or bed-covers, of cotton, lin- cast, &c. ornamented with designs, 

en, or wool, with embroidery, or wo- gilt or ungilt, of every kind ; also 

ven with silver or gold ; also of silk handles, plates, and suchlike arti- 

or half silk, without exception. cles ; the same applies to brass. 

Boxes, sand and spitting boxes. Clothes of all kinds, except those of 
Bedding of all kinds, excepting those passengers. 

of passengers. Canary seed. 

Balls of lead. Ciystal or cut-glass ware of all kinds. 

* See supra, page 45, + Rnrdansz, on European Commerce, page 54-. 



52 



ADDRESSES 



Cases of all kinds. 

Cords of silk, cotton, camel's hair, or 

worsted. 
Cloth, fine black cloth, and all coarse 

cloths and baizes. 
Cicory, ground in imitation of coffee. 
Crystal drops, for lustres and giran- 
doles. 
Chocolate. 
Clocks, for tables or walls, with metal 

or glass ornaments of any kind. 
Clocks or watches in enamel with strip- 
ed edges. 
Caps of all kinds. 

CaiTiages of all kinds, except those be- 
longing to travellers. 
Boors for stoves of all kinds. 
Down of all kinds, except those speci- 
fied as admitted. 
Dried fruits. 

Embroider}' of gold of every descrip- 
tion of material. 
Earthenware vessels, or utensils of 
common clay, delft, fayance or chi- 
na, Porcelain and the like, with gold 
silver or painted borders. 
Fringes of all kinds. 
Fans. 
Feathers. 
Flesh of all kinds, dried, salted or 

smoked. 
Fruits, preserved, wet or dried in 

sugar. 
Gai'den fruits of all sorts, salted in vin- 
egar, fresh or dried. 
Fumigating powder 
Frames for windows. 
Frames for pictures, except belonging 

to pictures or engravings imported. 
Flax for wicks. 
Fishing tackle. 

Gallantry ware, including all sorts of 
high priced trifles, ornamented or 
unornamented, with high priced 
stones and pearls, except tliose oth- 
erwise specified. 
Galloon. 

Gold and silver, or gilt plate, or ves- 
sels of all kinds. 
Glue, made of fish or leather. 
Gold and silver lace, edgings, tassels, 

cords, nets, gauze, &c. 
Gloves, of woollen, cotton, or linen. 
Garters. 
Gun-powder. 

Glass drops, for lustres, girandoles, all 
glass-ware, and utensils of every 
kind, glass girandoles, lustres, &c. 
Window glass in circles. 
Gaiters, of leather. 



Gingerbread. 

Gin or Geneva. 

Gricus, (a kind of common musliroom 

or fungus.) 
Hair, human hair. 
Hair powder. 

Horn combs, horns of elk, reindeer and 
other sorts unwrought, except such 
as are imported in Russian ships 
having been taken by Russian hunts- 
men. 
Hilts, for swords, sabres, daggers, &c. 
Harpsichords or piano fortes, with 
bronze ornaments on the bodies, ex- 
cept such as are applied to strength- 
en them, or upon the legs, or as 
locks. 

Hides, prepared, and every article made 
of leather, except those specified as 
admitted. 

Hats of all kinds. 

Harness and such like for horses. 

Honey, in the comb and prepared. 

Handkerchiefs printed on hnen, clotli, 
silk of every kind, with a border 
woven or printed. 

Hangings of tapestry, or paper, or 
cloth, paper and wool together, wo- 
ven, painted linen, or woollen, and 
all other kinds. 

Iron, cast, in guns, shot, plates thick or 
tliin, kettles, and other cast iron 
work. 

Iron wrought into bars, double, or sin- 
gle for plates. 

Ii'on, pig iron unwrought or wrought in 
pieces, wire utensils of every kind, 
blacksmith's work small ware, every 
sort of locksmith's and whitesmith's 
work, except those specified else- 
where as permitted. 

Iron anchors. 

Ink, of all sorts in bottles or powders, 
also Indian ink (printer's ink, duty 
free.) 

Inkstands of all kinds. 

Jewelry. 

Isinglass, offish (glue.) 

Kingees, or fur shoes and boots of eve- 
ry kind. 

Linen, as shirts, &c. of all kinds, except 
passengers' baggage. 

Linen manufactures of all kinds except 
cambric. 

Locks of all kinds. 

Lime, slaked or unslaked. 

Lace. 

Liqueurs, of brandy. 

Lustres of all sorts. 

Lanterns. 



Addresses. 



53 



Lines, coarse, twisted, such as are used 
in fishing- nets and the Uke. 

Leath(>r, see hides. 

Ladies' ornaments of all kinds. 

Looking glasses, see mirroi-s. 

Mustard, di-y or prepared in glasses, or 
jars. 

Mead. 

Mirrors, or g-lasses intended for them. 

Macaroni. 

Muslin, or muslin handkevcliiefs em- 
broidered. 

Mi'ls, for grinding cofl'ee. 

Mufi's, of all kinds. 

Marble and Alabaster clocks, table 
slfibs, pillars, utensils, and all other 
(ornaments) not specified as admit- 
ted. 

Mats, made of straw to put on tables 
under dishes. 

Mats, sti'aw and rush. 

Mittens, and leather for warm mittens. 

Marienglass, or talc. 

Night caps of all kinds, except those 
specified as admitted. 

Nails, of copper and brass, or with cop- 
per and brass heads, or washed, plat- 
ed, gilt, tinned, or of iron and tin. 

Nets of all kmds, and netting. 

Oil, rape oil. 

Ornaments for ladies. 

Pins and skewers of all kinds. 

Paper of all kinds, not specified as ad- 
mitted. 

Plate, gold and silver vessels of eveiy 
description, also gilt plate. 

Parchment. 

Playing cards. 

Pocket books of all kinds. 

Pens, quills, and feathers. 

Powder, haJrpowder, pomatum, fumi- 
gating powders, gunpowder for guns 
or cannon. 

Porcelain. 

Pipes for tire engines. 

Pipes for smoking of all kinds, except 
of plain meerschaun. 

Pickles, see fruit or vegetables. 

Ribands of orders of knighthood. 

Rum. 

Sausages of all kinds. 

Spirits, extracted from grain, double, 
or spirit of wine sweetened. 

Shoes of all kinds. 

Shot of lead and balls. 

Sashes of all kinds. 



Soap of all kinds, except Venice, Spa- 
nish, Turkish and Greek. 

Sticks of all kinds. 

Suspenders for gentlemen,|except those 
specified as admitted. 

Saltpetre, rough, or refined, except for 
the use of apothecaries. 

Silver plate and utensils of every kind. 

Silver ware or tlu*ead flattened, span- 
gles and foil. 

Shppers of all kinds, except those spe 
cified as admitted. 

Sugar, fruits in sugar, dry or wet. 

Sealing wax. 

Spices of all kinds. 

Saddle cloths. 

Snuffboxes. 

Sword belts. 

Silk of all kinds, silk or half silk goods, 
except those specified for admit- 
tance. 

Toys of all sorts. 

Tapes of aU kinds. 

Tiles for stoves. 

Tapestiy, see hangings. 

Tin, grain tin, or tin ware of any kind. 

Tea of every sort.* 

Tinsel, or foil, flat, woven, red, white in 
lace, lace in liveries, galloons, ri- 
bands, edgings, or bindings, &c. 

Vermicelli, or macaroni. 

Vinegar of all sorts, except w^ine vine- 
gar. 

Wasn basins, tea pots, coffee pots, can- 
dlesticks, waiters, stands, or such Uke 
goods, whether of copper, red or 
green, say copper or brass, iron, tin- 
ned, or untinned, varnished, plated, 
gilt or silvered, argent, hache, or 
with silver edges separately applied. 

Whips for coaclunen. 

Waddings. 

Wafers. 

Wigs. 

Ware, white, yellow, or coloured. 

Wood, manufactm-ed, except in such 
articles as are required by passen- 
gers for their baggage. 

Window frames. 

Wicks for candles of flax or thread. 

Window glass, in circles. 

Watches. 

Woollen goods, baizes of all sorts ; see 
cloth. 

* Tea is adnntted over land from China. 



An appalling reflection arises from the view here given of thr 
policy of Russia ; a reflection which we would willingly suppress, 
but which, fellow citizens, justice to the subject forces us to 



54 ADDRESSES, 

present to your minds. We are imperiously led to offer it from 
a conviction, that to induce a patient to submit to medicine or 
regimen, it is necessary he should be convinced of the existence 
of his disease. And in the present disordered state of our 
* manufactures, trade, and commerce, it is absolutely necessary 
to " hold the mirror up to nature," and " nought extenuate, nor 
aught set down in malice." 

The united states, as is admitted by writers of various na- 
tions, enjoy the best form of government in the world. It 
would therefore be natural to presume, that with such a go- 
vernment, and with a representation probably as freely and fair- 
ly chosen, as any legislative body in any age or country, the in- 
terests of its various descriptions of citizens would be more 
scrupulously guarded than those of any other nation. Yet we 
have here the most cogent proof of the extreme fallacy of 
such a presumption, so far as regards the large and important 
class of citizens engaged m manufactures, on whose success and 
prosperity so much of the strength and resources of nations de- 
pends. This description of citizens^ must look with envy at 

* It is too common, we apprehend, for many of the farmers and planters of 
the southern states, to regard with disesteem, or, in common parlance, " to look 
down" on manufacturers as beneath them in point of respectability. To this 
source may probably be ascribed the inflexible refusal of that protection which 
was so earnestly solicited for the manufacturing' interest throughout the union. 
It is hardly possible to conceive of a greater absurdity. We touch this delicate 
subject freely. We, however, mean no oflfence, and hope none will be taken. 
Our object, we trust, will be regarded by liberal-minded men as not only inno- 
cent, but laudable. It is to coiTect a deep-rooted and pernicious prejudice, which 
tends to produce jealousy and alienation between the different members of one 
family, who ought to cherish for each other kindly sentiments of regard and good 
wUl, and who are so closely connected in point of interest, that it is impossible 
for one to suffer heavily, without the others being deeply affected. We freely 
ask, and request a candid reply, can there, in the eye of reason and common 
sense, be found, on the most impartial scrutiny, any superiority in a South Car- 
olina or Virginia planter, siu-rounded by three or fom- hunched slaves, over a pro- 
prietor of one of the extensive factories in Rliode Island, in whicli an equal num- 
ber of free, independent, and happy workmen, with then* wives and children, 
are employed ? As our object is conciliation, we forbear to assert any supeiiority 
on the other side. But in order to afford a fair opportunity of deciding this im- 
portant question, of the merits, demerits, and usefulness of the ditferent de- 
scriptions of citizens, we state some important facts, which bear forcibly on this 
subject. In the year 1815, there were, as stated in a memorial to Congi-ess of the 
cottonmanufacturersof the town of Providence, witliin thirty miles of that town,* 

Cotton manufactories 140 

Containing in actual operation, .... spindles 13U,ij00 

Using annually, ...... bales of cotton 29,000 

Producing yai'ds of the kinds of cotton goods usually made - 27,840,000 
The weaving of wliich at eight cents per yard amounts to - § 2,227,200 

Total value of the cloth - g 6,000,000 

Persons steadily employed - - ... 26,000 

We may demand, whether thi-oughout the world, there is to be found any equal 
space devoted wholly to agriculture, which furnishes employment to one-fourth 

* Weekly Register, vol. ix. page 44. 



ADDRESSES. 55 

the paternal and fostering care bestowed on persons of the same 
class by the emperor of Russia, one of the most despotic mo- 
narchs of Christendom, The contrast is decisive. It reflects 
honour on the profound wisdom and sound policy of that prince 
— and, fellow citizens, cannot fail to excite painful sensations in 
your minds, to reflect how the united states lose on the com- 
parison. 

It could never have entered into the mind of Hancock, Adams, 
Franklin, Washington, or any other of those illustrious men, 
who, in the field or cabinet, achieved the independence of this 
country, that before the lapse of half a century, American citi- 
zens should be forced to make invidious comparisons between 
their own situation and that of the subjects of a despotic em- 
pire ; and that the protection denied to their industry is liberal- 
ly afforded to that of the subjects of Russia. 

In order to render this extraordinary fact more striking, we 
shall, fellow citizens, compare the situation of a subject of Rus- 
sia and a citizen of the united states, engaged, for instance, in 
the cotton manufacture. 

The former, we will suppose, embarks S50,000 in that busi- 
ness. He has no competition to dread but that of his fellow 
subjects. His paternal government closes the door against his 
destruction, by shutting out the interference of anv other nation. 
He has a large and beneficial market, and, in consequence, en- 
riches himself, and adds to the wealth, strength, power, and re- 
sources of his country. 

What a chilling and appalling contrast when we regard the si- 
tuation of the American engaged in the same useful line of bu- 
siness ! When he has expended his capital, established his works, 
and entertains what he has ground to deem a reasonable hope of 
success, and of that reward to which honest industr)^ has so 
fair a claim, the market, on the supply of which he formed all 
his calculations, is deluged with rival articles, manufactured at 
a distance of thousands of miles, which can be afforded at low- 
er prices than his, and which accordingly destroy his chances of 
sale. He casts an imploring eye to his representatives for the 

pai-t of the number of individuals, or produces one-fourth of the amount of wealth 
or happiness ? 

We trust this brief view will serve to remove the film from the eyes of those 
citizens who, for want of due consideration, have clierislied opinions on the sub- 
ject of manufactures, and manufacturers, so diametrically opposite to fact, and so 
pregnant with i-uinous consequences. 

" Honour or shame from no condition rise : 
" Act well your part : there all the honour lies." 
And the manufacturer of cottons, woollens, watches, paper, hooks, hats or shoes, 
who " acts well liis part" has no reason to slu'ink, and we ti-ust will never shrink, 
from a comparison with any of his feUow men, whether merchants, farmers, 
pLinters,or men of overgi'own wealth. 



56 ADDRESSES. 

same kind of relief which England, France, Russia, Prussia, 
Denmark, and Aastna, afFoird their subjects, and the, refusal of 
which is a manifest dereliction of duty. His representatives, act- 
ing on the maxims of Adam Smith, and disregarding the admo- 
nitory lessons of those mighty nations, meet him with a positive 
refusal ; and he sinks a victim of a policy long scouted out of all 
the wise nations of Europe, and which now only lingers in, and 
blights and blasts the happiness of, Spain and Portugal. Hun- 
dreds of useful citizens in every part of the union, with large fa- 
milies, mourn the ruinous consequences of our mistaken policy. 

The subject is too important not to warrant us in casting ano- 
ther slight glance at it. 

The united states are peculiarly fitted for the cotton manu- 
facture, being as we have already stated, capable of raising the 
raw material, in quantities commensurate with the demand of 
the whole world. And yet cotton goods of every description 
(except those below twentv-five cents per yard, which are dutied 
as at twenty-five cents) are freely admitted at the very ineffi- 
cient duty of twenty-seven and a half per cent, in consequence 
of which, great numbers of the most promising establishments 
have been destroyed. The raw material is transported across 
the Atlantic, 3000 miles, at sixteen to fifty cents per pouvd, 
and returned to us at the rate of from one dollar to five dollars 
— thus fostering the industry and the manufactures of Europe, 
and consigning our workmen to poverty and often to mendicity — ■ 
their employers to the long lists of bankrupts which are daily 
increasing in our towns and cities — and impoverishing the na- 
tion. On this system and its consequences we shall descant 
more at large on a future occasion. For the present we shall 
barely state tliat the policy of England during the dark ages of 
Edward III. and Henry IV. as sketched in our last number, was 
far superior to ours, with all our boasted illumination. 

At the close of the war, powerful and eloquent memorials 
were presented to Congress from the cotton manufacturers of 
Rhode Island, New Lond- 'n. New York, Baltimore, Philadelphia, 
Pittsburg, and various other parts of the United States, in 
which they besought the aid of government, in the most respect- 
ful terms. To narrow the range of objection, they bounded 
their requests generally to a prohibition of cotton manufactures, 
from the East Indies, except nankeens, and to such an increase 
of duties on those from other quarters, as would save the reye- 
nue from injury by the prohibition. The memorials were filled 
vfith predictions of the ruinous consequences that would result 
from the contrary policy. Their simple request, enforced by a 
most luminous train of reasoning, was unhappily rejected : and 
it is almost demonstrable, that to this rejection a large portion 
of the difficulties and embarrassments which at present over- 



ADDRESSES. 5T 

spread the face of the country may be ascril^ed. All the gloo- 
my predictions of the memorials have unfoi'tunately become his- 
tory. 

A consideration of the rejection of the first prayer of the memo- 
rials, which respects the prohibition of East India cottons, is cal- 
culated to excite an equal degree of regret and astonishment. The 
East India trade, daring the continuance of the wars in Europe, 
when we had markets there, and in some of the colonies of the 
belligerents, for the surplus of our importations from beyond the 
Cape of Good Hope, was possibly advantageous, or at least not 
injurious. But as at present carried on, it is highly pernicious, 
by the exhausting drain of specie it creates. On this strong 
ground, and moreover as the coarse fabrics from that quarter, 
as stated in the memorials, are made of inferior materials : and as 
we possess a boundless capacity of supply, every principle of 
sound policy, regard for the vital interests of their country, as 
well as the paramount claim on congress from so useful a body 
of citizens, for protection, ought to have insured compliance 
with the request. To all these considerations fatally no atten- 
tion was paid. 



Policy of Frederic IL of Prussia. 

From the view given of the policy of Russia, we invite atten- 
tion to that of Frederic il. His integrity and regard for the 
rights of his neighbours, no upright man will assert. But on 
his profound wisdom and sagacity as a statesman, the world is 
agreed. A dissenting voice is no where heard. On these points 
he would stand comparison with any monarch of ancient or mo- 
dern times, and rise paramount over ninety-nine out of a 
hundred. His system of political economy is therefore worthy 
of the most serious consideration^ and cannot fail to shed strong 
light on the important subject we are discussing. 

To the promotion of the industry of his subjects, he bestowed 
the most unremitting attention, well knowing that it was the 
most certain means of increasing the population of his dominions, 
and of course the wealth and happiness of his subjects, as well 
as his own power. From this grand and paramount object he 
was never for a moment diverted by his ambitious wars ; and 
notwithstanding the desolation they caused, he doubled the popu- 
lation of his paternal estates during his reign. To foster and 
protect arts and manufactures, he spared neither pains nor ex- 
pense ; " The king protects and encourages manufactures in every 
" possible manner^ especially by advancing large sums of money 

8 



58 A1>DRESS£S. 

" to assist them in carrying 07i their manufactures^ animating 
'■'■ them by rewards^ and establishing magazines of wool in all the 
'■'■ little toxvns^ for the benefit of the small -woollen manufactures T^ 
He was so completely successful, that he not only doubled and 
trebled the number of artists and manufacturers in those branch- 
es already established, but introduced a great variety, formerly 
not practised by his subjects; '' Before the commencement of this 
" reign, Prussia had but few silk mamfactures, and those of little 
'■^ importan e . But the present king has established and given 
*' liberal emouragement to so great a number^ that they employ 
" more than five thousand workmen ; and the annual value of 
" the goods manufactured by them is two millions of crowns,— 
" In the course of the last year 1,200,250 ells of silk stuffs have 
" been manufactured at Berlin, and 400,00(» of gauze. 

" The cotton manufacture alone employs nearly five thousand 
" workmen."* And thus, instead of being as formerly tributary 
to other nations, Prussia was enabled to export her manufactures 
to an immense extent to distant countries. 

" We are in possession of almost every possible kind of manu- 
*' factures ; and we can not only exclusively supply the Prus- 
*' sian dominions, but also furnish the remote countries of Spain 
'■'• and Italy xvith' linen and woollen cloths ; and our maniifactures 
*■'■ go even to China^ where some of our Silesia cloths are conveyed 
" . y the zvay of Russia. We export every year linen cloth, to 
*' the amount of six millions of crowns, and woollen cloths 
" and wool to the amount of four millions."! 

The measures he adopted for attaining these great ends, were 
worthy of the high character he enjoys as a statesman. He made 
large loans to needy artists and manufacturers, to enable them 
to establish their various branches of business. " If the king 
" has greatly increased population by his encouragement of agri- 
" culture, he has advanced it as much^ and perhaps more^ by the 
it grtat numbers cj manufactures and trades of all kinds .^xvhich he 
" has caused to be established.^ or to which he has given encolirage- 
*' ment at Berlin.^ at Potsdam^ and in almost every city and toivn 
" in his dominions ?''\ He purchased large quantities of raw ma- 
terials, and provided magazines, where they were sold at rea- 
sonable rates. He bestowed liberal rewards on artists and man- 
ufacturers, for excellence in their various branches, and moreo- 
ver exempted them in various places from military service. In 
a word, he devoted all the powers of his great mind, and made 
most liberal drafts on his treasury, for the accomplishment of 
this mighty object, which has attracted so small a share of atten- 
tion in this country, from those whose peculiar duty it was to 
promote its success. 

* Hertzberg's Discourses delivered at Berlin, 1786, p. 25. 
* Idem 26; f Idem 23. +Ibid. 



ADDRESSKS. 59 

" It is with a view to encourage trade that the inhabitants of 
"Berlin and PotsdsLvn are exempled yrom military arrvice ; and 
*' his majesty grants nearly the same indulgence to the inhabit- 
*' ants of the circles of the mountains of Silesia, where the poor 
" but industrious and sober weavers, who are settled in a narrow 
*' and barren district, carry on thof>e JiouriHhing linen manujiic- 
^'■tures xvhich produce ufi an exportation of so manij millions- ; and 
*' to the little city of Hirchberg- only^ a trade of txuo millions cf 
" croxvns annually. The king has in this district a canton for 
" his foot-guards ; but from his unwillingness to disturb the 
" population of the district, he seldom draws from hence any re- 
" cruits."* 

The calm and candid observer, who casts his eye on the sys- 
tem of Frederic, and contrasts it with that of the united states, 
cannot fail to feel the same degree of mortification and deep regret, 
which the contrast with that of Russia produced. He will be- 
hold, on one side, a grand, liberal, and magnanimous policy, dis- 
regarding expense in sowing prolific seed, which sprouted forth 
abundantly and repaid the cultivator ten-fold, nay, a hundred 
fold.f Loans, bounties, premiums, and impoi'tant immunities, as 
we have stated, were freely and liberally awarded. 

In the united states the seed was sown by individual exer- 
tion and enterprise. It required little care to foster and make 
it strike deep root. There was no demand of loans — bounties 
premiums — or immunities. All that was asked — all that was ne- 
cessary — was mere protection from foreign interference — a pro- 
tection which would have cost the government nothing, and 
would have enriched the nation. It was fatally withheld : and 
a large portion of the seed so plentifully sown and so promising 

* Idem, 25. 

f " As national industry forms the second basis of the felicity and power of a 
" state, I shall endeavour to prove here in a summary manner, that the Prussian 
« monarchy possesses it in an eminent degree ; and, perhaps, immediately after 
" Fi-ance, England, and Holland ; those powers which, for twocentui-ies, liave had 
•' the almost exclusive monopoly of manufactures,'of commerce, and of navig.ition ; 
•« of which the Prussians have had no part, but since the close of the last century, 
«<and the beginning of the present. This is not the place to make an exact and 
"general table of the Prussian manufactvires ; I shall therefore confine myself to 
" giving a general idea, and some particular examples. We have almost all the 
" trades and manufactures that can be conceived, as well for tilings of absolute 
" necessity, as for the conveniences and hixuiies of life. Some of them have at- 
" tainedto a great degree of perfection, as those of woollen cloth, linen, porcehun, 
" and others. The gi-eater part are in a state of mediocrity, and may be brought 
" by degrees to perfection, if there is continued to be given to them the same at- 
" tention, assistance and support, which tiie Prussian government has hitherto 
" most hberally bestowed ; and especially when to these are added the motives 
" and inducements of emulation, wliich are absolutely necessary for bringing ma- 
*' nufactures and works of art to perfection. Our manufactures exchisively supply 
"all the Piiissian dominiotis ; and, ivith a very favourable rivalship, especially for 
" cloths, lineiis,a7ul woollens, Poland, Russia, Germany, Italy, and especially Spain and 
" America. In order to afford a more strong and clear conviction, I sludl here add 



60 ADDRESSES. 

of a fertile harvest, has perished ; and those who withheld, as 
well as those who besought, the protection,are now in common, 
suffering the most serious injury from that mistaken policy. 

DISBURSEMENTS OF FREDERIC U. FOR PROMOTION OF MANUFAC- 
TURES. ANNO 1785.* 

In Neta March. 

Crowns. 
For establishing- a manufactory of leather, and for tanning at Landsberg 3,500 

For a similar manufactory at Drisen 3,000 

Ditto Ditto at Cottbus 1000 

For erecting a fulling mill at Dramboiu-g 200 

For increasing the magazines of wool for the manufacturers of small towns 3,000 

In Pomerania. 
For enlarging the manufactory of leather at Anclam ... 3,000 
For establisliing a manufactory of leather at Treptow ... 1,500 
For establishing a manufactory at Griff'enhagen .... 1,500 
For estabhshing a manufactory of fustians and cottons at Frederickshold 1,000 
For increasing the magazines of wool in the small towns ... 4,000 
For establisliing a manufactory of beaver stockings at Lawenberg . 2,000 
For estabhshing a cotton manufactory at New Stettin ... 2,400 
For a magazine of cotton for the benefit of the manufacturers of Pomera- 
nia - - 6,000 

East and West Prussia. 
For repairing the damage occasioned by the burning of woollen cloths near 

Preusch Eilau 3,500 

carried over, 35,600 

« a compendious table of tne pnncipal trades and manufactures, which exist m the 
" Prussian monarchy, of their produce, and of the number of traders and manufaC' 
« turers who are employed in them :" — 

« The Prussian dominions had in the course of the year 1784,f 

Produce of tlie 

Manufac- Manufactures 

Looms. turers. jn Hix dollars. 

In linens ■Sl.'J^O 80,000 9,000,000 

In cloths and woollens - - - 18,000 58,000 8,000,000 

In silk 4,200 6,000 3,000,000 

In cotton ..... 2,600 7,000 1,200,000 

In leather 4,000 2,000,000 

In iron, steel, copper, &c. 3,000 2,000,000 

In tobacco, of which 140,000 quintals are the growth of 

thecountiy .... . - 2,000 1,000,000 

Sugar 1,000 2,000,000 

Porcelain and earthenware 700 200,000 

Paper 800 200,000 

Tallow and soap 300 400,000 

Glass, looking-glasses ... . . 200,000 

Manufactures in gold, silver, lace, embroidery, &c. . 1,000 400,000 

Silesia madder 300,000 

Oil . - - - .... 600 300,000 

YeUow amber, - • - ... 600 50,000 

165,000 30,250,000 

* Hertzberg^s Discourses, p.44. Idem, p. 101, 103. 



ADDRESSES. 61 

carried over, 35,600 

For establishing- a manufactory of muslin at Konigsberg' - - - 1,000 

For a manufactoiy of leather at Preusch Eilau - . . - 5,000 

For a dye-house at Gastrow ... .... 2,600 

For magazines of wool in the little towns of West Prussia - - - 6,000 

For a manufactory of press-boai'ds ..... 6,000 

, Silesia. 
For the establishment of forty weavers at Striegaw and in the neighbour- 
hood 17,368 

For premiums relative to manufactures 2,o00 

Brandenburg'h. 

For establishing work shops for carding of wool .... 1,360 

For rewards, intended for the encouragement of spinning in the country 2,000 

For the erection of silk mills at Berlin , 24,000 

For purchasing the cods of sUk worms, and causing them to be well spun 10,000 

For macliines for caiTymg on the Manchester manufacture - - 10,000 

ANNO 1786. 

In Brandenburgh. 

For procuring Spanish sheep 22,000 

For inci'easing the magazines of wool ...... 17,000 

For improvements relative to the spinning of wool .... 4,000 

For a manufactory of woollen cloths at Zinna 3,000 

For a plantation of Mulberrj' trees at Nowawest 2,000 

For the purchase of cods of sQk worms and establisliing a magazine of 

them 20,000 

In the JSfenv March, 

For several small manufactures of wool and leather, and for fulling mills 
in Custrin, Newedel, Falckenburgh, and Somerfeldt, towns of the 

New March 4,020 

In Pomerania. 

For increasing the magazines of wool - 6,000 

For a manufactorj' of cotton stockings at Gartz .... - 4,000 

For a manufactory of leather at Anclam ..---- 8,000 

For a manufactory of leather at Treptow 1,500 

For a manufactory of sail cloth at Rugenwalde .... 5,000 

For a manufactoiy of cables in the same city -~ - - - - 4,000 

For a manufactory of cloth for flags at Stettin 3,000 

In East Prussia. 

For a manufactory of morocco leather at Konigsberg ... 3,000 

For a manufactory of Enghsh earthenware in the same city . - - 4,000 

For a manufactory of leather 1,000 

For a manuf;\ctoiy of ribands and bags . - - - - - 600 

For a cotton manufactory at Gumbinnen 1,000 

In West Prussia. 

For a dye-house at Darkhenen 2,600 

For a dye-house at Bromberg - - 2,600 

For a manufactory of fine Clotli at Culm 7,200 

In Silesia. 
Premiums for manufactiu-es and for encouraging and supporting weavers 17,000 

Total expended in two years, 265,448 



62. ADDRESSES. 

KO. V. 

Philadelphia^ May 3, 1819. 

Fallacy of the objections to the protection of manufactures — De- 
moralization — Injury to commerce — High wages — Vacant 
lands— ~Extortio7i — Loss of revenue — Smuggling. 

The friends of domestic manufactures in this country have 
had to combat a host of objections, maintained with great zeal 
and plausibility, many of which, though utterly destitute of foun- 
dation, have had universal currency. We shall devote the 
present number to obviate some of them. 



I. The demoralizing and debasing effects of manufacturing 
establishments. 

II. Their injurious interference with commerce. 

III. The high rate of wages in the united states. 

IV. The great extent of our vacant lands, which ought to be 
settled previously to the erection of manufacturing establish- 
ments on a large scale. 

V. The extortions practised, and the extravagant prices 
charged by manufacturers during the war. 

VI. The loss of revenue that would arise from protecting or 
prohibitory duties. 

VII. The danger of encouraging smuggling by high duties. 



I. Demoralization. 

The most specious and generally prevalent argument against 
manufacturing establishments, is grounded on then- debasing and 
demoralizing effects. The honest feelings and the sympathy of 
the humane and enlightened part of the community, and the pas- 
sions and prejudices of the remainder, have, in consequence, 
been enlisted and excited to activity against them. The changes 
have been rung, times without number, on the depravity, cor- 
ruption, and pauperism inseparable from large assemblages of 
men, women, and children, collected in a small compass, inha- 
ling a pestiferous atmosphere, both moral and physical. The 
most captivating pictures have been drawn, by way of contrast, 
of the purity, the innocence, the healthiness, and the indepen- 
dence of agricultural employments — and the whole has been 



ADDRESSES. 63 

wound up by deprecating the folly and insanity of seducing 
the Arcadian cultivators of the soil into the business of manu- 
facturing, so destructive to their health, their morals, and their 
happiness. 

This objection, like a thousand other common places, has been 
almost universally assumed, and freely admitted without demur 
or scruple. Even the friends of manufactures have hardly dared 
to doubt its correctness, barely lamenting it as one of the many 
serious evils inseparable from society in its present state. And 
had it not been for the investigations of a recent writer, [Colqu- 
houn], it might have continued for another century to lead man- 
kind astray. 

But even if these views were correct as regarded the over- 
grown manufacturing establishments in England, and some other 
parts of Europe, they would be inapplicable here ; as the best 
friends of manufactures in this country have confined their views 
to the home market generally ; and in so wide a country as this, 
if the manufacturers were degraded and oppressed by men of 
great Avealth in one district, they would be able to resort to es- 
tablishments in another, of which, were manufactures duly pro- 
tected, there would be numbers in everv quarter of the union ; 
and, at all events, the western lands would afford an asylum for 
the oppressed, .and a safeguard against oppression. 

The most eminent statistical writer in Europe at present is 
probably Colquhoun, author of the " Police of London," and 
various other important works, bearing the strongest marks of 
profound research, deep penetration, and philosophical inquiry. 
This writer has published a curious and important table of the 
population^ offenders^ and paupers of every county in England, 
which settles this important point forever, and which we annex. 
The character of the author and the authenticity of the work, 
forbid all appeal from its authority, and cannot fail to remove 
the doubts of the most sceptical. 



64 



ADDRESStS. 



Comparative view of nearly an equal population in one part of the 
kingdom with the name in another.^ 



Counties. 


Popula- 


Offen- 


Paupers. 


Counties. 


Popula- 


Ofien- 


Paupers. 




tion. 


ders. 






tion. 


d<TS, 




Middlesex - - - 


818,129 


1217 


63.173 


Yorkshire • - - 


858,892 


245 


77,661 


Kf'it - . . - 


307.623 


210 


41.6.(2 


Lancashire 


672,731 


371 


46.200 


Siii-ry - • - - 


269,043 


194 


36.13K 


Siattbrd - • - 


239.153 


91 


22..S10 


Es>.A . . . - 


226,4 !7 


144 


38.337 


Devon . . - 


343.001 


96 


43.674 


Gloucester, ~i 
















including \- 


250,809 


141 


36,904 


Lincoln 


208,557 


58 


18,845 


Bristol -> 
















Warwick - 


208,190 


160 


30,200 


Somerset . - - 


278,750 


106 


33,979 


>Ior''.ilk - - - 


273.371 


163 


4H.707 


Chester . - . 


191.751 


30 


22.152 


Sinfolk ■ - - 


210.431 


109 


Sfi.llO 


Durham - - - 


160,361 


27 


15,307 


Sussex . . . 


149,311 


105 


37,076 


Cornwall - 


188,269 


45 


li'.853 


Wilts . . - - 


185.107 


75 


42,128 


Salop . . - . 


167,639 


79 


17.306 


Hampshire 


219.656 


147 


32..S81 


Worcester 


139,330 


51 


18 896 


Nottingham • - 


141,350 


74 


9,80fj 


Northampton 


131,757 


42 


20,534 


Le eester - • - 


130,081 


47 


19,154 


Northumberland - 


157,101 


38 


14,304 


Derby - - - 


161,142 


39 


13.16- 


Cumberland - - 


117.230 


18 


8,445 


Doiset . . . 


115,31'. 


38 


15.78o 


Bucks . . - . 


107,444 


33 


19.650 


iierks - - - 


109.215 


6ii 


22,088 


Cambridge 


89,346 


40 


11.294 


Oxford - . - 


109.6^0 


38 


21,025 


Hereford - 


89.191 


31 


11,779 


Herts . . . . 


97,577 


43 


153'l9 


Monmouth 


45.582 


20 


4,479 


Bedford - • ^ 


63,393 


20 


7,27S 


Westmoreland 


41.617 


e 


4.615 


Hiiiitiiisdon - 


37.568 


15 


4,746 


Rutl.>nd - - - 


16,356 


4 


1,338 


South Wales, 








North Wales ■ - 








tj (ounties - 


288,761 


50 


23,384 


6 counties, - 


252,785 


28 


28,131 




4.381,134 


309. 


586 764 


1 


4,491,846 


1509 


453,952 



This writer furnishes another table, of the state of pauperism 
throughout England, which we also annex — 

Coun- Per cent, on the 

ties. population. 

5. In Cumberland, Cornwall, Lancaster, Not- 
tingham, and East Riding of Yorkshire, 
the number of paupers in each 100 of the 
population - - - - - 7 (less than -j^) 

3. In Derby, Middlesex, and Rutland - 8 (less than yV) 

4, In Lincoln, Northumberland, Stafford, and 

North Riding of Yorkshire - - - 9 (above J,j.) 
4 West Riding of York, Durham, Monmouth, 

and Salop, -- 10 - {^^^ 

4 Bedford, Chester, Somerset and Westmore- 
land, 12 (under f) 

9 Cambridge, Devon, Hereford, Huntingdon, 

Surry and Worcester, ------13 (above |) 

3 Herts, Dorset and Kent, ----- 14 (under ^) 

4 Gloucester, Leicester, Southampton, and 

Warwick 15 (above J) 

2 Norfolk and Northampton, 16 (under J) 

2 Essex and Suffolk, -------17 (above J) 



Colquhoun on Indigence, p. 272. 



ADDRESSES. 65 

1 Buckinghamshire, - - 18 (above i) 

1 Oxfordshire, 20 - (J.) 

1 Berkshire, ---- 21 (above i) 

2 Sussex and Wiltshire, 23 (nearly i) 

12 Counties in Wales, averaging, - - - - 9 (above fj)* 

On the first of these tables he makes tlie following pointed 
and decisive remarks : 

" From this comparative statement," it appears, " that contrary 
^^ to the generally received opinion^ the numhets oj' paupers in the 
^^ counties xvhich are chiefly agricultural^ greatly exceed those. 
*■'■ Tvhere manufactures prevail!!! Thus in Kent and Surry, 
*' where the aggregate population is 576,687, there appear to be 
" 77^770 paupers ; while in Lancashire, where the population 
"is 672,731, the paupers relieved are only 46,200.|" 

He has not compared the two descriptions of the population 
on the subject of crimes. But the contrast in this respect, it 
appears, is equally mifavourable to the agricultural districts. — 
However, as manufactures are spread throughout the kingdom, 
and as all the counties partake to a certain degree of the double 
character of agriculture and manufactures, it is impossible to 
institute a general comparison. But it will answer every valua- 
ble purpose of testing the truth or falsehood of the prevailing- 
opinions, to take a view of six counties, three decidedly agricul- 
tural, and three as decidedly manufacturing. 



Mairuiactuiing 
counties. 


Popula- 
tion. 


Oftl-n- 
deis. 


Paupers. 


Agricult. 
counties. 


Popula- 
tion. 


OrtVn- 
ders. 


Paupers, 


Lancashire 

Yorkshire 

Stafford 


672,731 
858,892 
239,153 


371 

245 
91 


46,0Ub 
77,661 

22,51.. 


Norfolk 

Kent 
Suny 


273,371 
307,624 
269,043 


163 

210 
199 


42,707 
41«632 
36,138 




1,770,776 


707 


146,171 


850,038 


572 


120,477+ 



In the three manufacturing counties, there is only one offend- 
er for every 2500 people ; whereas, in the agricultural, there is 
one for 1600; whereby it appears that the latter districts have 
above fifty per cent, more criminals than the manufacturing, in 
proportion to their population. This is a strong and decisive fact. 

In the three manufacturing counties, the paupers are only eight 
per cent, of the population ; whereas, in the agricultural, they 
are about fourteen. 

We are tempted to cast a further glance on this table, and to 
call the attention to a more striking comparison. Yorkshire 
contains a greater population than the three specified agricultur- 
al counties, and yet has far below half the number of offenders, 
and not two-thirds of the number of paupers. 

' Colquhoun on Indig-encf^, p. 265. f Idem, 273. h Idem, 272, 



66 ADDRESSES. 

Population. Offenders. Paupers. 
Yorkshire, - - - 858,892 245 rr,661 

Norfolk, Kent, and Surry, - 850,038 572 120,47/ 

This result may appear extraordinary and paradoxical. But 
a very slight reflection on the subject will remove the paradox, 
and enable us to account satisfact^'Hly for the existing state of 
things. Idleness is as much the parent of poverty and guilt, as 
industry is of independence and virtue. In agricultural districts 
there is a very large proportion of the labour of the women, 
and a still greater proportion of that of the young people 
wholly lost. The latter waste a great part of their early years 
in total idleness and in the contraction of bad habits. Hence 
arises a fruitful source of pauperism and guilt. 

These statements, independent of their overwhelming bearing 
on the present question, may have another very important ad- 
vantage. They serve to display, in strong colours, the danger 
of trusting to mere assertions, unsupported by facts. There is 
not in the whole range of political economy, a dogma that has 
been more universally received, or appeared more plausible than 
the one here combated, now unequivocally proved by tiie 
be^t authority in Europe, to be not only not true, but the very 
reverse of truth. 

II. Interference with Cotnmerce , 

Among the opponents of the manufacturing system, were for- 
merly great numbers of those citizens, engaged in commerce, 
who appeared impressed with an idea that in proportion as ma- 
nufactures are patronized and extended, in the same proportion 
commerce must be impaired. Hence a degree of jealousy has 
been fostered among the commercial, of the manufacturing class 
of our population, as if there were a great hostility between their 
respective interests. The most enlightened merchants at present 
are convinced of the errors of these views. It is not difficult to 
prove, that they rest on as sandy a foundation as the superior 
purity and freedom from pauperism of the agricultural dis- 
tricts. 

It will not, we trust, be denied, that in every community, in 
proportion to the variety of pursuits and employments, the field 
for exertion is extended, and the danger of rivalship, or of any 
of them being too much crowded, is diminished.. Hence an ob- 
vious consequence of the destruction of so many manufacturing 
establishments, as, during the war, were in ' the full tide of suc- 
cessful experiment,' has been to divert much of the capital and in- 
dustry "^gaged in them to commercial pursuits, whereby the lat- 
ter are so overstocked as to narrow or almost destroy all chance 
of success. The forlorn state of our wharves, our coffee houses, 



ADDRESSES. 67 

and the numberless assignments in our newspapers, as well as 
the almost daily sheriffs' sales of property, fully prove that com- 
merce is overdone, and that it has unfortunately become a most 
precarious profession. Whereas, had manufactures been properly 
protected, commerce would be relieved from the superfluous 
portion of citizens who pursue it, and who, by the eagerness of 
their competition in the markets, domestic and foreign, destroy 
each others' chances of success. 

Another source of indemnification to commerce for any dis- 
advantage it might suffer from the patronage of manufactures, 
would be the trade in various kinds of raw materials imported 
from foreign countries, for the use of the manufacturers.* 

An important consideration remains. The diminution of our 
foreign trade, which is at all times precarious, and often ruinous, 
would be further compensated by the vast increase of the coast- 
ing trade, in the transportation of raw materials from the south- 
ern to the middle and eastern states, and of manufactured arti- 
cles from the latter to the former. 

We do not deem it necessary to enter into further detail, or 
to exhaust the subject. We trust enough has been said, to prove, 
that a liberal patronage extended to manufactures would be emi- 
nently beneficial even to the mercantile part of our citizens, not 
merely by reducing within reasonable bounds the extravagant 
number of competitors in that department, whereby so many 
engaged in it have been ruined ; but by affording profitable employ- 
ment to a portion of that capital which has escaped the destruc- 
tion arising from the ruinous state of our commerce since the 
war, and also by the general prosperity it would produce. This 
system, moreover, would afford commercial men opportunities 
of providing for a part of their children in a less hazardous line 
of business than commerce. 

III. High Wages. 

The high wages said to be given in this country have been 
used as a powerful argument against encouraging manufactures, 
and have led many of our citizens to believe that we would not 
l»e capable of manufacturing extensively for perhaps a century to 
come. This idea has maintained its ground against the strong 
and palpable fact, that many of our manufactures have thriven 
very considerably, notwithstanding the rivalship of foreign com- 
petitors. The difference, however, between the wages here and 
in England, in many branches of business, is far less than is 

* An intelligent citizen, who has carefully examined the entries into the poit 
ef Philadelphia, assures us, that the tonnage employed even now in the importa- 
tion of raw materials, leather, dye-wood, iron, lead', &c. &c. is equal to that em. 
ployed in the importation of bale goods. 



68 ADDRESSES. 

generally supposed. But the argument falls to the ground^ 
when we reflect that in most of those branches dep^ nding whol- 
ly on manual labour, our manufacturers have met the rival arti- 
cles from Europe with great success. Our hatters, shoemakers, 
saddlers, coachmakers, printers, cabinet makers, type founders, 
curriers, glovers, smiths, and various other classes, wholly de- 
barred of the advantage of machinery, have maintained their 
ground far better than thbse citizens concerned in branches in 
which machinery is employed, of whom a large portion have been 
ruined ! 

This is a very extraordinary fact, and could not have enter- 
ed into any previous calculation. The endless variety of mill- 
seats throughout the United States, and the acknowledged ta- 
lents of our citizens in mechanical pursuits, would have led to 
form conclusions wholly different. It would have been believ- 
ed that whatever w^e might suffer in cases m which manual la- 
bour alone was employed, we should be triumphant wherever 
water power and machinery could be called into operation. 

IV. Vacant Lajids. 

Among the formidable objections against the protection of 
national industry in the form of manufactures, the extent of 
our vacant lands holds no mean place. Many members of con- 
gress, and others, when they hear of the decline of manufactures 
— the bankruptcy of the manufacturers — and the sufferings of 
the workmen, with great gravity advise the sufferers " to go 
bnck^^ and cultivate the soil in the wilderness, where there is an 
ample field for their industry. This is prescribed as a sovereign 
and infallible remedy for their evils, and has been a sort of 
shibboleth from the establishment of the government to the pre- 
sent hour. 

So much importance is attached to this idea, and its use is so 
general, we had almost said, so universal, that it requires to be 
dilated on at some length. We shall consider it under two 
points of view — 

I. Are manufacturers in general capable of cultivating vacant 
lands ? 

It requires but a moment's reflection to be satisfied, that the 
mass of persons engaged in manufactures are wholly unfit for 
agricultural employments ; more particularly for clearing and 
cultivating those vacant lands to which they are directed to re- 
sort, as a terrestrial paradise. A man who has spent the prime 
of his life in making watches, cabinet ware, hats, or shoes, or 
weaving cloth, would he nearly as much out of his element at 
agricultural la'.our as a farmer would be in a shoemaker's of 
hatter's workshop. 



ADDRESSES. 69 

Moreover, a large portion, in many cases three fourths of the 
persons engaged in the cotton, woollen and other branches, are 
women and children, wholly unfit for farming. 

II. Suppose the thousands of manufacturers now out of em- 
ployment, and those who are likely, from the present stagnation 
of manufactures, trade, and commerce, to be discharged, were 
to apply themselves to agriculture, is there any chance of a mar- 
ket for the surplus of their productions ? 

This is a vital question, and demands the most serious and 
sober consideration. Its decision must affect the character of 
the past political economy of our governm.ent, and clearly de- 
monstrate the future course pointed out to this rising empire by 
sound political wisdom. 

It is palpable, that, so far from an increase of agriculturists 
being necessary in the interior of this state, and in the whole 
of the western states, they are too numerous for their own 
prosperity ; and hence agricultural productions are almost con- 
stantly a drug, and afford a verv slender remuneration for the 
labours of the field. Increase the number, and you increase the 
evil. Increase the number of manufacturers, you diminish it. 

In consequence of having an over proportion of our popula- 
tion engaged in agricultural pursuits, the foreign markets are 
almost constantly glutted with our staple articles, which are 
quently sold in the West Indies and Eui-ope at a lower rate 
than in our seaport towns. And hence the most ruinous 
losses are sustained by our merchants, of whom a large propor- 
tion are almost every year blotted from the map of the commer- 
cial world. 

When the cause, not of the manufacturers alone, as was er- 
roneously supposed, but of the whole nation, which was deeply 
involved in the question, was powerfully pleaded before congress, 
the southern planters were admonished to secure themselves a 
grand domestic market, independent on the caprice of foreign 
nations. The)' were prophetically warned of the ruinous con- 
sequences that must inevitably follow from the adoption of the 
contrary system. Trusting to a continuance of the very favour- 
able markets they then enjoyed, in which they could anticipate 
no change, the petitions and memorials were rejected. But the 
delusion is past and gone. The age of sober reflection has ar- 
rived. And we trust it is impossible for those whose votes pre- 
vented such adequate protection to the cotton manufactures as 
would have secured an unfailing and increasing home market, 
to reflect on those votes without the most heartfelt regret at the 
course they pursued, not merely as it has affected their own in- 
terests, but for the deleterious effects it has produced, and is 
likely to continue to produce on the welfare of the nation. 



To ADDRESSES. 

At the time those votes were given, which signed and sealed 
the destruction of a large portion of the cotton manufactures in 
the middle states, cotton was thirty cents per pound. U was 
not necessary for congress to have adopted the policy of Russia 
or France, which nations prohibit the importation of all cotton 
manufactures — nor that of Great Britain which imposes a duty 
of 85 per cent, on them. Had they barely prohibited the low 
priced articles, and laid an adequate protecting duty on all ot!;er 
descriptions, the price of cotton would probably have ne\ er been 
reduced. So large and so constantly increasing a portion of it 
would be consumed in this country, that it could not be mate- 
rially affected by the fluctuation of foreign markets. It now 
sells at sixteen or eighteen cents : and it is not easy to calculate 
how long it will remain at that rate. The value of the estates of 
the southern planters is thus reduced above one-third. Dearly, 
therefore, do they expiate their rejection of the earnest prayers 
of their feiiow citizens, who, as we have stated, were actually, 
as is now in full proof, pleading the cause of the whole nation, 
and at least as much that of the cotton planters as of any other 
portion of our citizens. 

The depreciation of the price of the two other great staples 
of the country, tobacco and flour, is at least as ruinous as that 
of cotton. 

; The reduction of the value of estates is not confined to those 
of cotton planters. Real estate generally throughout the union, 
has suffered a vast depreciation. In many places it has fallen 
one-fourth — in others one-third, and in some even one-half. 

We do not pretend that the low tariff" pt oceeded solely from 
the southern planters. This would be contrary to the historical 
fact. Members from every state in the union, except three, 
voted for the existing rates. But of all the members from the 
five southern states, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South 
Carolina, and Georgia, only five voted against the reduction of 
the duty on cotton goods to twenty-five per cent.^ 

To test more fully the correctness of the prevailing idea we 
here combat, we will suppose it carried generally into operation, 
and that a large portion of the persons at present employed in 
manufactures, had " gotie back^'' and were " cultivating our va- 
cant lands.'*'' The obvious consequence would be, that the quan- 
tity of the agricultural productions of the country, and our 
demands for manufactured goods from abroad, would both have 
been greatly increased. Of course the prices of the former 
would have been still more ruinously reduced, and the nation 

* In order to present a correct view of this interesting subject, we annex the 
yeas and nays on a motion made by Mr. Forsyth, on the 2d of April, 1816, to 
amend the report of the committee on the bill to reg'ulate the duties on imports,. 



ADDRESSES. 



71 



still more drained of its circulating medium. It does not require 
much skill to calculate what ruinous consequences such a sys- 
tem cf policy would have produced. 

Before we dismiss this part of our subject, we wish, fellow- 
citizens, to present it in another point of view. Suppose 10,000 
agricultural citizens settled in the interior of any of the westeriT 
states, and acting on the maxim of Adam Smith, tbat is, " buying 
where they can purchase cheapest" — of course in Europe and in 
the East Indies, at a distance of from three to ten thousand miles, 

by striking' out thirty per cent, on cotton goods proposed by that committee, and 
substituting twenty-Jive. 





YEAS.— (For 


twenty-five per cent.) 




J\few-Hampshire. 


Kent 


Breckenridge 


King 


Atherton 


Lovett 


Goodwyn 


Love 


Cilley 


Root 


Hawes 


Pickens 


Hale 


Pennsylvania. 


Hungeiford 


Yancey 


Webster 


Burnside • 


Jewett 


South Carolina. 


Wilcox 


Hiester 


Johnson 


Chapel 


Voss 


Hopkinson 


Ken* 


Huger 


MassacJmsetts. 


Ross 


Lewis 


Lowndes 


Bvadbiuy 


Whiteside 


Lvon 


Middleton 


Nilson 


Delaware. 


M''Coy 


Taylor 


Pickering 


Clayton 


Nelson 


Woodward 


Reed 


Maryland. 


Noyes 


Georgia. 


Rug'g-les 


Archer 


Pleasants 


Cuthbert 


Tagjrart 


Baer 


Randolph 


Forsjth 


Ward 


Goldsborough 


Roane 


Hall 


Vermont. 


Hanson 


Sheffey 


Lumpkin 


Langdon 


Herbert 


Smith 


TJfair 


Connecticttt. 


Moore 


Tait 


Wildti 


Champion 


Pinkney 


J^orth Carolina. 


Kentucky. 


Law 


Smith 


Clarke 


Hardin 


Mosely 


Stuart 


Cidpepper 


M'Kee 


Stearns 


Wright 


Edwards 


Tennessee. 


Sturgis 


Virginia. 


Forney 


Henderson 


JVVry York. 


Barbour 


Gaston 


Thomas.— 81. 


Grosvenor 


Basset 


NAYS. 




Massachusetts. 


Bu-dsall 


Southard 


Marsh 


Baylies 


Brooks 


Pennsylvania. 


Newton 


Connor 


Comstock 


Crawford 


South Carolina. 


Hulbert 


Crocherou 


Dai'Ungton 


Calhoun 


Paris 


Gold 


Glasgow 


Mavrant 


Strong 


Savage 


Griffin 


Ohio. 


Wheaton 


Schenck 


Halm 


Alexander 


Connecticut. 


Throop 


Ingham 


Clendenin 


Davenport 


Townsend 


Irwin 


Creighton 


Pitkin 


Wendover 


Lyle 


Kentucky. 


Rhode Island, 


Ward 


Maclay 


Desha 


Boss 


Wilkin 


Milnor 


Johnson 


Mason 


Willoughby 


Piper 


M'Lcan 


Vermont. 


Yates 


Sergeant 


Sharpe 


Cliipman 


JVew Jersey. 


Wallace 


Taul 


J\'ew York. 


Baker 


Wilson 


Tennessee. 


Adgate 


Bateman 


Virginia. 


Powell 


Betts 


Bennet 


Jackson 


Reynolds.— 6G, 



I 2 ADDRESSES. 

subject to all the variety of charges incident to such a com- 
merce, and then transmitting their surplus productions three 
thousand miles, subject to similar charges ! what a state of de- 
pendence and poverty this policy is calculated to produce ! Yet 
it is to a certain extent the situation of a large portion of the in- 
terior of the united states. And hence the general depression, 
the stagnation of business, the drain of the circulating medium, 
and the consequent depreciation of their bank paper. 

Of this policy the state of Ohio has long been, and all the oth- 
er M^estern states are gradually becoming, melancholy victims. 
It can never be sufficiently regretted, that with a boundless ca- 
pacity of supplying themselves with nearly every thing they re- 
quire, a very large proportion of their clothing and other articles 
should be drawn from Europe, and that the produce of their in- 
dustry should depend for its value on the state of the markets 
in that quarter of the globe ! 

Let us exhibit a brighter picture, on. which the mind can dwell 
with delight ; a picture, which a correct tariff could not have fail- 
ed to produce, and which, we trust, the wisdom of congress 
will ere long produce. Let us suppose that these 10,000 citizens 
had linen, cotton, woollen, and leather manufactures adequate 
to their wants, m their immediate vicinity, and that instead of 
sending their flour and tobacco to New -Orleans and thence to 
Liverpool, the former at four or five dollars per barrel, and of 
course purchasing a coat with six or eight barrels, they had a 
market for it at home, and could purchase a coat for three or four 
barrels, an«il in the same proportion for other articles. The dif- 
ference between the two situations is exactly the same as be- 
tween affluence and penury — happiness and wretchedness. — 
What a contrast ! what a lesson does this superficial view fur- 
nish the legislature of the united states — and what a strong 
sentence of condemnation it pronounces on Adam Smith's 
theory ! 

V. Extortion during the War. 

This stands on nearly the same ground of error as the prece- 
ding objections. During that period, the wages of labour were 
high — the expenses of transportation of the raw materials, as well 
as the manufactured articles, very exorbitant — and those raw ma- 
terials were sold at high rates. All these circumstances com- 
bined to enhance the price of goods of every description. More- 
over, the heavy disbursements for the purchase of mill-seats and 
erecting machinery, required extraordinary profits — And finally 
the disorders and irregularities of a state of warfare, forbid men 
of sound minds from grounding any general inferences on the 
occurrences of such a period. 



ADDRESSES. 7o 

But suppose all the charges of this class were judicially prov- 
ed ; with what propriety, we boldly, but respectfully ask, could 
a planter who raised cotton for 10 a 12 cents, and for years sold 
it at 20 and 30, and who would without scruple have sold it at 
75 or 100 — or a merchant whobuj s flour at six dollars, carries it 
to the West Indies, when the people are in a state of starvation, 
and there, taking advantage of their distress, sells at 20, 30, or 
40 dollars — with what propriety, we say, can they reproach the 
manufacturer for having sold cloth which costhim 9 or lOdollars, 
at 12 or 14 ? The application of the parable of the beam and the 
mote, was not confined to the commencement of the Christian era. 
Its lessons are as necessan- now as they were 1800 years ago. 

On this point we once more refer to the luminous maxim of 
Alexander Hamilton, contained in our third number,| which is 
beyond the power of refutation, and which points out the proper 
course to be pursued, with the hand of a master. 

This maxim has received the strongest corroboration from the 
practical experience of the united states, which is within the 
knowledge of almost every individual in it. There is probably 
not a single article manufactured here which is not sold at a fair 
price. This can never fail to be the case, in a country where 
there is so much enterprize, so much capital, and so much in- 
dustry, at all times ready to be employed in any pursuit w^hich 
affords a reasonable prospect of remuneration, and likewise such 
a spirit of competition. In fact the rivalship is, in many cases, 
carried so far, that prices are reduced too low, and in conse- 
quence many of the competitors ruined. 

But facts speak louder than words. For years the nation 
has been led astray by groundless accusations of the extortions 
of manufacturers, which have been an unceasing source of de- 
clamation, and been regarded as an unanswerable argument 
against complying with the requests of this class of citizens. 
During this whole time the farmers and planters have been 
realizing the most exorbitant profits; amassing large and inde- 
pendent fortunes, and exhibiting a degree of prosperity rarely 
exceeded.* On the contrary nearly one-half of the " extortion- 
ate^'' manufacturers of cotton and woollen fabrics, victims of a 
pernicious policy, have been ruined, and a large portion of the 
remainder are barely able to struggle along in hopes of a change 
in the policy of the country ! 

t See supra page 45. 
* The losses resulting' from the excessive quantities of oiu- produce, with which 
foreign markets are so frequently overstocked, have hitherto scarcely touched 
the farmers or planters, who have almost universally sold their produce at high 
rates. The injury, as already stated, has fallen on the merchants. The farmers 
and planters, however, now begin to participate largely in the pernicious effects 
of this system, f 

10 



«^^ ADDRESSES; 

VI. Loss of Revenue. 

The solicitude to avoid impairing the revenue, by prohibiting 
the importation ot any merchandize, or by such higii protecting 
ducits as might operate to diminish importation, has been openly 
avowed in congress among the rea .ons for rejecting the prayers 
of the manufacturers for protection ! 

It is lamt ntabifc to think that in the enlightened nineteenth 
c.?: t'.'iy, it should i:e necessary to combat such a prejudice. 

Let us caiuly examine this o jection, and see on what ground 
It Cots. Let us suppose the annual amount of oar importations 
o. cotton fabrics, to l;e 15,000,000 of dollars; and that by ade- 
q ■•tie protection, they could be manufactured among ourselves,^ 
and this targe sum retained in the countiyj can it be admitted 
for a moment, that trc uuestion of manafacturing or importing 
fehould be decided } th.; operation on the fiscal concerns of the 
C' iuntry ? or that a go^crnment, whose paraixiount duty it is to 
pr.-t..' t the interests and to promote the prosperity of a nation, 
s > aid N.)r a moment prefer to have its wealth, to such an extent, 
diiintxi :j way for the benefit of a foreign country, merely because 
it could by such a wa ,ting policy draw a portion of the 
amount to the coff'rs of the state ? 1 hat is to say, in order to 
simplify the business, can it be reconcilable to sound policy, to 
send 15,0C 0,000 ol dollars to India and China, or elsewhere, to 
support the industry, the manufactures, and the agriculture of 
those countries, in.^tead of retaining it at borne for the advan- 
tage ol oiir own citizens, merely because the treasury could raise 
three or four milijons from the articles thus purchased ! What- 
Cicr plea tliere might be for this system in countries whose im- 
moderate debts, and enormous expenses require paramount 
attention to raising a large re\enue, it is wholly inapplicable in 
the united states, whose debts and expenses are comparatively 
liglit, and who;e means of discharging them are so abundant. 

Anv diminution of revenue, resulting from the imposition of 
the duties necessary to protect national industry would only 
affect the question of the duration of the debt itself ; that is, 
whether it should be paid off in a greater or less period of time ! 
It is, in a word, a question whether the nation shall pay off the 
debt, for instance, in ten, twelve, or fifteen years, and during that 
period feel the distress, embarrassment, and poverty which have 
never failed and never can fail to result from the neglect of pro- 
tecting national industry— or take twenty or twenty-five years to 
pay it off, and in the mean time enjoy the bounties, the blessings, 
the happiness which heaven has placed within its reach. We 
trust there never wUi be, certainly there never ought to be, any 
hesitation in future on the choice. 



ADDRESSES. ^S 

But we feel persuaded, that even confining our views to the 
mere secondary object of revenue, and utterly disregarding all 
higher concerns, the low tarifFhas been highly impolitic, as will 
appear manifest from the following consideration : 

It has encouraged extravagant importitions, for a few years, 
whereby the revenue has, it is true, gained in proportion as the 
country has been impoverished. But that in;poveri.shme)it, and 
the ruin that spreads far and tvJde, wist necessarilif produce a 
diminution offuttire importations proportioned to the past excess^ 
and has further produced the lamentable consequence of a diminu- 
tion of the power of paying taxes! ! 

The utter impolicy of depending almost wholly on the impost 
for a revenue, was so striking during the last war, and reduced 
the country tO such a deplorable state in point of resources and 
finances, that sound wisdom enters a most solemn protest against 
the continuance of such a system. It brought the united states 
to the verge of destrac tion. On the commencement of the war, 
when our utmost energies ought to have been called into imme- 
diate operation, the grand source of revenue was at once cut off, 
and invaluable time v/as wasted in preparing a substitute. 1 his 
must be the case in all future wars, from which the experience 
of all mankind forbids us to hope for an exemption. Whereas, 
if manufactures were duly protected, they would bear, and the 
manufacturers would cheerfully pay, moderate duties ; \vhi( h, 
in the time of war, might be enlarged as circumstances would 
require. England, the most commercial nation in the world, 
derives only one-fifth part of her revenues from customs. In 
1793, her revenue was above sixty-three millions of pounds 
sterling, of which the customs yielded not quite twelve.* 

The customs of the united states for the years 1807 and 1808, 
were above thirty-two millions, or an average of sixteen ; where- 
as, in 1814, theij ivere not six millions! thus this source of re- 
venue, like a deceitful friend, deserted the nation completely in 
the hour of need ; and, like a deceitful friend, whose falsehood 
is fully proved, ought never to be implicitly relied on again. 

VII. Encouragement of Smuggling. 

The refusal of adequate duties for the protection of the ma- 
nufactures of the united states has been too generally defend-* 
ed, among other reasons, by the apprehension of affording en- 
couragement to smuggling. This plea will not stand scrutiny. 
It is a remarkable fact, that the duties are beyond comparison 
higher on a variety of articles, not at present, nor likely to be, 
raised or manufactured in this country, than on those which in- 

* Colquhoun on the Power and Resources of Great Britain, p. 268. 



76 



ADDRESSES. 



terfere with or destroy our national industry — So that this plea 
falls to the ground. 

In order to enable you, fellow citizens, to form a correct idea 
on this subject, and to appreciate the incorrectness of the plea, 
we annex a table of duties on sundry articles of both descrip- 
tions. 



place! 



Imperial tea, per lb - . - 
Hyson do. do. - - 

Souchong do. do. - - - 
Madeira wine, per gallon - - 
Sherry do. do. - - 

Cinnamon, per lb. ... - 
Cloves do, . . - 

Cotton fabrics, ( except those "> 
below 25 cents the square yard) 5 
Woollen manufactures . . - 
On all articles manufactured of "^ 
bi-ass, steel, pewter, lead, or tin, 
brass wire, cutlery, pins, nee- v 
dies, buttons, earthenware, pot- 
tery, porcelain, china, &c. - 



Prices at the 
— !s of export. 

cents. 

65 a 67 
38 1-2 a 40 

20 a 35 
260 
100 o 112 

40 

55o50 



Specific 


Rate of duty 


duty. 


(K-r cent. 


cents. 




50 


80 


28 


70 a 80 


25 


70 a 125 


100 


40 


60 


55 a 60 


25 


60 


25 


50 a 52 




27 1-2 




271-2 




22 



It is painful to us to state, but regard to truth, and to the 
dearest interests of our country, oblige us to state that we doubt 
whether the tariff of any country has ever exhibited more impo- 
litic features than are to be seen in the above abstract. If the 
apprehension of encouraging smuggling by high duties had any 
influence in regulating the tariff, ought it not to have prevented 
the imposition of 80 per cent, on teas, 50 per cent, on wines, 
60 per cent, on cinnamon, and 50 per cent, on cloves ? Is it not 
as easy to smuggle boxes of tea, as bales of cottons or woollens ? 
Would it not have been as safe to impose a duty of 80 per cent, 
on the latter as on the former ? The want of sufficient protec- 
tion of the national industry, which is so conspicuous through- 
out the tariff, cannot therefore for a moment be defended on the 
ground of the apprehension of promoting smuggling ^a plea which 
must be abandoned forever. The utterly inadequate duty on 
woollen goods sealed the condemnation and destruction of more 
than half the merino sheep in the country, which cost above one 
million of dollars to our citizens ; were beyond price ; and ought 
to have been cherished as ' the apple of the eye."* 

Had the cotton and woollen manufactures been protected by 
the lowest rate of duties on the seven first articles, in the above 
list, the united states would probably have saved 60,000,000 of 
dollars since the war, and would now exhibit a most enviable 
spectacle of prosperity. It rends the heart of every citizen pos- 
sessed of public spirit to behold the melancholy and appalling 
contrast that pervades the nation. 



ADDRESSES. 17 

The united states possess a capacity of raising, and water 
power and mechanical skill to manufacture, cotton to an extent 
commensurate with the demand probably of the whole world, 
and our means of securing a constant supply of wool are amply 
adequate. It will not, therefore, admit of a doubt, that by 
proper encouragement, in a few years, this nation might have 
fully supplied itself with cotton and woollen manufactures to the 
utmost extent of its wants ; and yet, wonderful to tell, two-thirds 
of our cotton fabrics are brought from countries, from three to 
ten thousand miles distant — and one third of our woollens, three 
thousand. 



We wish it to be clearly and distinctly understood, that though 
these addresses appear to advocate exclusively the interests of 
the manufacturers, yet it is in appearance only. Our object is 
to promote the interests of the whole nation, on the most ex- 
tended scale. We scorn all partial views ; and are convinced, 
that were every manufacturer in the United States in a prosper- 
ous situation, still sound policy would require a radical revision 
of the tariff, in order to arrest the impoverishing drain of specie, 
resulting from an unfavourable balance of trade, and from the 
pernicious intercourse with India. The motive to our addresses 
is a clear and decided conviction, that this nation can never be 
great, happy, or respectable, while '- it buys more than it sells.,'' as 
it has done ever since the war ; Avhile its treasures are lavished 
at a distance of ten thousand miles, to purchase fabrics, with 
which it could abundantly supply itself ; while it exports raw 
materials at thirty cents a pound* and receives the articles, manu- 

• Two pieces of cambric, each containing twelve yards, weighed, the one two 
pounds one-eighth — tlie other, two pounds one-fourtli. The first is sold in this 
city at one dollar, and the other at sixty-two and a half cents per yard. And there 
are much finer and higher priced cambrics than either — some at a dollar and a 
quarter, and some at two dollars. Thus the cotton, which we sell raw from 
eighteen to fifty cents per pound, is returned to us, manufactured, at the rate of 
from two dollars to seven or eight — an advance of from six himdred to about 
eighteen hundred per cent ! 

We submit to the calm consideration of the reader, a calculation which cannot 
fail to astonish him. In 1816 we exported to Great Britain about fifty milhons 
of pounds of cotton, which, at thu-ty cents, amounted to §15,000,000 

Suppose that we received only 7,500,000 of pounds manufactured 
into cambrics and muslins, at the low average of 33 cents per 
yard, equal to two dollars per lb. it would amount to - - 15,000,000 

Being for 7,500,000 lbs. the full value of the whole raw material 
exported, exclusive of the surplus 42,500,000 of pounds of raw 
cotton, which at prime cost is ----- - 12,750,000 

27,750,000 



Thus lea^nngto Great Britain by this single transaction, a gain of 12,750,000 
What an appalling vieTT of the policy of a nation, wliich has had the experi- 



78 • ADDRESSES. 

factured of them at from one dollar to six or eight ; and while 
we suffer our machinery to go to ruin, consign our manufactu- 
rers to poverty, and furnish employment for the machinery and 
manufacturers of other countries. 

We shall conclude this address with a new view of this sub- 
ject which will appear paradoxical, but which, nevertheless, we 
hope will not be rejected without due consideration. 

We are strongly inclined to believe, that such additional pro- 
tection to the national industry, as would have considerably di- 
minished our importations, would not only have rescued this 
country from its present distress and embarrassment, and 
ensured it a higb degree of happiness and prosperity, but, extra- 
ordinary as it may appear, would have proved advantageous 
even to Great Britain. 

The value of a market depends not on the quantity of goods 
sold, but on the quantity paid for. And as the present paralysis 
of the national industry, and the impoverishment of the country, 
have chiefly arisen from our excessive importations and the want 
of adequate protection to our manufactures, by which many of 
them have received a severe, and some a deadly stroke ; and, 
moreover, as this impoverishment has reduced many of our im- 
porters to bankruptcy, and incapacitated a considerable propor- 
tion of the remainder from discharging their engagements at 
present ; whereby the merchants of Great Britain experience not 
only very great temporary disappointments and difficulties, but 
will ultimately suffer immense losses; it conclusively follows, 
that our impolitic tariff" has injured Great Britain as well as the 
united states. 

Its injurious operation has been moreover greatly aided by a 
system pursued in Great Britain, which deserves reprobation. 

That her policy, on the subject of manufactures, trade, and 
commerce, is generally very profound, is too obvious to require 
enforcement. Yet we are persuaded, that she has, in the case 
of this country, very much mistaken her true interest. 

That the united states were her best customer, is beyond 
doubt — and had the trade with us been conducted with care and 
caution, she would have derived vastly more benefit from it than 
she has done, or is ever likely to do. 

Our importers order as many goods as suit the consumption 
of the country, and in general rather a superabundance. Had 
the supplies for this market been confined to goods thus ordered, 
the importers might have prospered, and the debts to Great Bri- 

ence of all the world to griide its cai'eer ! Is it wonderful, after reflecting on this 
and so many analogous features of our intercourse with foreign countnes, that 
with advantages superior to those of any nation of ancient or modern times, we 
should be surrounded by embarrassments and difficulties, and that bankruptcy- 
should stare us in the face ! 



ADDRESSES. 70 

tain been paid with tolerable punctuality. But it very frequent- 
ly liappens, that after an order is received from the united 
states, and filled, one, two, or three similar assortments are 
made up, shipped, consigned to an agent here, and sacrificed at 
vendue, at very reduced prices, on account of the exporter. — 
The market is thus immoderately glutted, the prices of goods 
greatly reduced, the fair trader deeply injured, and sometimes 
absolutely ruined, by those who receive his orders. 

Thus, independent of the heavy loss sustained by the sacrifice 
of the goods sent on consignment, immense losses arise from 
the failure of those whose prospects in business are destroyed 
by this overtrading. 

It is, therefore, not improbable, that the British merchants 
would receive nearly as large returns for two-thirds, perhaps for 
one half, of the goods they export to this country, as they do for 
the whole. By the policy at present pursued, they absolutely 
ruin their most valuable customers, and destroy their best mar- 
ket : and the recent accounts from England prove that many of 
them ruin themselves. The numerous bankruptcies in that 
country, it appears, are greatly owing to the failure of remittan- 
ces from hence. 



NO. vr. 

Philadelphia^ May 15, 1819. 

Memorial to the President of the U. S. urging an early call of 
Congress. View of the state oj the nation. 

Thk Society for the Promotion of National Industry, impres- 
sed with a belief that the calamitous situation of our agriculture, 
manufactures, trade and commerce — the unfavourable balance 
of trade — the exhausting drain of specie — and the reduction of 
the prices of real estate, and of the grand staples of our country, 
require the exercise of the wisdom of the legislature of the 
united states to apply an early and efficient remedy, hope it will 
not be regarded as an undue interference, that they venture to 
submit to the consideration of their fellow citizens throughout 
the union, the following form of a respectful application to the 
president, for an early call of congress. Should the measure be 
found necessary, it is of little consequence with whom it origin- 
ates : should the contrary opinion prevail, the motive cannot fail 
with all good men, to apologize for the suggestion. 



80 ADDRESSES. 

1o the President of the united states. 

Sir, — The subscribers, with all due respect, submit to your 
most serious consideration, the following reasons on which they 
venture to suggest the propriety of convening an extra session 
of congress. 

Our agricultural productions, the great staples of our country, 
on which we relied to pay for our enormous importations, and 
which, even at their highest rates, would have been inadequate 
for that purpose, are either excluded from foreign markets, or 
reduced in price from twenty-five to forty per cent, without any 
probability of a favourable change. 

Our markets are deluged with merchandize from foreign na- 
tions ; while thousands of our citizens, able and willing to work, 
and capable of furnishing similar articles, are unable to procure 
employment ; our manufacturing establishments are generally 
in a languishing condition, and many of them, m which immense 
sums have been invested, wholly abandoned, whereby their pro- 
prietors, who placed reliance on the protection of government, 
are ruined. 

Our commerce is almost equally prostrate, and the capital 
of the country, engaged in that useful branch, reduced, since the 
war, at least one-third, probably one-half. 

The balance of trade, in consequence of excessive importa- 
tions, has been, and continues, most ruinously against us, where- 
by, after having remitted an immense amovmt of our government 
and bank stock in payment, which subjects the nation to a heavy, 
permanent annual tax — we have been and are alarmingly drain- 
ed of our circulating medium, in consequence of which our mo- 
nied institutions are impoverished and crippled in their opera- 
tions ; agriculture, manufactures, trade, and commerce paralized: 
and all classes of our citizens more or less injuriously affected 
in their pursuits. 

Real estate has depreciated throughout the union from fifteen 
to thirty-five per cent. ; and in many cases fifty or sixty. 

The subscribers are impressed with a conviction, that for all 
these alarming evils there is no adequate remedy but a reduc- 
tion of the amount of our imports within that of our exports ; 
it being undeniably true, that nations, like individuals, which 
buy more than they sell^ or, in other words, expend beyond their 
income, must be reduced to bankruptcy. 

To depend on this salutary effect being produced by the res- 
toration of the spirit of economy which is to result from gene- 
ral distress, or from the forbearance of our merchants to import, 
is to allow a violent fever to rage in the body politic, and ex- 
haust itself, or the national strength, without the application of 
any remedy to arrest its destructive career. 

Even if our own merchants were to reduce their importations 



ADDRESSES. 81 

within those bounds which our means of payment would require, 
this would afford no security : as our markets would probabl)- 
continue to be, as they have been, inundated with goods consign- 
ed by foreign merchants, which would perpetuate the calamitous 
situation into which our countiy is plunged. 

A radical remedy to the evil can only be applied by the le- 
gislature of the united states, in such a revision and regulation 
of the tariff, as shall reduce our importations, and effectually pro- 
tect national industry. 

In England, France, Germany, Russia and Prussia, and most 
other countries in Europe, national industry is adequately pro- 
tected by prohibitions and heavy duties ; whereas, while many of 
our agricultural productions, and almost all our manufactures, are 
excluded from nearly all the markets of the world ; ours are 
open to those of all other nations, under duties by no means af- 
fording sufficient protection ; a case probably without example 
in the annals of mankind. 

We therefore respectfully pray that you will be pleased to 
convene congress as early as circumstances may permit.* 

* 



NO. VII. 

Philadelphia^ May 20, 1819. 

Fallacy of the maxim that trade will regulate itself. Strong 
case supposed of France and Spain. Prosperous state of 
xvoollen vianufac lures in Portugal. Methuen treaty. Fatal 
consequences. Impoverishment of Portugal^ by the drain of 
her specie — its influx into Great BritaiJi. 

On almost every subject of discussion, fellow-citizens, there 
are certain hacknied phrases, which pass current as oracular, 
and, though extremely fallacious, are received with scarcely any 
investigation. There is probably no science that has been more 
distorted in this respect than that of political economy, on which 
so much of human happiness depends. 

We propose, in the present number, to consider a maxim of 
this description, fraught with destruction to any nation by which 
it is adopted ; but which is implicitly believed in by a large por- 
tion of our citizens, and has had considerable influence on the 
legislature of the union. 

This specious maxim is, that 

* [To this memorial no attention whatever was paid, except by a few printers 
of newspapei-s, who united in a clamour against it.] 

11 



82 ADDRESSES. 

" TRADE WILL REGULATE ITSELF," 

which, in all probability, led to that refusal of adequate protec- 
ti('U to the national industry, which has overspread the nation 
with dictress — lowered the price of some of our chief staples, 
by depriving them of a domestic market — bankrupted so many 
of our merchants and traders — deprived so many thousands of 
our citizens of emplovmeiit — and. in a word, reduced us Irom 
the moat towering prospects to a most calamitous reverse. 

It will be perceived that this is a \ ital part of Adam Smith s 
doctrine — indeed, the basis on which he has rained his great 
superstructure ; and that we have already animadverted on it 
incidentally. But its immense influence on the fate of nations^ 
ai-;d its most destructive tendency, demand a more minute in- 
vestigation, to which we now solicit your attention. 

How far its advocates deem it proper to have it carried, we 
are not quite certain. In its strict acceptation, it means a total 
exclusion of all regulations of commerce, so that the intercourse 
between nations should be as free as between different provinces 
of the same empire. In fact, if it does not mean this, it is diffi- 
cult to define what it can mean ; for if a government enacts any 
regulation whatever, it cannot with truth or justice be said, that 
" LrttJe rt_i(ii Idles iiHelfP We shall, therefore, consider it in its 
utmost latitude, as excluding all regulations. The result, how- 
ever, would not be materially affected by any modification, or 
restriction of its provisions, short of effectual protection of na- 
tional industry. These would, as the case might be, only 
accelerate or procrastinate the final catastrophe, to which it infal- 
libly leads. 

This maxim ought to have been consigned to oblivion centu- 
ries since, by the considerations, that no trading or commercial 
nation has ever prospered without " reguiathn of trade;''- that 
those nations which have devoted the most scrupulous attention 
to its regulation, have been the most prosperous ; and that in 
proportion as it has been neglected, exactly in the same propor- 
tion have nations gone to decay. The cases of England, France, 
Spain, and Portugal, offer powerful illustrations of these posi- 
tions. But we shall not rest satisfied with this mode of defence. 
We shall trace the operation of the maxim in its full extent. 

As it would be nugatory to suppose that the existing regula- 
tions of commerce could, by any convention, be annulled, and 
its entire freedom be universally established, we shall merely 
suppose it adopted only by a portion of the commercial world, 
and see what would be its effects on those nations wherein it was 
carried into operation ? 

To form an accurate idea on this or any other subject, the 
safest and best mode is to state the case on a small scale, which 



ADDRESSES. 83 

the mind can readily embrace without distraction, and thence to 

argue on the widest range to which the su'-.ject extends. 

We will, therefore, here confine our view to two nations, 
France and Spain, and suppose that in the latter country the 
maxim we combat is carried into full operation, and that trade 
is allowed " to reinitiate itself'' — but that in the former, it is 
" regulated" by the government, for the protection and en- 
couragement of national industry, after the example of Great 
Britain, and indeed almost every other countiy in Christendom. 
In order to do the maxim justice, we will assume, that both 
nations are on a perfect equality in every other respect than the 
*' regulation of trade.'''' We will further assume that at the com- 
mencement of the rivalry between them, each nation possesses a 
circulating medium of 20,000,000 of dollars, and has 200,000 
people employed in the cotton, and as many in the woollen manu- 
facture, who produce annually four millions of yards of each 
kind of goods, which are exactly adequate to their consum|;tion. 
To simplify the discussion, we confine ourselves to those two 
branches. But the reasoning will equally apply to every other 
species of manufactures. 

4,000,000 yards of cotton goods, say a 50 cents ;S-%000,000 

4,000,000 "ditto of woollen, a 6 dollars - - 24,000,000 

26,000,000 

On which they realize a profit of twelve and a half 

per cent. §3,250,000 

To the French manufacturers, according to our hypothesis, the 
home market is secui-ed. All foreign competition is effectually 
cut off. They have, therefore, every encouragement to extend 
and improve their fabrics ; and in the first year of rivalship, 
having a surplus on hand, they export, we will suppose, 400,000 
yards of each kind to Spain, and increase the exportation annu- 
ally an equal amount. This operation produces the treble effect 
of lowering the price of the Spanish goods by the competition ; 
circumscribing their sale ; and depriving, during the first year, 
about 40,000 people of employment. 

It being our determination to afford as little room for objec- 
tion, as possible, we will suppose the reduction of price to be 
only seven and a half per cent, which is far less than is usual in 
such cases.=* Let us see the situation of the parties at the end 
of the 

* Instances have recently occurred of domestic goods being- reduced at once, 
ten, fifteen, and twenty per cent, in our markets, hi consequence of great quan- 
tities of similar articles suddenly introduced from Europe. 



84 



ADDRESSES 



The French manufacturers 
gain in their domestic mar- 
ket, as before - - - 

And on 400,000 yards of 
each kind, sold in Spain, 
amounting to 2,600,000, at 
5 per cent. - - - - 



First year .• 

jg Whereas, the Spanish manufacturers, 

whose sales are reduced to 3,600,000 

3,250,000 yards of each kind, amounting to 

23,400,000 dollars, gain at 5 per cent. 

only 

- - - - DoUai-s 1,170,000* 
130,000 



Dollars 3,380,000 



This is the operation in the very first year, producing a dif- 
ference at once of about 2,210,000 dollars of actual profit against 
the infatuated nation, which allows " trade to regulate itself^'' 
and, according to Adam Smith, buys where " goods can be had 
the cheapest.'''' The second year commences with increased en- 
ergy on the part of the French, and dismay and discouragement 
on that of the Spanish manufacturers. The former double their 
exportations, and send 800,000 yards into the rival markets 
amounting to §5,200,000, of which we trace the operation. 

Second year. 

Whereas the sales of the Spaniards 



French profit, as before, on 

the home market - - 3,250,000 

And on 800,000 yards of each 
kind sold in Spain, amount- 
ing to 5,200,000 dollars, at 
5 per cent. 260,000 



are reduced to 3,200,000 yards of 
each kind, amounting to 20,800,000 
dollars, on which they gain at 5 per 
cent. g 1,040,000 



^3,510,000 



Fi'ench profit, as before, on 
the home market - - 

They increase their expoila- 
tation to 1,200,000 yards of 
each kind, amounting to 
7,800,00p dollars, at 5 per 
cent. - 



Third year. 

The Spaniards find their sales dimin- 

,250,000 ished to 2,800,000 yards of each kind 

amounting to 18,200,000 dollars, 

whereon they realize a profit of 5 per 

cent. g910,000 



390,000 
§3,640,000 



French profit at home, as 

before 3,250,000 

They increase theii* expor- 
tation to 1,600,000 yards 
of each kind, amounting 
to 10,400,000 dollars, 
which, at 5 per cent, af- 
ford a gain of - - - 



Fourth year. 

The Spanish manufacturers are re- 
duced to 2,400,000 yai-ds of each 
kind, amounting to 15,600,000 dol- 
lars, on which, at 5 per cent, 
they gain 

§780,000 



520,000 

§3,770,000 

* This view of the effect of the rivalry has, we apprehend, almost wholly es- 
caped the notice of our pohtical economists. When the prices of our manufac- 
tures are reduced in the home market by foreign competition, the reduction is 
on the -luhole we offer for sale. Whereas the reduction to the rival nation is only 
on such part of her's as she exports to us. The contest is therefore caiTied on at 
an immense inequality. 



ADDRESSES. 85 

It is, we trust, needless to pursue the calculation any further. 
You can readily, fellow citizens, perceive that the contest must 
soon terminate. The Spanish manufacturers, oppressed, im- 
poverished, and dispirited, would be soon driven from the mai-- 
ket, which would be monopolized by the more sagacious ntition 
which, we repeat, had the good sense to '■'■regidatd traded Their 
immense gains would be at the expense, and to the destruction, 
of the nation, which was deluded by the specious ma.xim to " let 
trade regulate itself.'''* The successf d rivals would soon indem- 
nify themselves for the temporary reduction of price, by a pro- 
portionate advance in future. 

Let us compare the result of the four years operations on the 
two nations : — 



France 




Spain. 




First year's profit 


3,380,000 


First Year's profit 


1,170,000 


Second Year 


3,510,000 


Second Year 


1,040,000 


Tliird year 


3,640,000 


Third Year 


910,000 


Fourth year 


3,770,000 


Fourth Y'^ear 


780,000 



^14,300,000 §3,900,000 

Effect on the xvor king people.. 
France. Spain. 

Six hundred thousand people in- Foirr hundi'ed thousand people gra- 
dustriousl)- employed, supporting dually thrown idle ; — dragging on a 
themselves m comfort and happiness, wretched existence in mendicity; or 
and adding to the wealth and strength looking in vain for tiiose " collateral 
of the nation.* branches" which sound so hamioni- 

ously in Adam Smith, but which are 
not elsewhere to he found ; or emigi-a- 
ting to Fi-ance, to strengthen that na- 
tion at tlie expense of their own. 

We have hitherto confined our calculations of the effects of 
this plausible but destructive s\ stem, to the manufacturers alone. 
Its pernicious consequences, if they extended no farther than to 
this class of citizens, would be sufficient to induce liberal minded 
men — those worthy to legislate for this rising empire, to abandon 
the maxim. But those consequences, how deplorable soever, 
are but as " mere dust in the balance'''' compared with its general 
effects on the wealth, strength, resources, power, and happiness 
of any devoted nation which enlists itself under the banners of 
Adam Smith. 

•it is obvious that by the transfer of the manufactures from Spain to France, 
for every workman reduced to idleness in tlie former country, there woidd be 
one additional employed in the latter. We have, tliereforc, in the text assumed 
600,000, as the average number in France. 



86 ADDRESSES. 

In the first year France sells to Spain to the 

amount of g2,600,00© 

In the second 5,200,000 

In the third 7,oOO,000 

In the fourth 10,400,000 



26,000,000 



This is a debt which, in the first place, drains all the metallic 
medium, as far as the merchants can collect it ; and next all the 
evidences of public debt, or whatever valuable articles can be 
had. And still a heavy and oppressive debt is accruing from 
year to year afterwards ! 

The result is easily seen, A prosperous nation, with a spe- 
cie capital of ^20,000,000, is by this simple process in four years 
reduced to a most abject, impoverished, and dependent state. 
Its wealth is drained away to support a foreign rival. Every 
species of industry is paraiized. Ships rot at the wharves. 
Trade languishes. Merchants and traders, as well as manufac- 
turers, become bankrupts. Artisans, mechanics, and labouring 
people, who had largely contributed to the welfare of the state, 
are transformed into mendicants, or driven to desperate courses 
to prolong their existence ; and desolation extends itself over the 
face of the land. 

This, fellow citizens, is very nearly our present case. It is 
true, we have not absolutely let ' trade regiiiate itself^ by a total 
absence of all duties. The necessities of the treasury, which, 
by many members of congress, are freely admitted to be the 
leading, and by some to be the only object of a tariff,* forbade 
the adoption of the maxim in its fullest extent : and therefore 
our imported merchandize pays duty, But it is obvious that 
where the tariff of one nation is so wholly inefficient, that she 
can be completely undersold in her own markets by another, as 
the people of the united states are at present, the ultimate effect 
is actually the same, as if ' trade were allowed to regulate itself? 
The duties imposed by our tariff have merely delayed, not 
averted, the work of destruction. But that it is as sure in its 
operation, is placed beyond the reach of doubt by the desolation 
and ruin that pervade so many invaluable manufacturing estab- 
lishments throughout the union, on which millions of dollars 
have been expended, and whose fall, as we have so often re- 
peated, and must re-echo in the ears of those who alone have the 

* We have already stated that col. John Taylor, a popular writer in Virginia, 
has taken the broad ground, that every dollar imposed as duty on foreiga mer- 
chandize, is a dollar robbed out of the pockets of the agriculturists! This maxim, 
admirably calculated to excite the selfish passions of one class of citizens against 
another, has unfortunately had too many proselytes in and out of congi'css. 



ADDRESSES. 87 

power of applying a remedy, involved the ruin of the citizens 
engaged in them. 

The most cursorv reader must perceive, and no one possessed 
of candour can deny, that we have given tiie advocates of the 
maxim, ' let trade regulate itaeljl^ far moi-e advantage in the ar- 
gument than was necessary, or proper. When we stated the 
reduction of price at seven and a half per cent, and a gradual 
increase of exportation from France to Spain, of only ten 
per cent, of the amount originally manufactured in each coun- 
try, V e did our cause manifest injustice. We might have as- 
sumed at once a redaction of price not of seven and a half 
per cent. — but of ten or more — and an exportation of double 
the amount, which, combined, would produce the imme- 
diate ruin of the Spanish manufacturers, of whose fabrics a large 
proportion would remain on hand, and the residue be sold at or 
below cost. — This is and has ever been the uniform operation of 
the sv stem of letting ' trade regulate itself? 

A physician who found his patient in a raging fever, and let 
the disorder take its course, or ' regulate itself^ would be de- 
servedly reprobated as unworthy of his profession. But his 
conduct would not be more irrational than that of a statesman, 
who saw the agriculture, manufactures, trade, and commerce of 
his country going to decay, and let them * regulate themselves,^ 
Government is instituted to guard the interests of the nation con- 
fided to its care : and, by whatever name it may be called, is no 
longer estimable than as it fulfils this sacred duty. It was pain- 
ful to us to state in a former address — it is equally painful to us 
to repeat — but we must repeat — the appalling truth, that our 
manufacturers, a large and important class, embracing some of 
the most valuable members of the community, must, with mixed 
sensations of regret and envy, regard the situation of the manu- 
facturers of England, Denmark, France, Russia, Austria, and 
most other countries in Europe, who enjoy that protection from 
their governments, which the former sought in vain from their 
fellow citizens and representatives, who are now themselves in- 
vohed in the general distress resulting from the want of that 
protection. 

We refer you, fellow citizens, to the plain, but impressive les- 
son afforded by the fable of the belly and the members. The latter 
starved the former to death — and perished victims of their own 
folly. We need not pursue it in detail. It is on the mind of 
almost every individual in the countiy, young and old. We 
cannot refrain from expressing our fears, that posterity will pro- 
nounce our policy to be a full exemplification of the soundness 
of its moral, and of our destitution of those broad and liberal 
views, that regard with * equal eye* all descriptions of society. 



88 ADDRESSES. 

It will probably be objected by those whose interests or pre- 
judices enlist them in hostility to our views, that all we have 
here submitted to you, fellow citizens, is merely theory ; that 
however plausible, it cannot be relied on in the regulation of the 
political economy of a great nation ; that Adam Smith being the 
oracle of that science, no theory opposed to his should be receiv- 
ed, at least without the support of strong and well-established 
facts. 

Well, we meet them, and are fairly at issue, on this ground — 
and are willing to stand or fall as we furnish this support to 
our theory. We offer an historical case which exemplifies the 
baleful consequences of a system exactly similar to ours in its 
features and operation — which blighted and blasted the happi- 
ness of a prosperous nation — and which pronounces a strong 
sentence of condemnation on the theory of Adam Smith. 

In the year 1681, Portugal established the woollen manufac- 
ture on an extensive scale ; and, by absolute prohibitions, ex- 
cluded the woollen cloths of all other nations. — In consequence 
she enjoyed a high degree of prosperity for above twenty years, 
and had the balance of trade in her favour universally. Fatally 
for her, in 1703, the British minister, Mr. Methuen, induced 
her to enter into a treaty, called by his name, which stipulated 
that she should never prohibit British woollen manufactures, 
provided Port wines were admitted into Great Britain at two- 
thirds of the duty paid on those of France. The agriculturists 
of Portugal deluded themselves into the opinion, that they 
should derive a double benefit from this regulation ; that is, 
secure a market for their wines, and likewise buy their cloths 
at reduced prices ; in other words, according to the maxim of 
Adam Smith, buy them where ' they could be had the cheapest.^ 
But they were soon awakened out of this '■day dream.'' The 
flourishing manufacture was destroyed — the circulating medium 
of the countrj^ drained away — and the nation precipitated from 
the most flourishing state of prosperity to that pitiable situation 
of poverty and debasement which holds her up to other nations 
as a beacon to shun the rocks whereon she shipwrecked her re- 
sources and her happiness, and on which our political bark is at 
present striking with violence.* 

* These admonitory facts evince the unsoundness of the theory of Col. Tay- 
lor, as well as of many of the raembei's of congi'ess, his disciples and zealous pai'- 
tizans of his doctrines. Reg-ardless of the ruinous consequences to their fellow 
citizens who had embarked millions in manufactiu-ing estabhshments, they fondly 
persuaded themselves that by reducing tlie duties as low as possible, consistently 
with the necessity of providing a revenue, which we repeat, was their para- 
mount object, tlie}' were consulting the interests of the agriculturists, who would 
thereby be enabled to purcliase foreign merchandize at low prices, and whose 
produce they believed always so certain of finding an advantageous mai'ket and 
high prices in Europe, that they might disregard the home market ! Fatal de- 



ADDRESSES. 89 

iThe important lesson held out by this case of Portugal — its 
close affinity to our situation — and the hope of its eradicating 
prejudices destructive to the strength, happiness, and indepen- 
dence of our country, induce us to give our authorities at full 
length. They are derived from two works of high character, 
" the British Merchant," written by a society of the most emi- 
nent merchants in England, in the reign of queen Anne ; and 
*' Anderson on the means of exciting a spirit of National In- 
dustry." 

" In the year 1681, one Courteen^ an Irishman, a servant in 
" the family of the then queen of England, afterwards queen 
" dowager, carried over several clothiers and bay-makers 
" into Portugal, where they presently set up the manufactures, 
" both of cloth and bays, particularly at Port Alegre and Covil- 
" han. 

" It was soon found that the staple of their wool was too short 
*' for bays ; therefore their bay-makers were dismissed. 

" But they proceeded in their manufacture of cloth ; and soon 
" brought it to such perfection, that in 1684, either in June or 
" July, upon the Conde cfEreicera's project to encrease their 
" exportations, and lessen the consumption of foreigii manufac- 
" tures, as well as to encourage their own, the king of Portugal 
*' made a sumptuary law to restrain several excesses in the 
" kingdom; and, among the rest, the importation of all foreign 
*' xvoollen cloths was prohibited. 

" Upon this the foreign merchants in th^t country made 
** several remonstrances ; but could by no means obtain that the 
" prohibition should be set aside : yet they gained a year's time 
*' to bring in those that were on the way ; but were obliged to 
** reship whatever should arrive after the time limited. 

" The Portuguese soon became so expert in the manufacture 
*' of woollen cloths, that they sent home our English clothiers in 
*' a distressed condition ; and the renegadoes were forced for 
" some time to beg their bread."* 

" The Portuguese went on successfully : their manufacture of 
" woollen cloths increased to that degree, that (^oM Portugal and 
" Brazil xvere wholly supplied from their ozvn fabrics : and the 
*' materials of this manufacture were of their oxvn and Spanish 
•' wool^ and na other, 

lusion ! Utter disregard of the sound systems and experience of all wise na- 
tions, and of the warning example of all unwise ones ! They are now broad awake 
from those deceptions ' day dreams.' Their flour, excluded from the Eiu-opean 
mai'kets, has fallen from thirty to forty per cent ; their cotton has suffered an equal 
depreciation ; and their tobacco is reduced 50 per cent. If liberality insures its. 
own reward, illiberal policy never fails to carry its own punishment. 

• British Merchant, vol. DT. p. 69. 
.12 



90 ADDRESSES. 

*' To make ourselves some amends, and to evade the ill con- 
seqiences of this prohibition of our woollen cloths, we iDtro- 
duced into Portugal in their stead cloth-serges and cloth drug- 
gets ; against xvhnh their fabric of cloth ^ rvhich ivas then but in 
its infavcy^ would have been as unable to contend^ as against a 
''free importation oj our woollen cloths. Therefore^ that their 
' own chth might have no such thiiig as a rival in their own coun- 
' i^/«/, they proceeded to prohibit foreign cloth-serges and cloth 
' druggets.''"'^ 

" Mr. Methuen's treaty, (1703,) by taking off the prohibition 
' of British cloths, and by providing, that neither these, nor any 
' oi the British woollen manufactures in Portugal, should here- 
' after be prohibited, was the immediate ruin of all the fabrics in 
' that country. "-f 

" Our gain by the treaty, and so vast an enlargement of our 
' exportations to Portugal, is, that we have saved vast sums of 
' money, which otherwise might have gone out of the nation to 
'' pay our armies in Portugal and other countries ; and have 
'•greatly added to the treasure of the kingdom; that the balance 
^ dfinually due from Portugal has subsisted great numbers oJ our 
'■people., employed in making manifactures to the value of the 
' balance. 

" The product of the lands is a considerable part of every manu- 
'■facture; the balance therefore due frovx Portugal has paid great 
'• sums for the product oj our lands: and our rents are nothing 
' else but the valpie paidjor the product of the lands ; and conse- 
' quently all that part of the Portugal balance which has been paid 
''for the product of the lands., is so much added to the rents of the 
' kingdom. Tet this is not the whole prof t the landed interest 
' has received from this balance. The people that have been sub- 
' sisted by that great overbalance of manufactures might other- 
' wise have come verv great numbers of them upon the parish j 
' it is a gain to the landed interest to be saved from this charge. 
' Our gain then by our Portugal treaty ^ and our excess of ex- 
*■ portations on that account., is a vast increase of the nntiori's 
' treasure., the employment and subsistence of great numbers of 
' 7nanufacturing people., an augmentation of our rents., and the 
' saving the landed interest from the charge of maintaining such 
' numbers of poor., as have subsisted themselves by the excess of 
'■exportations.-^ 

" The stipulation of the king of Portugal in this treaty, has 
'■ helped us to so prodigious a vent for our woollen manifactures 
' in that country., as has abundantly made up the loss of that 
' balance we heretofore received from Spain."$ 

* British Merchant, vol. iii. p. 71. f Idem, p. 76. 

t Idem, p. 254. § Idem, p. 38. 



ADDRESSES. 91 

Previous to the Methuen treaty, Portugal coins were so rare 
in England, that they were ahnost regarded as medals. Whereas, 
after the treaty had gone into operation, there was an annual 
balance in favour of England, of one million sterlings or 4,444,000 
dollars, equal to three millions at present. Portugal was drained, 
as the United States are jiow, first of her silver, and then of her 
gold, so that she had " very little left for her necefisary occasions.'''' 
This balance fully accounts for her impoverishment ; and at that 
period was an immense sum, as wall appear from the circum- 
stance that the whole of the balance of trade in favour of England 
with all the world was then only 2,000,000/. — and her whole 
exports scarcely 7,000,000/ * In consequence, the coins of 
Portugal flowed mto Great Britain so abundantly, that she was 
not only enabled to pay her armies abroad with them — but they 
formed a considerable portion of the circulating medium of the 
nation — and the chief part of the bullion melted and coined in 
her mint. 

" During the twenty years prohibition, the Portuguese succeed- 
" ed so well in their woollen manufactures, that xve brought 
" thence no gold or silver ; but after the taking o^ that prohibition 
" we brought away so much oj their silver., as to leave them very 
" little for their necessary occasions ; and then we began to bring 
*' away their gohV^f 

" From that treaty's taking place, the balance of trade began 
" to take place : and the year 1703, was the first year we began 
" to bring off the silver of that nation^^. 

*■'■ The intent of the ti-eaty was, to increase the consumption of 
" our woollen cloths in Portugal ; and has it not been increased 
" by means of this treaty ? had we any balance bejorefrom For- 
*' tugal^ and do we not now gain every year a million by that 
" treaty .^"§ 

" We never before the treaty, had any armies to pay in Portu- 
** gal ; yet we brought none of their coin to our mint ; not such a 
'' thing as a Portugal piece was seen in England; or if it wa:., it 
*' was almost as great a curiosity as our mer/a/.v."|| 

" Our exports to Portugal since that treaty have amounted to 
" 1,300,000/. per annum, and perhaps to a much greater sum."^ 

" The payment of cur annies, the coinage in the mint^ the quan- 
" tities of Portugal coin still current rn the country., are so many 
*' demonstrations that we have exported vast quantities of wool- 
*' len manufactures, and otRer goods and merchandize to that 
" kingdom."** 

* British Merchant, vol. ii. p, 110. f Idem, vol. iii, p. 15. 

i Idem, vol. ii. p. 35. §Idem, vol. iii. p. o3. 

II Idem, vol. iii. p. 253. Ii Idem, 20. 
** Idem, p. 257. 



92 ADDRESSES. 

The analogy between the case of Portugal and that of the 
united states is strong and striking. The important woollen 
manufacture was es tablished and brought to such perfection in 
four years in the former country, as not only to supply its own 
consumption but that of its colonies. In the course of three or 
four years it was completely destroyed. 

" Thus did Portugal, by the spirited exertion of one able min- 
" ister, (the Conde cfEreicera^ gain in a few years a perfect 
*' knowledge in a principal branch of the woollen manufacture ; 
*' which they might have possessed, to the infinite emolument of 
*' the poor subjects of his Faithful Majesty till this hour, had not 
*' the nation^ by the death oj that patriotic nobleman^ lost her best 
*' counsellor ^ and been overreached by the more able British minis- 
*' ter^ Mr. MethuenT^ 

*' Thus in four years did their -woollen manufactures attain to 
*' such perfection^ as to enable them to dispense with foreign cloths 
*' entirely.''''] 

It may perhaps, be supposed that the total destruction of this 
flourishing manufacture, could not have taken place so rapidly 
unless the English woollen fabrics were admitted duty free. — 
This would be an egregious error. The stipulation of the Me- 
thuen treat)^ was, that they should not be prohibited, nor be 
subject to a higher duty than before the prohibition had taken 
place ; that is, twenty -three per cent, which, like so many of the 
duties in the united states.^ zvas found utterly inadequate to pre- 
serve the manufacture from destruction. 

'' The duties of importation, before the prohibitions, had the 
*' name of twenty-three per cent. But the goods were undervalu- 
*' ed ; those duties of twenty-three per cent., were not above tzvelve 
*■'• per cent. oJ their real value. To such low duties has the king 
" of Portugal obliged himself with respect to the several sorts 
*' of woollen manufactures, which stood before prohibited in 
"that country.":}; 

We invite your attention, fellow-citizens, to the striking simi- 
larity between the case of Portugal, as stated above, and that of 
the united states. In this country, the woollen manufacture 
and that of cotton rose to maturity during the two years and a 
half of warfare : and had the war continued two or three years 
naore, or had those manufactures received adequate protection 
after the peace, they would probably have attained to such ma- 
turity, and taken such deep root, as to defy foreign competition. 
But the four years of peace have crushed a large portion of both 
descriptions. One of the most eminent merchants in Baltimore 
writes us — " I am sorry to say, that our cotton manufactures are 
" likely to fall through, unless more effectually protected — En- 

c Anderson on National Industry, page 267, f British Merchant. 

\ ^ildem, voi. iij. pag^eSr. 



ADDRESSES. 93 

'* gljsh cotton goods have been selling at about half the cost and 
*' charges. Under such circumstances it is impossible for home 
" manufactures to stand the competition." A merchant in New 
York likewise writes — " The manufacturers (of cotton particu- 
" larly) will require all the aid they can get from congress next 
*' session to sustain themselves. The enormous imports of for- 
" eign goods have so affected the price, that the cost cannot be 
" obtained." 

The preceding view of the enviable state of prosperity, and the 
rapid and lamentable downfall of Portugal, demands the most 
pointed attention of every friend of the prosperity of this coun- 
try. It is like the hand-writing on the wall — the " mene tekel 
upharsin^'' — the warning to flee the road that is leading us to a 
similar state. Let these facts be carefully compared with the 
theory laid down in the commencement of this address, and they 
will afford the most irresistible proof of its soundness, as well 
as of the utter impolicy that has prevailed in the regulation of 
our tariff, which has done this country more injury in four years 
of peace, than she suffered in both htr wars. At the close of 
the last, she commenced her career under as favourable auspices 
as any nation in the world — A high character at home and abroad 
— her merchants wealthy and prosperous — her manufactures 
flourishing — her people all employed — her staples of immense 
value. What a deplorable contrast she exhibits at present! 
Who can reflect on it without agony ! Her character impaired 
b)'^ the impracticability of her citizens paying their debts abroad 
— her merchants, one after another, daily swallowed up in bank- 
ruptcy — her manufactures prostrate — thousands and tens of thou- 
sands of her people unemployed — her staples sunk in value, pro- 
bably more than 20,000,000 dollars per annum — and bo pros- 
pect of relief at hand. If Adam Smith's work consisted of 
twenty volumes instead of two — and if the commentaries on it 
had extended to two hundred, were the whole thrown into one 
scale, and the single case of Portugal thrown into the other, the 
former would kick the beam. 

We conjure you, fellow citzens, by your regard for our com- 
mon country — by the duty you owe yourselves, your wives and 
your children — by the memory of your Washington, Franklin, 
Hancock, and Adams — by the desire you must feel to arrest the 
progress of the depreciation of the grand staples of your agri- 
culture, as well as the destruction of your manufactures, trade 
and commerce — all victims of a pernicious policy — by the claim 
posterity has on you to make a good use of the immense advan- 
tages you possess — by that liberty on which you justly pride your- 
selves, but which loses its value, if accompanied by beggary and 
ruin — in a word, by all you hold near or dear on earth — weigh 
■well the subject of this address. Examine it in all its bearings 



84 ADDRESSES. 

and aspects. And should it satisfactorily establish, as we trust 
it will, the danger of the course you are pursuing, arouse from 
the lethargy in which you are enthralled — and, as congress alone 
has the power of applying a remedy, memorialize your repre- 
sentatives to change their system— to follow the maxims of all 
the wise nations of ancient and modern times — to remove, as 
far as possible, the distresses of the nation — and to save from 
the vortex of bankruptcy those who have escaped the ravages 
of the storm which threatens to blast all our hopes of happiness, 
and to reduce us to the same state of prostration and decrepi- 
tude as Spain and Portugal, who, it is unfortunately true, have not 
made a worse use of the bounties of heaven than the united 
states ! 

The immense importance of the case of Portugal, induces 
us to place before the eyes of our fellow citizens two compari- 
sons of her conduct with ours — in the one, the soundness of her 
policy places us in the back ground an entire century in point 
of political wisdom — in the other, her impolicy and her conse- 
quent sufferings and distress are the counterpart of the system 
we have pursued, and the calamities under which we writhe. 

Striking contrast. 

PORTUGAL THE UNITED STATES 

" The Portug'uese set up a fabric of Prohibit nothing whatever — and af- 
" their own, and proceeded in it with ford utterly inadequate protection to the 
" very good success, after the prohibi- great and leading manufactures of cot- 
« tion of ours and all foreign coloured tons, woollens, and iron, lest ' the many 
« cloth. ' We had then nothing left shotdd be taxed for the benefit of tlie 
" against their cloths, but to introduce fevi ! ! !' and in order to ' buy ivhere 
" our cloth serges and cloth di'nggets goods can be had cheapest ! ! !' 
"into tliat country. They quickly 
" found tliat these gave some inteiTup- 
*' tion to their manufactures, and there- 
*' fore iliey proceeded also to proMbit 
" foreign serges and dniggets."* 

Striking likeness. 

PORTUGAL. THE UNITED STATES. 

" Before the treaty, om* woollen During the war, cotton, woollen, and 

" cloths, cloth serges, and cloth drug- other kinds of goods, were not, it is 

" gets were prohibited in Portugal, true, prohibited, lliere were, howev- 

" They had set up fabrics there for er, very few imported. The citizens of 

"making cloth, and proceeded with the United States set up fabrics for 

"very good success: and we might making cloth, both woollen and cotton ; 

"justly apprehend they would have and, had the war continued, or had they 

" gone on to erect other fabrics, till at received protection after it was conclu- 

" last they had served themselves with ded, they would have gone on to erect 

" every species of woollen manulac- other fabrics, tiU they had served them- 

« tures. The treaty takes off all pro- selves with every species of manufac- 

" liibitions, and obliges Portugal to ad- ture. The treaty of peace opened our 

" mit forever all oiu" woollen manufac- ports to foreign merchandize, under 

* British Merchant, vol. iii. p. 35. 



ADDRESSES, 



95 



" tures. TJieir ownfabncs by tJds were 
"presently ruined. And we exported 
«' 100,000/. value in the single article of 
«* cloths, the very year after the trea- 
« ty."* 

<' The court -was pestered luith remon- 
" strances from their manufacturers ivhen 
" the prohibition was taken off^ pursuant 
"to Mr. Meihuen's treaty. But the 
" thing was past. The treaty -was rati- 
"fied.-and THEIR LOOMS WERE 
« ALL R UIJVED. And yet there was 
" no tendency to a revolt, although so 
" many people were deprived of their 
"employment in that country by ta- 
*< king off the proliibition."-|- 

" The balance was so very great, that 
" notwithstanding we paid subsidies to 
" the king of Portugal, and paid for 
" troops, (there were also vast sums for 
" supplies of oui' armies in Valencia and 
"Catalonia,) yet still tlie overbalance 
*' lay so much against them, that tliere 
" was ten, twelve, and fifteen per cent. 
" difference between the exchange and 
" the intrinsic value of the money;''t 



duties utterly inadequate for protection, 
whereby a large portion of our fabrics 
■were -wholly ruined — and, probably with- 
in a year after the war §30,000,000 of 
cottons and woollens were imported in- 
to tliis countiy. 

Congress was most respectfully en- 
treated for adequate protection, by 
the manufacturers, when the war was 
closed. It was refused : and the dis- 
tress and ruin of the manufacturers and 
the impoverishment of the nation fol- 
lowed. 



The balance of trade is so great, that 
notwithstanding we have shipped im- 
mense quantities of produce at high 
prices — and remitted probably from 
gl5,000,000 to 20,000,000 of govern- 
ment and bank stock, we are still hea- 
vily in debt, and unable to pay. 



The following picture of the state of the western country, taken 
from the Frankfort Argus, evinces the insanity of not making 
some prompt and decisive effort to relieve the nation from its 
disastrous situation. 

*' Never within the recollection of our oldest citizens has 
the aspect of times, as respects property and money, been so 
alarming. Already has propert)'^ been sacrificed in considerable 
quantities, in this and the neighbouring counties, for less than 
half its value. We have but little money in circulation, and 
that little is daily diminishing by the universal calls of the 
banks. Neither lands, negroes, nor any other article can be 
sold for half their value in cash ; while executions, to the amount 
of many hundred thousand dollars, are hanging over the heads 
of our citizens. What can be done? In a few months no 
debt can be paid, no money will be in circulation to answer the 
ordinary purposes of human life. Warrants, writs, and execu- 
tions will be more abundant than bank notes : and the country 
will present a scene of scuffling for the poor remnants of indi- 
vidual fortunes, which the world has not witnessed." 



* Britisli merchant, vol. iii. p. 253. f Idem, p. 75. 



\ Idem, p. 91 . 



96f ADDRESSES. 

jso.viir. 

Philadelphia, May 2/, 1819. 
Synopsis. Grand Jury Presentment. 

When we first ventured, fellow citizens, to call your attention 
%o the subject of political economy, we were influenced to adopt 
that measure, by the calamitous situation of our affairs, public 
and private. Agriculture had received a deep wound by the 
reduction of the prices of its staple articles from twenty to forty 
per cent. — real estate was reduced in the same proportion — na- 
vigation and commerce were languishing — manufactures were 
prostrated by an inordinate influx of foreign commodities, cal- 
culated to excite a spirit of luxury and extravagance in our citi- 
zens — the narrow, illiberal, and selfish maxims, '- to buy zuhere 
goods could be had the cheapest^ and' not to tax the many for the 
benefit of the few 1^ had produced a system whereby the wealth 
of our nation was converted into a means of fostering and en- 
couraging the industry of a distant hemisphere, and supportii<g 
foreign governments, while our own citizens were turned adrift 
for want of employment, and many of them reduced to mendi- 
city, and our country impoverished — we were involved in far 
heavier debts than ever before, with greatly diminished means 
of payment — and the character of our country, from the inability 
of our merchants to pay their debts, and their frequent bank- 
ruptcy, was greatly impaired in the eyes of the world. In a 
word, under whatever aspect our affairs were viewed, they pre- 
sented the most serious cause for uneasiness and apprehension. 

We looked around for the causes which, in the short space of 
four years, without war, famine, pestilence, or failure of any of 
the bounties of heaven, have reduced to this state, from the pin- 
nacle of reputation and happiness — a people justly celebrated for 
their enterprise, their industry, their mechanical skill, their 
wealth, and enjoying in the highest degree, every gift of heaven 
in soil, climate, and extent of territory. 

Several causes, we found, had combined to produce this calam- 
itous result. The prosperity of the country had engendered a 
spirit of extravagance — and the inordinate spirit of banking, car- 
ried in many cases to a most culpable excess, had done much 
mischief. But the great paramount evil, in comparison with 
which all the rest sink into insignificance, is the immoderate ex- 
tent of our importations, whereby we are involved in debts, for 
which our produce, at the highest prices, would have been inade- 
quate to pay ; and their great recent reduction of course increa- 
ses our disabilities. The evils arising from other sources would 
have gradually cured themselves — or involved in ruin only the de- 
luded parties. Whereas the loss of our industry, the drain of our 



ADDRESSES. 9r 

specie, and the consequent impoverishment of our country, affect 
all classes of citizens, the economical and the extravagant — the 
labourer, the artisan, the cultivator of the soil, as well as the 
landholder, the manufacturer, the trader and the merchant. 

On the most mature consideration of the subject, we are per- 
suaded that the only radical remedy for those evils is to hmit 
the importation of such articles as we can manufacture ourselves 
and tlms foster our domestic industry. Other measures may 
be adopted to co-operate and aid in this great work. But with- 
out the grand restorative of " buying leas than rvt 4f//,'' which a 
proper tariff alone can effect, they will operate as mere pallia- 
tives of an evil whose immense extent and magnitude require 
prompt and decisive remedies. All our efforts have been di- 
rected to convince our fellow citizens of this truth, so important 
to their virtue, their happiness, their independence. 

We are, like other men, liable to error, and may have viewed 
the subject through an incorrect medium. But we declare, as 
we can with truth, that should we be mistaken — should any man 
or body of men devise a better plan, we shall rejoice in thg dis- 
covery, abandon our present views, and support theirs with all 
our ardour. We contend not for victory, which is no object in 
the discussion of such a momentous question, involving the hap- 
piness or misery of millions. We contend for the happiness of 
our citizens — and for the honour and prosperity of our beloved 
country. 

A document has just reached us, which does honour to the 
head and heart of the writer, as well as to the respectable body 
of citizens by whom it was adopted, and which deserves the se- 
rious attention of our citizens throughout the union. It is the 
presentment of a late grand jury of Newcastle county, which 
points out with infallible certainty the road to prosperity. We 
warmly recommend associations throughout the country to carry 
its salutary objects into operation, and thus arrest the impover- 
ishment of our citizens. Should they be general — should the 
plan proposed be faithfully adhered to, and the tariff be properly 
modified — the thick clouds that environ our horizon will disap- 
pear — the sun of prosperity will again shine on us — we shall re- 
cover from our disastrous situation-^and only remember our 
sufferings, to warn us to avoid the fatal source, a false and mis- 
taken policy, from whence they burst forth on us with destructive 
violence. 

Delaware claims the high honour of having first adopted the 
federal constitution. It will be another just cause of pride, that 
she has taken the lead on this occasion, more particularly should 
the sound views she has given of the causes of our distresses, 
and the excellent remedies she has prescribed, lead to their radi- 
cal cure. 

13 



98 ADDRESSES. 

Grand Inquest of Newcastle county^ state of Delaware. 

The grand jury of Newcastle countv beg leave to represent — 
That they are deeply impressed with the distressed a^.d calami- 
tous situation of the agricultural, comnaercial, and manulacturing 
interests of the state ; that in their opinion these evils have aris- 
en from — 
,1. A failure of crops.'* 

II. An unfavourable balance of trade, tJie result of excessive 
imjortations ■ J foreign goods.^ exceeding^ to an immen&e amount^ 
the value four exports ; 

III. Thus draining the state of its specie, and circulating me- 
dium ; 

IV. Depressing the value of real estate ; and, 

V. Increasing poverty and distress. 

The only practicable remedies for those evils, in the opinion 
of the grand jury, are — 

I. A regular and strict economy in the expenses of the 
peoi/le, 

II. A retrenchment in the use of imported goods, and foreign 
lux'.ries. 

III. A steady attention to the improvement of our agricultural 
products. 

IV. (j^ And the encouragement of a market at home., by fos- 
tering and protecting domestic mamfactures. 

To a serious consideration of this important subject, the 
Grand Jury would moet earnestly invite the attention of the ci- 
tizens, more especially of this county. 

Unanimously agreed to, and ordered to be printed. 

ARCHD. ALEXANDER, Foreman. 
Attest, S. H. BLACK, Clerk of G. J^. 
19th May, 1819. 



NO. IX. 

Philadelphia, JuneZ., 1819. 

In our preceding Addresses, fellow-citizens, we have present- 
ed yOu with sketches of the policy of England, Russia, Prussia 
and Portugal — and displayed the wisdom and beneficial results 
of the S'ystem of the three first nations, and ex en of the last at 
one period of her history. We have shown, from authentic doc- 

* The failure of crops has not prevailed in other parts of the united stat^~- 
but the disti-ess from the other causes, is equally felt elsewhere. 



ADDRESSES. 99 

liments, the rapid destruction of the prosperity and happiness of 
Portugal, when she relaxed the system of protecting her nation- 
al industry — whereby she was precipitated from a most flourish- 
ing situation, in two or three years, exactly as the united states 
have been, and in about the same space of time. We feel a con- 
fident hope, that those who ha\e brought to the discussion the 
spirit of candour and impartiality, requisite to a correct decision, 
and which the importance of the subject demanded, have 
been convinced of the vital and radical errors in our system of 
policy. 

We now present to your view the essence of the Report of Al- 
exander Hamilton, on the encouragement of National Manufac- 
tures, one of the most luminous and instructive public documents 
ever produced in this, or perhaps in any other countty. It is 
a complete body of political economy on the subject of national 
industry, and sheds a glare of light on this all-important subject 
which points out witli unerring certainty, the course this nation 
should pursue. Happy would it have been, had the legislature 
of the union been guided by its dictates. We should then have 
made rapid advances in the career of prosperity which was open 
to us, and in which we were invited to proceed. But unfortu- 
nately our whole svstem of political economy has been in hostili- 
ty with the profound views developed in this valuable report — 
and the united states noAv pay a heavy forfeit for the error of ne- 
glecting its sage counsels. 

There are circumstances attending it, which entitle it to most 
peculiar attention. Mr. Hamilton's habits and associations lay 
among the commercial part of the community, of which the 
great mass accorded with him in politics, and regarded him as 
their grand leader. The politics of the majority of the manu- 
facturing interest were hostile to his. There was strong jeal- 
ousy between them. Had he, therefore, been unfriendly to ma- 
nufactures, in order to foster and protect commerce, (according 
to the narrow views entertained by many of our citizens of the 
fancied hostility between their interests) his politics might be 
suspected of producing an undue bias on his mind, and warping 
him to support an erroneous system. 

But when, in opposition to the dictates of his politics, he ap- 
peared the strenuous advocate of manufactures, as the grand 
means of promoting the happiness, the power, the greatness, and 
independence of his country, it behoves those, who, in point of 
mind, are no more to compare with him, than a dwarf with '•'• the 
man of Gaih^'' to weigh well the grounds of their opinions, and, 
once for all, consider, whether they will continue the disciples of 
Adam Smith, to the utter rejection of whose theory in all its 
parts, his own country owes her colossal power — or of Alexander 
Hamilton advocating that svstem which has never failed to in- 



100 ADDRESSES. 

sure t^e prosperity and happiness ofeverj'^ nation, ancient or mo- 
dern, that has pursued it — that is, the protection of national in- 
diistr>i ; in other words, whether they will continue to lead their 
country on " the road to ruin," under the banners of Adam 
Smith, or take the road to true independence under those of Al- 
exander Hamilton. Light and darkness are not more opposite 
to each other, than Adam Smith and Alexander Hamilton on 
this point of political economy, so essential to insure " the wealth 
ofnatioJis.'''' 

On the decision of this great question, depend the future des- 
tinies, not only of this country, but of a large portion of man- 
kind, whose fortunes cannot fail to be deeply affected by the 
result of our experiment of free government. We, therefore, 
solemnly invoke the aid and co-operation of the wise and the 
good of every section of the union in the discussion of this all- 
important topic. 

Extracts from the Report of Alexander Hamilton^ Esquire^ Secret 
tary of the Treasury^ Dec. 5, 1791. 

" The expediency of encouraging manufactures in the united 
" states, which was, not long since, deemed very questionable, 
" appears at this time to be pretty generally admitted. The 
" embarrassments, which have obstructed the progress of our 
" external trade, have led to serious reflections on the necessity 
" of enlarging the sphere of our domestic commerce : the restric- 
" tive regulations.^ zvhich in foreign markets abridge the vent of 
" the increasing surplus of our agricultural produce., serve to beget 
*' an earnest desire.^ that a more extensive demand for that surplus 
'■'■ may be created at home. And the complete success which has 
" rewarded manufacturing enterprise, in some valuable branches, 
" conspiring with the promising symptoms which attend some 
" less mature essays m others, justify a hope, that the obstacles 
" to the growth of this species of industry, are less formidable 
" than they were apprehended to be ; and that it is not difficult to 
" find in its further extension, a full indemnification for any ex- 
" ternal disadvantages, which are, or may be experienced, as 
" well as an accession of resources favourable to national inde- 
" pendence and safety. y- 

" There still are, nevertheless, respectable patrons of opinions, 
" unfriendly to the encouragement of manufactures. The fol- 
" lowing are, substantially, the arguments by which these opinions 
" are defended : 

" In every country," say those who entertain them, " agricul- 
" ture is the most beneficial and productive object of human 
" industry. This position, generally, if not universally true, 
" applies with peculiar emphasis to the united states, on account 



ADDRESSES. 101 

" of their immense tracts of fertile territoiy, uninhabited and 
" unimproved. Nothing can afford so advantageous an employ- 
" ment for capital and labour, as the conversion of this exten- 
" sive wilderness into cultivated farms. Nothing equally with 
^' this, can contribute to the population, strength, and real riches 
" of the country. 

" To endeavour, by the extraordinary patronage of govern- 
" ment, to accelerate the growth of manufactures, is, in fact, to 
" endeavour, by force and art, to transfer the natural current of 
" industry, from a more.to a less beneficial channel. Whatever 
" has such a tendency must necessarily be unwise : indeed it 
*' can hardlv ever be wise in a government, to attempt to give a 
*' direction to the industry of its citizens. This, under the 
" quick-sighted guidance of private interest, will, if left to itself, 
*' infallibly find its own way to the most profitable employment ; 
*' and it is by such employment, that the public prosperity will 
" be most effectually promoted. To leave industry to itself, 
" therefore, is in almost every case, the soundest as well as the 
" simplest policy. 

" This policy is not only recommended to the united states, 
" by considerations which affect all nations ; it is, in a manner, 
" dictated to them by the imperious force of a very peculiar 
*' situation. The smallness of their population, compared with 
" their territory — the constant allurements to emigration from 
" the settled to the unsettled parts of the country — the facility 
" with which the less independent condition of an artisan can be 
*' exchanged for the more independent condition of a farmer — 
*' these, and similar causes, conspire to produce, and, for a length 
" of time, must continue to occasion, a scarcity of hands tor 
*' manufacturing occupation, and dearness of labour, generally. 
" To these disadvantages for the prosecution of manufactures, a 
" deficiency of pecuniary capital being added, the prospect of a 
" successful competition with the manufacturers of Europe, 
" must be regarded as little less than desperate. Extensive 
" manufactures can only be the offspring of a redundant, at least 
" of a full population.' Till the latter shall characterize the 
" situation of this country, 'tis vain to hope for the former. 

" If, contrary to the natural course of things, an unseasonable 
" and premature spring can be given to certain fabrics, by heavy 
"duties, prohibitions, bounties, or by other forced expedients; 
" this will be only to sacrifice the interests of the community to 
" those of particular classes. Besides the misdirection of labour, 
*' a virtual monopoly will be given to the persons employed on 
" such fabrics ; and an enhancement of price, the inevitable con- 
" sequence of every monopoly, must be defrayed at the expense 
" of the other parts of the society. It is far preferable, that 
" those persons should be engaged in the cultivation of the 



102 ADDRESSES. 

" earth ; and that we should procure, in exchange for its produc- 
" tions, the commodities, with which foreigners are able to sup- 
" ply us in greater perfection, and upon better terms." 

'' This mode of reasoning is founded upon facts and princi- 
" pies, which have certainly respectable pretensions. If it had 
" governed the conduct of nations, more generally than it has 
" done, there is room to suppose, that it might have carried 
" them faster to prosperity and greatness, than they have attained 
" by the pursuit of maxims too widelv opposite. Most general 
" theories, however, admit of numerous exceptions ; and there 
" are few, if any, of the political kind, which do not blend a con- 
" siderable portion of error with the truths they inculcate. 

" In order to an accurate judgment, how far that, which has 
" has been just stated, ought to be deemed liable to a similar 
" imputation, it is necessary to advert carefully to the considera- 
^' tions which plead in favour of manufactures, and which appear 
" to recommend the special and positive encouragement of them, 
" in certain cases, and under certain reasonable limitations. 

" It ought readily to be conceded, that the cultivation of the 
" earth, as the primary and most certain source of national sup- 
" ply — as the immediate and chief source of subsistence to man 
" — as the principal source of those materials which constitute 
" the nutriment of other kinds of labour — as including a state 
" most favourable to the freedom and independence of the hu- 
" man mind — one, perhaps, most conducive to the multiplication 
" of the human species — ^has intrinsically a strong claim to pre- 
" eminence over every other kind of industry. 

" But, that it has a title to any thing like an exclusive predi- 
" lection, in any country, ought to be admitted with great cau- 
" tion. That it is even more productive than every other branch 
" of industry, requires more evidence than has yet been given in 
" support of the position. That its real interests, precious and 
" important as, without the help of exaggeration, they truly are, 
**■ will be advanced^ rather than injured bij the due encouragejnent 
" of manufactures^ '"^J/i ^t^^ belh-ved^ he satisfactorily demonstra- 
" ted. And it is also believed, that the expediency of such en- 
" couragement, in a general view, may be shown to be recom- 
" mended by the most cogent and persuasive motives of national 
" policy. 

" It has been maintained, that agriculture is not only the 
" most productive, but the only productive species of industry. 
" The reality of this suggestion, in either respect, has, however, 
" not been verified by any accurate detail of facts and calcula- 
" tions ; and the general arguments, which are adduced to prove 
" it, are rather su!;tile and paradoxical, than solid or convincing. 
'■'• Those, which maintain its exclusive productiveness, are to 
" this effect : 



ADDRESSES. 103 

" Labour, bestowed upon the cultivation of land, produces 
*■' enough, not only to replace all the necessary expenses incurred 
" in the business, and to maintain the persons who are employed 
'' in it, but to afford, together with the ordinary profit on the 
" stock or t apital of the farmer, a net surplus, or rent for the 
*' iaiidlord or proprietor of the soil. But the labour of artificers 
*' does nothing more than replace the stock which employs them, 
" or which furnishes materials, tools, and wages, and yield the 
" ordinary- profit upon that stock. It yields nothing equivalent 
" to the rent of land. Neither does it add any thing to the total 
" value of the whole annual produce of the land and labour of 
" the country. The additional value given to those parts of the 
*' produce of land, which are wrought into manufactures, is 
*' counterbalanced by the \alue of those other parts of that pro- 
*' duce, which are consumed by the manufacturers. It can 
" therefore only be bv saving or parsimony, not by the positive 
'' productiveness of their labour, that the classes of artificers can 
" in any degree augment the revenue of the society." 

" To this it has been answered, 

1 . " That inasmuch as it is acknowledged, that manufacturing 
" labour reproduces a value equal to that which is expended or 
*' consumed in carrying it on, and continues in existence the ori- 
" ginal stock or capital employed, it ought, on that account alone, 
*' to escape being considered as wholly unproductive ; that 
" though it should be admitted, as alleged, that the consumption 
" of the produce of the soil, by the classes of artificers or manu- 
" facturers, is exactly equal to the value added by their labour 
*' to the materials upon which it is exerted ; yet it would not 
*' thence follow, that it added nothing to the revenue of the so- 
*' ciety, or to the aggregate value of the annual produce of its 
" land and labour. If the consumption, for any given period, 
" amounted to a given sum, and the increased value of the pro- 
" duce manufactured, in the same period, to a like sum, the total 
" amount of the consumption and production during that period, 
" would be equal to the two sums, and consequently double the 
" value of the agricultural produce consumed. And though the 
" increment of value, produced by the classes of artificers, should 
" at no time exceed the value of the produce of the land consu- 
*' med by them, yet there would be at every moment, in conse- 
" quence of their labour, a greater value of goods in the market, 
" than would exist independent of it. 

2. " That the position, that artificers can augment the reve- 
" nue of a society, only by parsimony, is true in no other sense, 
" than in one which is equally applicable to husbandmen or cul- 
" tivators. It may be alike affirmed of all these classes, that 
" the fund acquired by their labour, and destined for their sup- 
■' port, is not, in an ordinary way, more than equal to it. And 



104« ADDRESSES. 

" hence it will follow, that augmentations of the wealth or capi- 
" till of the community (except in the instances of some extra- 
" ordinary dexterity or skill,) can only proceed, with respect to 
" any of them, from the savings of the more thrifty and parsimo- 
" nious. 

3, " That the annual produce of the land and labour of a 
" country can only be increased, in two ways, by some improve- 
*' ment in the productive powers of the useful labour, which ac- 
*' tually exists within it, or by some increase in the quantity of 
*' such labour ; that with regard to the first, the labour of arti- 
*' ficers being capable of greater subdivision and simplicity of 
*' operation, than that of cultivators, it is susceptible, in a pro- 
" portionably greater degree, of improvement in its productive 
" powers, whether to be derived from an accession of skill, or 
'* from the application of ingenious machinery ; in which parti- 
*' cular, therefore, the labour employed in the culture of land 
" can pretend to no advantage over that engaged in manufactures : 
" that with regard to an augmentation of the quantity of useful 
" labour, this, excluding adventitious circumstances, must de- 
*' pend essentially upon an increase of capital,which again must de- 
*' pend upon the savings made out of the revenues of those who 
*' furnish or manage that, which is at any time employed, whether 
" in agriculture, or in manufactures, or in any other way." 

*' it is now proper to enumerate the principal circumstances, 
*' from which it may be inferred — that manufacturing eatablish- 
*' ments not only occasion a positive augmentation of the produce 
" and revenue of the society, but that they contribute essentially 
" to rendering them greater than they could possibly be, without 
*' such establishments. These circumstances are, 

1. *' The division of labour. 

2. " An extension of the use of machinery. 

3. " Additional employment to classes of the community not 
" ordinarily engaged in the business. 

4. " The promoting of emigration from foreign countries. 

5. " The furnishing greater scope for the diversity of talents 
" and dispositions which discriminate men from each other. 

6. " The affording a more ample and various field for enter- 
" prise. 

7. " The creating, in some instances, a new, and securing, in 
*' all, a more certain and steady demand for the surplus produce 
" of the soil. 

*' Each of these circumstances has a considerable influence 
" upon the total mass of industrious effort in a community : to- 
" gether, they add to it a degree of energy and effect, which are 
" not easily conceived. Some comments upon each of them, in 
" the order in which they have been stated, may serve to explain 
" their importance. 



ADDRESSES. 105 

I. " As to the division of labour. 

" It has been jiistlv observed, that there is scarcely anything 
*' of greater moment in th.e economy of a nation, than the pro- 
*' per division of lal;our. The separation of occupations cau"-cs 
" each to be carried to a much greater p«_rte< lion thafo it ct uid 
" possibly acquire, if they were blended. Tiiis arises principal- 
" ly from three circumstances : — 

ist. " The greater skill and dexterity naturally resulting from 
" a constant and undivided application to a single object. It is 
*■*■ evident that these properties must increase, in proportion to 
" the separation and simplification of objects and the steadiness 
" of the attention devoted to each ; and must be less, in propor- 
*' tion to the complication of objects, and the number among 
*' which the attention is distracted. 

2d. " The economy of time, bv avoiding the loss of it, inci- 
" dent to a frequent transition from one operation to another, of 
*' a different nature. This depends on various circum; tances ; 
*' the transition itself — the orderly disposition of the implements, 
*' machines, and materials employed in the operation to be reiin- 
" quished — the preparatory steps to the commencement of a new 
*' one — the interruption of the impulse, which the mind of the 
" workman acquires, from being engaged in a particular opera- 
" tion — the distractions, hesitations, and reluctances, which at- 
*' tend the passage from one kind of business to another. 

3d. " An extension of the use of machinery. A man occupi- 
" ed on a single object, will have it more in his power, and will 
*' be more naturally led to exert his imagination in devising 
" methods to facilitate and abridge labour, tlian if he were per- 
" plexed by a variety of independent and dissimilar operations. 
" Besides this, the fabrication of machines, in numerous instan- 
*' ces, becoming itself a distinct trade, the artist, who follows it, 
" has all the advantages which have been enumerated, for im- 
" provementin this particular art ; .and in both ways the inven- 
" tion and application of machinery are extended. 

" And from these causes united, the mere separation of the 
••' occupation of the cultivator, from that of the artificer, has the 
" effect of augmenting the productive powers of labour, and with 
" them, the total mass of the produce of revenue in a country. — 
" In this view of the subject, therefore, the utility of artificers 
" or manufacturers, towards promoting an increase of productive 
" industry, is apparent. 

II. " As to an extension of the use of machinerj', a point 
" which, though partly anticipated, requires to be placed in one 
" or two additional lights. 

" The employment of machinery forms an item of great im- 
"portance in the general mass of national industry. 'Tis an ar- 
" tificial force brought in aid of tlie natural force of man ; and to 

14 



106 ADDRESSES. 

*' all the purposes of labour, is an increase of hands ; an acces- 
*' sion of strength, unincumbered too by the expense of main- 
" taining the laboiu-er. May it not therefore be fairly inferred 
*' that those occupations which give greater scope to the use of 
*' this auxiliary, contribute most to the general stock of industri- 
*' ous effort, and, in consequence, to the general product of in- 
" dustry ? 

" It shall be taken for granted, and the truth of the position 
*' referred to observation, that manufacturing pursuits are sus- 
" ceptible in a greater degree of the application of machinery, 
" than those of agriculture. If so, all the difference is lost to a 
" community, which, instead of manufacturing for itself, pro- 
" cures the fabrics requisite to its supply from other countries. 
" The sub.stitiition of foreign for do77icsttc manufactures is a trans- 
^'■fer to foreign nationft of the advantages accruing from the em~ 
*-^ ploijment of machinery in the modes in xvhich it is capable of 
" being employed^ xvith most iitilitij and to the greatest extent. 

" The cotton-mill invented in England, within the last twenty 
" years, is a signal illustration of the general proposition, which 
" has been j ust advanced. In consequence of it, all the different 
" processes for spinning cotton are performed by means of ma- 
" chines, which are put in motion by water, and attended chiefly 
" by Tvomen and children ; and by a smaller number of persons 
*' in the whole, than are requisite in the ordinary mode of spin- 
*' ning. And it is an advantage of great moment, that the oper- 
*' ations of the mill continue with convenience, during the night, 
" as well as through the day. The prodigious effect of such a 
" machine is easilv conceived. To this invention is to be attrib- 
" uted essentially the immense progress, whiclji has been so sud- 
" denly made in Great Britain, in the various fabrics of cotton. 

III. " As to the additional employment of classes of the com- 
" munity, not originally engaged in the particular business. 

" This is not among the least valuable of the means by which 
" manufacturing institutions contribute to augment the general 
"stock of industry and production. In places where those in- 
" stitutions prevail, besides the persons regularly engaged in 
" them, they afford occasional and extra employment to industri- 
*' ous individuals and families, who are willing to devote the lei- 
" sure resulting from the intermissions of their ordinary pursuits 
*' to collateral labours, as a resource for multiplying their ac- 
" quisitions or their enjoyments. The husbandman himself ex- 
'■'■ periences a new source of prof t and support from the increased 
*' industry of his wife and daughters ; invited and stimulated,by 
" the demands of the neighbouring 7nanufactories. 

"Besides this advantage of occasional employment to classes 
'.' having different occupations, there is another of a nature allied 
" to it, and of a similar tendency. This is, the employment of 



ADDRESSES. 107 

*' persons who would otherwise be idle, (and, in many cases, a 
*' burden on the community) either from the bias of temper, hab- 
*' it, infirmity of body, or some other cause, indisposing or dis- 
*' qualifying them for the toils of the countrj^ It is worthy of 
*' particular remark, that, in general, women and children are 
" rendered more useful, and the latter more earh useful, by 
' manufacturing establishments, than they would otherwise be. 
" Of the number of persons employed in the cotton manufacto- 
*' ries of Great Britain, it is computed xh.2itfour-sevent'is ne rly 
^'' nre ivomen and children; of -whom the greatest proportion are 
'■'■ children^ and many of them o a tender age. 

" And thus it appears to be one of the attributes of manufac- 
" tures, and one of no small consequence, to give occasion to the 
*' exertion of a greater quantity of industry, even bv the same 
•* number of persons, where they happen to prevail, than would 
*' exist, if there were no such establishments. 

IV. " As to the promoting of emigration from foreign coun- 
*' tries. 

" Men reluctantly quit one course of occupation and liveli- 
" hood for another, unless invited to it by ven^'^ apparent and 
*' proximate advantages. Manv who would go from one coun- 
" try to another, if they had a prospect of continuing with more 
" benefit, the callings to which they have been educated, w^ill not 
" often be tempted to change their situation by the hope ot doing 
" better in some other way. Manufacturers, who (listening to 
"■ the powerful invitation of a better price for their fabrics, or 
" for their labour ; of greater cheapness of provisions and raw 
" materials ; of an exemption from the chief part of the taxes, 
" burdens and restraints, which they endure in the old world ; 
'' of greater personal independence and consequence, under the 
" operation of a more equal government ; and of, what is far more 
" precious than mere religious toleration, a perfect equality of 
" religious privileges) would probably flock from Europe to the 
" united states to pursue their trades, or professions, if they 
'■'• wei-e once made sensible of the advantages they would enjoy, 
" and were inspired with an assurance of encouragement and 
"employment; will with difficulty, be induced to transplant 
" themselves, with a view of becoming cultivators of land. 

*' If it be true, then, that it is the interest of the united states 
" to open every possible avenue to emigration from abroad, it 
*' affords a weighty argument for the encouragement of manu- 
*' factures ; which, for the reason just assigned, will have the 
" strongest tendency to multiply the inducements to it. 

" Here is perceived an important resource, not only for ex- 
" tending the population, and with it the useful and productive 
" labour of the country, but likewise for the prosecution ot manu- 
" factures, without deducting from the number of hands which 



108 ADDRESSES. 

*' might otherwise be drawn to tillage ; and even for the in- 
" demrdfic ition of agricultare for such as might happen to be 
" div ert( d froin it. Many, whom manufacturing views would 
" indue e to emigrate, wouM afterwards yield to the temi'tations, 
" which the particular situation of this country holds out to ag- 
" ricultural pursuits. And while agriculture would in other 
" respecti derive many signal and unmingled advantages, from 
" the growth of manufactures, it is a problem, whether it would 
" gam or lose, as to the article of the number of persons em- 
*' ployed in carrying it on. 

V, " As to the furnishing greater scope for the diversity of 
" talents and dispositions, which discriminate men from each 
*' otiutr. 

" This is a much more powerful mean of augmenting the fund 
^' of national industry than may at first sight appear. It is a just 
" obs.: rvation, that miuds, of the strongest and most active pow- 
" ers for their proper object-^, fall below mediocrity, and labour 
" without effect, if confined to uncongenial pursuits. And it is 
" thence to be inferred, that the result of human exertion may 
" be immensely increased by diversifying its objects. When. 
" all the different kinds of industry obtain in a community, each 
" iadi' idaal can find his proper element, and call into activity 
" the whole vigour of his nature. And the community is bene- 
" fited by the services of its respective members, in the manner, 
" in which each can serve it with most effect. 

" If there be any thing in a remark often to be met with, 
" namely, that there is, in the genius of the people of this coun- 
" try, a peculiar aptitude for mechanical improvements, it would 
" operate as a forcible reason for giving opportunities to the 
" exercise of that species of talent, by the propagation of manu- 
" factures. 

VI. " As to the affording a more ample and various field for 
"enterprise. 

" Tiiis also is of greater consequence in the general scale of 
" national exertion, than might perhaps on a superficial view be 
" supposed, and has effects not altogether dissimilar from those 
" of the circumstance last noticed. To cherish and stimulate 
" the activity of the human mind by multiplying the objects of 
" enterj.rise, is not among the least considerable of the expedi- 
" ents, by which the \vealth of a nation may be promoted. Even 
" things, in themselves not positively advantageous, sometimes 
" become so, by their tendency to provoke exertion. Every 
" new scene which is opened to the busy nature of man to rouse 
" and exert itself, is the addition of a new energy to the general 
<•' stock of effort. 

" The spirit of enterprise, useful and prolific as it is, must 
** ]5iecessarily be contracted or expanded in proportion to the sim- 



ADDRESSES. 109 

" plicity or variety of the occupations and productions which 
" are to be found in a society. It must be less in a nation of 
" mere cuiti' ators, than in a nation of cultivators and merchants; 
" less in a nation of cultivators and merchants, than in a nation 
" of cultivators, artificers and merchants. 

VII. " As to the creating, in son.e instances, a new, and se- 
" curing in all a more certain and steady demand for the surplus 
"• produce of the soil. 

" This is among the most important of the circumstances which 
*' hiive been mdicated. It is a principal mean, by which the es- 
" taMishment of manufactures contributes to an augmentation 
" of the produce or revenue of a country, and has an immediate 
" and direct relation to the prosperity of agriculture. 

*' It is evidert, that the exertions of the husbandman will be 
" steadv or fluctuating, vigorous or feeble, in proportion to the 
" steadiness or fluctuation, adequateness. or inadequateness of 
" the markets on which he must d.pend. for the vent of the sur- 
" plus, which may be produced by his labour ; and that such sur- 
" plus, in the ordinary course of things, will be greater or less 
" in the same proportion, 

*"• For the purpose of this vent, a domestic market is greatly to 
" be preferred to a foreign one; because it is, in the nature of 
" things, far more to be relied on. 

" It is a primary object of the policy of nations, to be able to 
'' supply themselves with subsistence from .their own soils ; and 
*' manufacturing nations, as far as circumstances permit, endea- 
*' vour to procure from the same source, the raw materials ne- 
*• cessary for their own fabrics. This disposition, urged by the 
" spirit of monopoly, is sometimes even carried to an injudi- 
*' cious extreme. It seems not always to be recollected, that 
*' nations which have neither mines nor manufactures, can only 
" obtain the manufactured articles of which they stand in need, 
" by an exchange of the products of their soils ; and that if 
" those who can best furnish them with such articles, are unwil- 
" ling to give a due course to this exchange, they must of neces- 
" sity make every possible effort to manufacture for themselves ; 
" the effect of which is, that the manufacturing nations abridge 
*' the natural advantages of their situation through an unwilling- 
*' ness to permit the agricultural countries to enjoy the advantages 
*' oj theirs ; and sacrifice the interest of a mutually beneficial in- 
" tercourse to the vain project of selling every thing and buy- 
" ing nothing. 

" But it is also a consequence of the policy, which has been 
" noted, that the foreign demand for the products of agricultural 
" countries, is in a great degree rather casual a7id occasional^ than 
" certain or constant. To what extent injurious interruptions of 
" the demand for some of the staple commodities' of the united 



110 . ADDRESSES. 

" States, may have been experienced, from that cause, must be 
" referred to the judgment of those who are engaged in carry- 
*' ing on the commerce of the country: but it may be safely af- 
" firmed, that such interruptions are at times very inconvenient- 
*' ly felt ; and that cases not unfrequently occur, in which mar- 
*' kets are so confined and restricted, as to render the demand 
*' very unequal to the supply. 

" Independently likewise of the artificial impediments, which 
*' are created by the policy in question, there are natural cau- 
" ses tending to render the external demand for the surplus of 
ti agricultural nation^ a precarious reliance. The differences of 
" seasons in the countries which are the consumers, make im- 
" mense differences in the produce of their own soils, in differ- 
" ent years, and consequently in the degrees of their necessity 
*' for foreign supply. Plentiful harvests with them, especially 
" if similar ones occur at the same time in the countries which 
" are the furnishers, occasion of course a glut in the markets of 
" the latter. 

" Considering how fast and how much the progress of new 
" settlements in the united states must increase the surplus pro- 
" duce of the soil, and weighing seriously the tendency of the 
" system, which prevails among most of the commercial nations 
" of Europe, whatever dependence may be placed on the force 
*' of natural circumstances to counteract the effects of an artifi- 
*' cial polic}'^ ; there appear strong reasons to regard the foreign 
'' demand for that surplus., as too uncertain a reliance, and to de- 
*' sire a substitute for it in an extensive domestic market. 

'* To secure such a market, there is no other expedient., than to 
" promote manufacturing establishments . Manufacturers, who con- 
" stitute the most numerous class, after the cultivators of land, 
" are for that reason the principal consumers of the surplus of 
" their labour. 

" This idea of an extensive domestic market for the surplus pro • 
" duce of the soil, is of the first consequence. It is, of all things, 
" that which most effectually conduces to a flourishing state of 
" agriculture. If the effect of manufactories should be to de- 
" tach a portion of the hands, which would otherwise be engag- 
'^ ed in tillage, it might possibly cause a smaller quantity of 
" lands to be under cultivation ; but by their tendency to pro- 
" cure a more certain demand for the surplus produce of the 
*' soil, they would, at the same time, cause the lands, which were 
*' in cultivation, to be better improved and more productive. 
" And while, by their influence, the condition of each individual 
" farmer would be meliorated, the total mass of agricultural 
" production would probably be increased. For this must evi- 
" dently depend as much, if not more, upon the degree of im- 
" provement, than upon the number of acres under culture. 



ADDRESSES. Ill 

" It merits particular observation, that the multiplication of 
" matiufoctories not only Jurnislies a market for those articles 
*' -iihich have been accustomed to he produced in abundance^ in a 
*' country , but it likewise ct-eates a demand for such as were either 
" unknoxvn or produced in inco?isiderahle quantities. The bow- 
" els, as well the surface of the earth, are ransacked for articles 
" which were before neglected. Animals, plants, and minerals 
" acquire a utility and value, which were before unexplored. 

*' The foregoing considerations seem sufficient to establish, as 
" general propositions, that it is the interest of nations to diver- 
*' sify the industrious pursuits of the individuals who compose 
" them — that the establishment oj manufactures is calculated not 
*' o?dy to increase the general stock of useful and productive la- 
*' hour^ but even to improve the state of agricidture in particular^ 
" certainly to advance the interests of those who are engaged in 
*' it. There are other views, that will be hereafter taken of the 
*' subject, which, it is conceived, will serve to confirm these in- 
" ferences. 

1. "- If the system of perfect liberty to industry and commerce 
'' were the prevailing system of nations, the arguments which 
" dissuade a country' in the predicament of the united states, 
" from the zealous pursuit of manufactures, would doubtless 
*' have great force. It will not be affirmed, that they might not 
*' be permitted, with few exceptions, to serve as a rule of na- 
" tional conduct. In such a state of things, each country would 
*' have the full benefit of its peculiar advantages to compensate 
" for its deficiencies or disadvantages. If one nation were in a 
*' condition to supply manufactured articles on better terms than 
" another, that other might find an abundant indemnification in 
*' a superior capacity to furnish the produce of the soil. And 
" a free exchange, mutually beneficial, of the commodities which 
*•• each was able to supply, on the best terms, might be carried 
*' on between them, supporting in full vigour the industry of each. 
" And though the circumstances which have been mentioned, 
" and others which will be unfolded hereafter, render it proba- 
" ble, that nations merely agricultural, would not enjoy the same 
" degree of opulence, in proportion to their numbers, as those 
" which united manufactures with agriculture ; yet the progres- 
" sive improvement of the lands of the former, might, in the 
" end, atone for an inferior degree of opulence in the meantime; 
" and in a case in which opposite considerations are prett\- 
" equally balanced, the option ought perhaps always to be in fa- 
" vour of leaving industry to its own direction. But the sys- 
" tern, which has been mentioned, is far from characterising the 
" general policy of nations. The prevalent one has been re- 
" gulated by an opposite spirit. The consequence of it is, that 
" the united states are ts a certain extcnty in the situation of a 



112 ADDRESSES. 

*' country precluded from foreign commerce. They can, indeed, 
" without difficulty, obtain from abroad the manufactured sup- 
*' plies, of which they are in want ; but they experience mime- 
*' rous and very injurioui impediments to the emission and vent 
*' of their own commodities. Nor is this the case in reference 
" to a single foreign nation only. The regulations of several 
*' countries, with which we have the most extensive intercoui'se, 
" throw serious obstructions in the way of the principal staples 
*' of the united states. In such a position of things^ the united 
*' states cannot exchange with Europe on equal terms ; and the 
*' rvant of reciprocity would render them the victim of a system^ 
*' xvhich should induce them to confine their views to agriculture, 
*' and refrain from mannfactures. A constant and increasing 
*' necessity, on their part, for the commodities of Europe, and 
*' only a partial and occasional demand for their own, in return, 
*' could not but expose them to a state of impoverishment, com- 
" pared with the opulence to which their political and natural 
" advantages authorize them to aspire. Remarks of this kind 
" are not made in the spirit of complaint. It is for the nations, 
" whose regulations are alluded to, to judge for themselves, 
*' whether, by aiming at too much, they do not lose more than 
*' they gain. It is for the united states to consider by what 
" means they can render themselves least dependent, on thecom- 
*' binations, right or wrong, of foreign policy. It is no small 
" consolation that already the measures which have embarrass- 
" ed our trade, have accelerated internal improvements, which 
" upon the whole have bettered our affairs. 

" To diversify and extend these improvements, is the surest 
" and safest method of indemnifying ourselves for any inconve- 
*' niences, which those or similar measures have a tendency to 
" beget. If Europe zvill not take from us the products of our soil, 
" upon terms consistent 7vith our interest, the natural remedy is 
*' to contract as fast as possible^ our xvants of her. 

2. " The conversion of their waste into cultivated lands, is 
" certainly a point of great moment in the political calculations 
" of the united states. But the degree in which this may pos- 
*' sibly be retarded by the encouragement^of manufactories, does 
" not appear to countervail the powerful inducements to afford- 
" ing that encouragement. 

" An observation made in another place, is of a nature to 
" have great influence upon this question — If it cannot be de- 
" nied, that the interests even of agriculture may be advanced, 
" more by having such of the lands of a state as are occupied, 
" under good cultivation, than by having a greater quantity oc- 
" cupied under a much inferior cultivation ; and if manufacto- 
" ries, for the reasons assigned, must be admitted to have a ten- 
" dency to promote a more steady and vigorous cultivation of 



ADDRESSES. 113 

*' the lands occupied, than would happen without them, it will 
" follow, that they are capable of indemnifying a country for a 
'* diminution of the progress of new settlements ; and may serve 
" to increase both the capital value and the income of its lands, 
" even though they should abridge the number of acres under 
" tillage. But it does by no means follow, that the progress of 
" new settlements would be retarded by the extension of manu- 
" factures. The desire of being an independent proprietor of 
" land, is founded on such strong principles in the human breast, 
*' that where the opportunity of becoming so is as great as it is 
*•■ in the united states, the proportion will be small of those, 
" whose situations would otherwise lead to it, who would be di- 
"■ verted from it towards manufactures. And it is highly proba- 
" ble, as already intimated, that the accession of foreigners, who, 
" originally drawn over by manufacturing views, would after- 
" wards abandon them for agricultural, would be more than an 
" equivalent for those of our citizens, who might happen to be 
" detached from them. 

"• The remaining objections to a particular encouragement of 
*' manufactures in the united states, now require to be examined. 

*' One of these turns on the proposition, that industry, if left 
" to itself, will naturally find its way to the most useful and 
" profitable employment. Whence it is inferred, that manufac- 
*' tures, without the aid of government, will grow up as soon, 
*' and as fast, as the natural state of things, and the interest of 
*' the community, may require. 

" Against the solidity of this hypothesis, in the full latitude 
" of the terms, very cogent reasoning may be offered. These 
*' have relation to the strong influence of habit, and the spirit of 
*' imitation ; the fear of want of success in untried enterprises ; 
*' the intrinsic difficulties incident to first essays towards a com- 
" petition with those who have previously attained to perfection. 
*' in the business to be attempted ; the bounties, premiums, and 
*' other artificial encouragements, with which foreign nations 
" second the exertions of their citizens, in the branches in which 
" they are to be rivalled. 

" Experience teaches, that men are often so much governed 
*' by what they are accustomed to see and practise, that the sim- 
*' plest and most obvious improvements, in the most ordinary 
" occupations, are adopted with hesitation, reluctance, and by 
*' slow gradations. The superiority antecedently enjoyed by 
" nations, who have pre-occupied and perfected a branch of in- 
" dustry, constitutes a more formidable obstacle, than either of 
" those which have been mentioned, to the introduction ot the 
" same branch into a country, in which it did not before exist. 
" To maintain between the recent establishments of one country ^ 
" and the long-matured establishments of another country ^ a com- 

15 



^14 ADDRESSES. 

'• petition upon equal tenns^ both an to quality and price^ is in 

* most cases impracticable. The disparity, in the one., or in the 
' other, or in both, must necessarily be so considerable as to 
' forbid a successful rivalship, rvithout the extraordinary ai4 and 
' protection of government. 

'*" But the greatest obstacle of all to the successful prosecution 
' of a new branch of industry in a country in which it was be- 
' fore unknown, consists, as far as the instances apply, in the 
' bounties, premiums, and other aids, which are granted in a 

* variety of cases, by the nations in which the establishments to 
' be imitated are previously introduced. It is well known, that 

* certain nations gi-ant bounties on tlie exportation of particular 
' commodities, to enable their own workmen to undersell and 
' supplant all competitors, in the countries to which those com- 
' modities are sent. Hence the undertakers of a new manufacture 
' have to contend^ not only with the natural disadvantages, of a 
' nexv undertaking ; but tvith the gratuities and remunerations 
' which other gover7iments bestow. To be enabled to contend 
' with success., it is evident., that the interference and aid of their 
' government are indispensable. Combinations by those engaged 
' in a particular branch of business in one country, to frustrate 
' the first efforts to introduce it in another, by temporary sacri- 
' fices, recompensed perhaps by extraordinary indemnifications 
' of the government of such country, are believed to have existed, 

* and are not to be regarded as destitute of probability. The 
' existence or assurance of aid from the government of the 
' country, in which the business is to be introduced, may be es- 
' sential to fortify adventurers against the dread of such combi- 
' nations — to defeat their effects, if formed — and to prevent their 
' being formed, by demonstrating that they must in the end 

* prove fruitless. Whatever room there may be for an expecta- 
' tion that the industry of a people, under the direction of pri- 
' vate interest, will, upon equal terms, find out the most bene- 
' ficial employment for itself; there is none for a reliance, that 
' it will struggle against the force of unequal terms, or will of 
' itself surmount all the adventitious barriers to a successful 
' competition, which may have been erected either by the ad- 
' vantages naturally acquired from practice and previous posses- 
' sion of the ground, or by those which may have sprung from 
' positive regulations, and an artificial policy. This general re- 
' flection might alone suffice as an answer to the objection under 
' examination ; exclusively of the weighty considerations which 

* have been particularly urged." 



'' To all the arguments which are brought to evince the im- 
' practicability of success in manufacturing establishments in the 



ADDRESSES. 115 

♦* united states, it might have been a sufficient answer to have 
" referred to the experience of what has been already done : it 
" is certain that several important branches have grown up and 
" flourished with a rapidity which surprises ; affording an en- 
" couraging assurance of success in future attempts ; of these it 
" may not be improper to enumerate the most considerable-— 

" I. Of Skins. Vanned and tawed leather ; dressed skins, 
" shoes, boots and slippers, harness and saddlery of all kinds, 
" portmanteaus and trunks, leather breeches, gloves, muffs and 
** tippets, parchment and glue. 

*' II. Of Iron. Bar and sheet iron, steel, nail rods and nails, 
" implements of husbandry, stoves, pots and other household 
" utensils, the steel and iron work of carriages, and for ship 
" building ; anchors, scale beams, and weights, and various 
" tools of artificers ; arms of different kinds ; though the manu- 
" facture of these last has of late diminished for want of demand. 

" HI. Of Wood. Ships, cabinet wares and turnery, wool and 
" cotton cards, and other machinery for manufactures and hus- 
" bandry, mathematical instruments, coopers' wares of every 
" kind. " 

" IV. Of Flax and Hemp. Cables, sail-cloth, cordage, twine 
" and packthread. 

" V. Bricks and coarse tiles, and potters' wares. 

" VI. Ardent spirits, and malt liquors. 

" VII. Writing and printing paper, sheathing and wrapping 
" paper, pasteboards, fullers' or press papers, paper hangings. 

" VIII. Hats of fur and wool, and of mixtures of both, 
" Women's stuff and silk shoes. 

" IX. Refined sugars. 

" X. Oils of animals and seeds, soap, spermaceti and tallow 
" candles. 

" XI. Copper and brass wares, particularly utensils for dis- 
" tillers, sugar refiners, and brewers ; andirons and other articles 
" for household use — philosophical apparatus. 

" XII. Tin wares for most purposes of ordinary use, 

" XIII. Carriages of all kinds. 

" XIV. Snuff, chewing and smoaking tobacco. 

" XV. Starch and hair powder. 

" XVI. Lampblack and other painters' colours. 

"XVII. Gunpowder. 

" Besides manufactories of these articles which are carried on 
" as regular trades, and have attained to a considerable degree 
** of maturity, there is a vast scene of household manufacturing, 
*' which contributes more largely to the supply of the communi- 
" ty, than could be imagined, without having made it an object 
♦* of particular inquiry. This observation is the pleasing result 
♦' of the investigation, to which the subject oi this report hafs 



116 ADDRKSSES. 

" led ; and is applicable as well to the southern as to the middle 
" and northern states. Great quantities of coarse cloths, coat- 
" ings, serges and flannels, linsey woolseys, hosiery of wool, 
" cotton, and thread, coarse fustians, jeans and muslins, checked 
" and striped cotton and linen goods, bedticks, coverlets and 
" counterpanes, tow linens, coarse shirtings, sheetings, towelling 
*' and table linen, and various mixtures of wool and cotton, and 
" of cotton and flax, are made in the household way ; and in 
" many instances to an extent not only sufficient for the supply 
*' of the families in which they are made, but for sale ; and even 
" in some cases for exportation. It is computed in a number of 
" districts, that two thirds, three fourths, and even four-fifths of 
** all the clothing of the inhabitants are made by themselves. 
*' The importance of so great a progress, as appeal s to have 
*' been made in family manufactures, within a few years, both 
" in a moral and political view, renders the fact highly interest- 
"ing. 

" Neither does the above enumeration comprehend all the ar- 
" tides that are manufactured as regular trades. Many others 
" occur, which are equally well established, but which, not being 
" of equal importance, have been omitted. And there are many 
" attempts still in theii infancy, which, though attended with ve- 
••' ry favourable appearances, could not have been properly com- 
*' prised in an enumeration of manufactories already established. 
" There are other articles, also, of great importance, which, 
" though, strictly speaking, manufactures, are omitted, as being 
"immediately connected with husbandry; such are flour, pot and 
" pearl ash, pitch, tar, turpentine, and the like. 

*' There remains to be noticed an objection to the encourage- 
" ment of manufactures, of a nature different from those which 
" question the probability of success — this is derived from its 
" supposed tendency to give a monopoly of advantages to particu- 
" lar classes, at the expense of the rest of the community, who, it 
" is affrmed, would be able to procure the requisite supplies of 
*' manufactured articles, on better terms from foreigners, than from 
" our own citizens ; and who, it is alleged, are reduced to the ne- 
" cessity of paying an enhanced f rice for whatever they want, by 
" every measure, which obstructs the free competition of foreign 
" commodities. 

*' It is not an unreasonable supposition, that measures which 
*' serve to abridge the free competition of foreign articles, have 
" a tendency to occasion an enhancement of prices : and it is not 
" to be denied, that such is the effect in a number of cases ; but 
" the fact does not uniformly correspond with the theory. — 
" A reduction of prices has, in several i?istances, iynmediately suc- 
" ceededto the establishment of a domestic manufacture. Whether 
*' it be that foreign manufacturers endeavour to supplant by un> 



ADDRESSES. 117 

" derselling our own, or whatever else be the cause, the effect has 
" been such as is stated, and the reverse of what might have been 
" expected. 

'' But though it were true, that the immediate and certain ef- 
" feet of regulations controlling the competition of foreign with 
'"'■ domestic fabrics, was an increase of price, it is universally 
*' true, that the contrary is the ultimate effect with every suc- 
*' cessful manufacture. IV/ieji a domestic manufacture has attain- 
" ed to perfection^ and has engaged in the prosecation of it a com- 
^^ pctent number of persons ^it invariably becomes cheaper. Being 
*' free from the heavv charges which attend the importation of 
" foreign commodities, it can be afforded., and accordingly sel- 
*• dom or never fails to be sold cheaper., in process of time., than 
'"''xvas the Joreign article for which it is a substitute. The inter- 
" nal competition xvhich takes place., soon does aruay every thing 
*' like monopoly ; and by degrees reduces the price of the article 
"■ to the minimum of a reasonable profit on the capital em- 
" ployed. This accords with the reason of the thing, and with 
*' experience. 

" Whence it follows, that it is the interest of the community., zvith 
"a view to eventual and permanent economy., to encourage the 
''^growth of manufactures. In a national view, a temporary en- 
*•■ hancement of price must always be well compensated by a per- 
*' manent reduction of it. 

" It is a reflection, which may with propriety be indulged here, 
" that this eventual diminution of the prices of manufactured ar- 
" tides, which is the result of internal manufacturing establish- 
" ments, has a direct and very important tendency to benefit ag- 
" riculture. It enables the farmer to procure, with a smaller 
" quantity of his labour, the manufactured produce of which he 
" stands in need, and consequently increases the value of his in- 
" come and property. 

" The objections which are commonly made to the expedien- 
" cy of encouraging, and to the probability- of succeeding in 
" manufacturing pursuits, in the United States, having now 
" been discussed, the considerations, which have appeared in 
"■ the course of the discussion, recommending that species of in- 
" dustiy to the patronage of the government, will be materially 
" strengthened by a few general and some particular topics, 
" which have been naturally reserved for subsequent notice. 

1. "There seems to be a moral certainty that the trade of a 
" country., xvhich is both manufacturing and agricultural., will be 
'■^more lucrative and prosperous., than that of a country which is 
*' merely agricultural. 

" One reason for this is found in that general effort of nations, 
" (which has been already mentioned) to procure from their 
" own soils, the articles of prime necessity requisite to their own 



118 ADDRESaES. 

*' consumption and use ; and which serves to render their de- 
*' mand for a foreign supply of such articles in a great degree oc* 
" casional and contingent. Hence, white the u'ce-ssitiea ^f na- 
" tions exclusively devoted to agriculturt^ for the fabrics of manu' 
^'•facturing- states are constant and regular, the xvants of the iat<» 
" ter for the products ef t he former ^ are liable to very consider::hh 
'■'■ jftuctuations and interruptions. The great inequalities result- 
" ing from difference of seasons, have been elsewhere remarked ; 
" this uniformity of demand, on one side, and unsteadiness of it 
" on the other, must necessarily have a tendency to cause the 
" general course of the exchange of commodities between the 
" parties, to turn to the disadvantage of the merely agricultural 
" states. Peculiarity of situation, a climate and soil adapted to 
" the production of peculiar commodities, may, sometimes, con- 
*' tradict the rule; but there is every reason to believe, that it 
*' will be found, in the main, a just one. 

" Another circumstance which gives a superiority of commer- 
" cial advantages to states that manufacture, as well as cultivate, 
" consists in the more numerous attractions, which a more di- 
*' versified market offers to foreign customers, and in the greater 
" scope which it afRrds to mercantile enterprise. It is a posi- 
*' tion of indisputable truth in ccwninerce, depending too on very 
*' obvious reasons, that the greatest resort will ever be to those 
" marts, where commodities, while equally abundant, are most 
•' various. Each difference of kind holds out an inducement ; 
"and it is a position not less clear, that the field of enterprise 
" must be enlarged to the merchants of a country, in proportion 
" to the variety as well as the abundance of commodities, which 
'^'- they find at home for exportation to foreign markets. 

" A third circumstance, perhaps not inferior to either of the 
" other two, conferring the superiority which has been stated, 
^ has relation to the stagnations of demand for certain commo- 
" dities, which, at some time or other, interfere more or less 
*' with the sale of all. The nation which can bring to market 
" but few articles, is likely to be more quickly and sensibly af- 
" fected by such stagnation ; than one which is always possessed 
'' of a great variety of commodities ; the former frequently finds 
'' too great a portion of its stock of materials, for sale or exchange, 
" lying on hand — or is obliged to make injurious sacrifices to 
'•'^ supply its wants of .foreign articles, which are numerous and 
" urgent, in proportion to the smallness and the number of its 
"own. The latter commonly finds itself indemnified, by the 
" high prices of some articles, for the low prices of others : and 
" the prompt and advantageous sale of those articles which are 
" in demand, enables its merchants the better to wait for a fa- 
" vourable change, in respect to those which are not. There is 
" ground to believe,, that a difference of situation, in this particu- 



ADDRFSSES. 110 

"lar, has immensely different effects upon the wealth and pros- 
*' peritv of nations. 

" From these circumstances, collectively, two important in~ 
" ferences are to be drawn ; one, that there is always a higher 
"probability of a favourable balance of trade, in regard to 
*' countries, in which manufactures founded on the basis of a 
" thriving agriculture, flourish, than in regard to those, which 
" are confined wholly or almost wholly to agriculture ; the other 
'' (which is also a consequence of the first) that countries of the 
" former description are likely to possess more pecuniary wealth 
" or money, than those of the latter. 

"But the uniform appearance of an abundance of specie^ as the 
^'■concomitant of a flourishing state of mawfactures, and of the 
*' reverie^ where they do not prevail^ afford a strong presumption 
*' oj their favourable operationupon the xvealth of a country. 

" Not only the ivealth., but the independence and security of a 
*' country appear to be materially connected zuith the prosperity 
" of manufactures. Every nation, with a view to these great 
" objects, ought to endeavour to possess within itself all the 
" essentials of national supply. These comprise the means of 
" subsistence, habitation, clothing and defence. 

" The possession of these is necessary to the perfection of the 
" body politic, to the safety as well as to the welfare of the soci- 
" ety ; the want of either is the want of an important organ of po- 
" litical life and motion ; and in the various crises which await a 
*' state, it must severely feel the effects of such deficiency. The 
*' extreme embarrass m.ents of the united states^ during the late 
'■^xuar.^from an incapacity of supplying themselves^ are still mat- 
•' ter of keen recollection : a future war might be expected again 
^^ to exemplify the mischiefs and dangers of a situation., to which 
• that incapacity is still in too great a degree applicable., unless 
•* changed by timely and vigorous exertions. To effect this 
** change, as fast as shall be prudent, merits all the attention, and 
" all the zeal of our public councils ; it is the next great work to 
*'^be accomplished. 

" The want of a navy to protect our external commerce, as 
** long as it shall continue, must render it a peculiarly precari- 
" ous reliance, for the supply of essential articles ; and must 
** serve to strengthen prodigiously the arguments in favour of 
" manufactures. 

" To these general considerations are added some of a more 
*' particular nature. 

" Our distance from Europe, the great fountain of manufac- 
*' tured supply, subjects us, in the existing state of things, to 
" inconvenience and loss in two ways. 

" The buikiness of those commodities which are the chief 
" productions of the soil, nece;ssarily imposes very heavy charges 



120 ADDRESSES. 

" on their transportation, to distant markets. These charges, in 
" the cases, in which the nations, to whom our products are 
"sent, maintain a competition in the supply of their own mar- 
*' kets, principally fall upon us, and form material deductions, 
" from the primitive value of the articles furnished. The charges 
" on manufactured supplies brought from Europe, are greatly 
" enhanced by the same circumstance of distance. These 
" charges, again, m the cases in which our own industry main- 
" tains no competition, in our own markets, also principally fall 
" upon us ; and are an additional cause of extraordinary deduc- 
" tion from the primitive value of our own products ; these be- 
'' ing the materials of exchange for the foreign fabrics which we 
" consume. 

" The equality and moderation of individual property, and 
" the growing settlements of new districts, occasion, in this 
" country, an unusual demand for coarse manufactures ; the 
" charges of which being greater in proportion to their greater 
" bulk, augment the disadvantage, which has just been des- 
" cribed. 

" As in most countries domestic supplies maintain a very 
*' considerable competition with such foreign productions of the 
" soil, as are imported for sale ; if the extensive establishment 
*' of manufactories in the united states does not create a similar 
*' competition in respect to manufactured articles, it appears to 
*' be clearly deducible, from the considerations which have been 
" mentioned, that they must sustain a double loss in their ex- 
*' changes with foreign nations ; strongly conducive to an un- 
** favourable balance of trade, and very prejudicial to their in- 
*' terests. 

" These disadvantages press with no small weight, on the 
" landed interest of the country. In seasons of peace^ they cause 
" a serious deduction from the intrinsic value of the products of 
" the soil. In the time of a war. which should either involve 
" ourselves, or another nation, possessing a considerable share 
" of our carrying trade, the charges on the transportation of our 
" commodities, bulky as most of them are, could hardly fail to 
" prove a grievous burden to the farmer, while obliged to depend 
" in so great a degree as he now does, upon foreign markets for 
" the vent of the surplus of his labour." 



" It is not uncommon to meet with an opinion, that though 
" the promoting of manufactures may be the interest of a part 
" of the union, it is contrary to that of another part. The north- 
*' ern and southern regions are sometimes represented as having 
" adverse interests in this respect. Those are called manufac- 



ADDRESSES. 121 

'' turing, these agricultural states ; and a species of opposition is 
*' imagined to subsist between the manufacturing and agricultu- 
*' ral interest. 

" This idea of an opposition between those tzvo interests is the 
" common error of the early periods of every country ; but experi- 
*' ence gradually dissipates it. Indeed they are perceived so 
" often to succour and to befriend each other, that they come at 
" length to be considered as one ; a supposition which has been 
*' frequently abused, and is not universally true. Particular en- 
*' couragements of particular manufactures may be of a nature to 
" sacrifice the interests of land-holders to those of manufacturers ; 
*' but it is nevertheless a maxim well established bv experience, 
" and generally acknowledged where there has been sufficient 
" experience, that the aggregate prosperity of manufactures., and 
" the aggregate prosperity of agriculture are intimately connected. 
" In the course of the discussion which has had place, various 
" weighty considerations have been adduced operating in support 
" of this maxim. Perhaps the superior steadiness of the demand 
" of a domestic market for the surplus produce of the soil, is 
" alone a convincing argument of its truth. 

" Ideas of a contrariety of interests between the northern 
*' and southern regions of the union, are in the main as unfound- 
*' ed as they are mischievous. The diversity of circumstances, 
*' on which such contrariety is usually predicated, authorizes a 
*' directly contrary conclusion. Mutual wants constitute one of 
*' the strongest links of political connexion ; and the extent of 
*' these bears a natural proportion to the diversity in the means 
" of mutual supply. 

"■ Suggestions of an opposite complexion are ever to be de- 
*' plored, as unfriendly to the steady pvirsuit of one great common 
*' cause, and to the perfect harmony of all the parts. 

"• In proportion as the mind is accustomed to trace the inti- 
" mate connexion of interests, which subsists between all the 
*' parts of society, united under the same government — the in- 
" finite variety of channels which serve to circulate the prosperity 
" of each to and through the rest — in that proportion it will be 
" little apt to be disturbed by solicitudes and apprehensions, 
" which originate in local discriminations. It is a truth as im- 
" portant as it is agreeable, and one to which it is not easy to 
*' imagine exceptions, that every thing tending to establish sub- 
" stantial and permanent order, in the affairs of a country, to 
*' increase the total mass of industry and opulence, is ultimately 
" beneficial to every part of it. On the credit of this great truth, 
" an acquiescence may safely be accorded, from every quarter, 
" to all institutions, and arrangements, which promise a confir- 
" mation of public oi-der, and an augmentation of national re- 
" source. 

16 



122 ADDRESSES. 

" But there are more particular considerations which serve to 
" fortify the idea, that the encouragement of manufactures is the 
" interest of all parts of the union. If the northern and middle 
*' states should be the principal scenes of such establishments, 
*' they would immediately benefit the more southern, by creating 
" a demand for productions, some of which they have in com- 
" mon with the other states, and others which are either pecu- 
*' liar to them, or more abundant, or of better quality than else- 
" where. These productions, principally, are timber, flax, hemp, 
*' cotton, wool, raw silk, indigo, iron, lead, furs, hides, skins and 
" coals ; of these articles, cotton and indigo are peculiar to the 
*' southern states : as are, hitherto, lead and coals ; flax and hemp 
*' are or may be raised in greater abundance there, than in the 
** more northern states ; and the wool of Virginia is said to be of 
** better quality than that of any other state ; a circumstance 
*' rendered the more probable by the reflection, that Virginia 
*' embraces the same latitudes with the finest wool countries of 
'* Europe. The climate of the south is also better adapted to 
" the production of silk. 

'' The extensive cultivation of cotton can perhaps hardly be 
*' expected, but from the previous establishment of domestic 
"manufactories of the article ; and the surest encouragement 
*' and vent, for the others, would result from similar establish- 
" ments in respect to them. 

" A full view having now been taken of the inducements to 
" the promotion of manufactures in the united states, accompa- 
*' nied with an examination of the principal objections which are 
** commonly urged in opposition, it is proper, in the next place, 
" to consider the means by which it may be effected, as intro- 
*' ductory to a spetification of the objects which, in the present 
** state of things, appear the most fit to be encouraged, and of 
*' the particular measures which it may be advisable to adopt, 
" in respect to each. 

" In order to a better judgment of the means proper to be 
" resorted to by the united states, it will be of use to advert to 
" those which have been employed with success in other coun- 
" tries. The principal of these are — 

I. '' Protecting duties — or duties on those foreign articles 
" which are the rivals of the domestic ones intended to be en- 
" couraged. 

" Duties of this nature evidently amount to a virtual bounty 
" on the domestic fabrics, since, by enhancing the charges on 
" foreign articles, they enable the national manufacturers to un- 
" dersell all their foreign competitors. The propriety of this 
*' species of encouragemect need not be dwelt upon ; as it is not 
" only a clear result from the numerous topics which have been 
" suggested, but is sanctioned by the laws of the united states, 



ADDRESSES. 12«i 

** in a variety of instances ; it has the additional recommenda- 
" tion of being a resource of revenue. Indeed all the duties im- 
*' posed on imported articles, though with an exclusive view to 
" revenue, have the effect in contemplation, and, except where 
*' they fall on raw materials, wear a beneficent aspect towards 
** the manufactures of the country. 

II. '' Prohibitions of rival articles, or duties equivalent to 
" prohibitions. 

'•" This is another and an efficacious means of encouraging 
" national manufactures ; but in general it is only fit to be em- 
" ployed when a manufacture has made such a progi-ess, and is 
" in so many hands, as to insure a due competition, and an ade- 
*' quate supply, on reasonable terms. Of duties equivalent to 
" prohibitions, there are examples in the laws of the united 
" states, and there are other cases, to which the principle may 
" be advantageously extended; but they are not numerous. 

" Con.sidering- a monopoly of the domestic market to its own 
*' manufacturers as the reigning policy of manufacturing nations^ 
" a similar policy on the part of the united states^ in every proper 
*' instance^ is dictated^ it might almost be said^ by the principles of 
^*' distributive justice ; certainly by the duty of endeavouring to 
*■'' secure to their own citizens a reciprocity of advantages. 

III. " Prohibitions of the exportation of the materials of man- 
** ufactures. 

" The desire of securing a cheap and plentiful supply for the 
*■'• national workmen, and, where the article is either peculiar to 
" the country', or of peculiar quality there, the jealousy of ena- 
*■' bling foreign workmen to rival those of the nation, with its 
" own materials, are the leading motives to this species of regu- 
" lation. It ought not to be affirmed, that it is in no instance 
" proper ; but it is certainly one which ought to be adopted with 
" great circumspection and only in very plain cases. It is seen 
" at once, that its immediate operation is to abridge the demand, 
" and keep down the produce of some other branch of industry, 
" generally speaking, of agriculture, to the prejudice of those 
" who carry it on ; and though, if it be really essential to the 
*' prosperity of any very important national manufacture, it may 
" happen that those who are injured, in the first instance, may 
" be eventually indemnified, by the superior steadiness of an 
" extensive domestic market depending on that prosperity : yet 
*' in a matter, in which there is so much room for nice and diffi- 
*' cult combinations, in which such opposite considerations com- 
** bat each other, prudence seems to dictate, that the expedient 
" in question ought to be indulged with a sparing hand. 

IV. "Pecuniary bounties. 

*' This has been found one of the most efficacious means of 
♦' encouraging manufactures, and it is, in some views, the best. 



124 ADDRESSES. 

" Though it has not yet been practised upon by the government 
*' of the united states, (unless the allowance on the exportation 
" of dried and pickled fish and salted meat could be considered 
** as a bounty) and though it is less favoured by public opinion 
" than some other modes — its advantages are these — 

1. " It is a species of encouragement more positive and direct 
**than any other, and for that very reason, has a more immedi- 
"■ ate tendency to stimulate and uphold new enterprises, increas- 
'* ing the chances of profit, and diminishing the risks of loss, in 
*' the first attempts. 

2. ••' It avoids the inconvenience of a temporary argumentation 
" of price, which is incident to some other modes, or it produces 
" it to a less degree ; either by making no addition to the char- 
" ges on the rival foreign article, as in the case of protecting du- 
*' ties, or by making a smaller addition. The first happens when 
*' the fund for the bounty is derived from a different object 
'' (which may or may not increase the price of some other arti- 
*•• cle, according to the nature of that oi.ject ;) the second, when 
*' the fund is derived from the same or a similar object of foreign 
*' manufacture. One per cent, duty on the foreign article, con- 
*' verted into a bounty on the domestic, will have an equal effect 
'^ with a dutv of two per cent, exclusive of such bounty ; and 
" the price of the foreign commodity is liable to be raised, 
" in the one case, in the proportion of one per cent, in the other, 
" in that of two per cent. Indeed the bounty, when drawn from 
*' another source, is calculated to promote a reduction of price ; 
" because, without laying any new charge on the foreign article, 
*' it serves to introduce a competition with it, and to increase 
" the total quantity of the article in the market. 

3- '■'• Bounties have not, like high protecting duties, a tendency 
" to produce scarcity. An increase of price is not always the 
*' immediate, though, where the progress of a domestic manufac- 
" ture does not counteract a rise, it is commonly the ultimate 
" effect of an additional duty. In the interval, between the laying 
" of the duty and a proportionable increase of price, it may dis- 
*' courage importation, by interfering with the profits to be ex- 
" pected from the sale of the article. 

4. " Bounties are sometimes not only the best, but the only 
" proper expedient, for uniting the encouragement of a new ob- 
*' ject of agriculure, with that of a new object of manufacture. 
*' It is the interest of the fanner to have the production of the 
*' raw material promoted, by counteracting the interference of the 
" foreign material of the same kind — It is the interest of the man- 
" ufacturer to have the material abundant or cheap. If, prior to 
" the domestic production of the material, in sufficient quantity, to 
''supply the manufacturer on good terms, a duty be laid upon 
<' the importation of it from abroad, with a view to promote the 



ADDRESSES. . > 125 

" raising of it at home, the interest both of the farmer and man- 
*■'- ufacturer will be disserved. By either destroying the requisite 
'■'■ supph , or raising the price of the article, beyond what can be 
" afforded to be given for it, by the conductor of an infant man- 
*' ufacture, it is abandoned or fails ; and there being no domes- 
" tic manufactories, to create a demand for the raw material, 
*' which is raised by the farmer, it is in vain, that the competition 
" of the like foreign articles may have been destroyed. 

" It cannot escape notice, that a duty upon the importation of 
*' an article, can no otherwise aid the domestic production of it, 
" than by giving the latter greater advantages in the home mai-- 
" ket. it can have no influence upon the advantageous sale of 
*' the article produced in foreign markets ; no tendency, there- 
*' fore, to promote its exportation. 

"• The true way to conciliate those two interests, is to lay a 
*' duty on foreign manufactures of the material, the growth of 
" which is desired to be encouraged and to apply the produce of 
" that duty by wav of bounty, either upon the production of the 
" material itself, or upon its manufacture at home, or upon both. 
" In this disposition ui the thing, the manufacturer commences 
" his enterprise, under every advantage, which is attainable as to 
'' quantity or price of the raw material ; and the farmer, if the 
*' bounty be immediately given to him, is enabled by it to enter 
'' into a successful competition with the foreign material : if the 
"■ bounty be to the manufacturer on so much of the domestic 
*' material as he consumes, the operation is nearly the same ; he 
" has a motive of interest to prefer the domestic commodity, if 
"• of equal quality, even at a higher price than the foreign, so 
" long as the difference of price is any thing short of the bounty, 
" w^hich is allowed upon the article. 

" Except the simple and ordinary kinds of household manu- 
" facture, or those for which there are very commanding local 
*' advantages, pecuniary bounties are in most cases indispensa- 
" ble to the introduction of a new branch. A stimulus and a 
" support not less powerful and direct is, generally speakings es- 
" sential to the overcoming' of the obstacles which arise from the 
*' competitions oj superior skill and maturity elsewhere. Bou7ities 
'' are especially essential, in regard to articles, upon which those 
'■'■ foreigners who have been accustomed to supply a country, are in 
*' the practice of granting them. 

" The continuance of bounties on manufactures long estab- 
" lished, must almost always be of questionable policy : because 
" a presumption would arise in every such case, that there were 
*' natural and inherent impediments to success. But in new iin- 
*' dertakings, they are as justifiable as they are oftentimes neces- 
*' sary. 

" There is a degree of prejudice against bounties, from an 



126 ADDRESSES. 

" appearance of giving away the public money, without an im- 
" mediate consideration, and from a supposition, that they 
" serve to enrich particular classes, at the expense of the com- 
" munity. 

" But neither of these sources of dislike will bear a serious 
" examination. There is no purpose to ivhich public money can 
*' be more beneficially applied^ than to the acquisition of a new and 
^'■useful branch of industry ; no consideration more valuable than 
" a permanent addition to the general stock of productive labour. 

" As to the second source of objection, it equally lies against 
" other modes of encouragement which are admitted to be eli- 
" gible. As often as a duty upon a foreign article makes an 
" addition to its price, it causes an extra expense to the commu- 
" nity, for the benefit of the domestic manufacturer. A bounty 
" does no more. But it is the interest of the society, in each case^ 
" to submit to a temporary expense, which is more than compensa- 
" ted, by an increase of industry and -wealth— 'by an aug-mentation 
'' of resources and independence — and by the circumstance ofeven- 
*' tual cheapness ^xuhich has been noticed in another place. 

V. " Premiums. 

" These are of a nature allied to bounties, though distinguish- 
" able from them in some important features. 

*' Bounties are applicable to the whole quantity of an article 
*' produced, or manufactured, or exported, and involve a corres- 
" pondent expense : premiums serve to reward some particular 
" excellence or superiority, some extraordinary exertion or skill, 
" and are dispensed only in a small number of cases. But their 
" effect is to stimulate general effort ; contrived so as to be both 
" honorary and lucrative, they address themselves to different 
" passions ; touching the chords as well of emulation as of inter- 
" est. They are accordingly a very economical mean of exci- 
^ ting the enterprise of a whole community. 

" There are various societies in different countries, whose 
" object is the dispensation of premiums for the encouragement 
" of agriculture, arts, manufactures, and commerce ; and though 
" they are, for the most part, voluntary associations, with com- 
" paratively slender funds, their utility has been immense. Much 
" has been done by this means in Great Britain ; Scotland in 
" particular, owes materially to it a prodigious amelioration of 
*' condition. From a similar establishment in the united states, 
" supplied and supported by the government of the union, vast 
" benefits m.ight reasonably be expected. 

VI. " The exemption of the materials of manufactures from 
" duty. 

" The policy of that exemption, as a general rule, particularly 
" in reference to new establishments, is obvious. It can hardly 
" ever be advisable to add the obstructions of fiscal burdens to 



ADDRESSES. 127' 

" the difficulties which naturally embarrass a new manufacture ; 
" and where it is matured and in condition to become an object 
" of revenue, it is, generally speaking, better that the fabric, 
" than the material, should be the subject of taxation. Ideas 
" of proportion between the quantum of the tax and the value 
" of the article, can be more easily adjusted in the former than 
" in the latter case. An argument for exemptions of this kind 
" in the united states, is to be derived from the practice, as far 
" as their necessities have permitted, of those nations whom 
" we are to meet as competitors in our own and in foreign 
" markets. 

VII. " Drawbacks of the duties which are imposed on the 
" materials of manufactures. 

" It has already been observed, as a general rule, that duties 
" on those materials ought, with certain exceptions, to be for- 
" borne. Of these exceptions, three cases occur, which may 
*' serve as examples — one, where the material is itself an object 
*' of general or extensive consumption, and a fit and productive 
*' source of revenue ; another, where a manufacture of a simpler 
" kind, the competition of which with a like domestic article is 
*' desired to be restrained, partakes of the nature of a raw ma- 
" terial, from being capable by a further process, to be converted 
" into a manufacture of a different kind, the introduction or 
" growth of which is desired to be encouraged : a third, where 
" the material itself is a production of the country, and in suffi- 
*' cient abundance to furnish a cheap and plentiful supply to the 
" national manufacturers. 

" Under the first description comes the article of molasses. 
" It is not only a fair object of revenue, but being a sweet, it is 
'* just that the consumers of it should pay a duty as well as the 
" consumers of sugar. 

" Cottons and linen in their white state, fall under the second 
" description — a duty upon such as are imported is proper to 
" promote the domestic manufacture of similar articles in the 
" same state — a drawback of that duty is proper to encourage 
" the printing and staining at home, of those which are brought 
" from abroad. When the first of these manufactures has at- 
" tained sufficient maturity in a country, to furnish a full supply 
" for the second, the utility of the drawback ceases. 

*' The article of hemp either now does or may be expected 
" soon to exemplify the third case, in the united states. 

" Where duties on the materials of manufactures are not laid 
" for the purpose of preventing a competition with some domes - 
" tic production, the same reasons which recommend, as a 
" general rule, the exemption of those materials from duties, 
*' would recommend as a like general rule, the allowance of 
" drawbacks in favour of the manufacturer ; accordingly, such 



128 ADDRESSES. 

" drawbacks are familiar in countries which systematically pur- 
" sue the business of manufactures ; which furnishes an argu- 
" ment for the observance of a similar policy in the united states ; 
" and the idea has been adopted by the laws of the union, in the 
" instances of salt and molasses. It is believed that it will be 
" found advantageous to extend it to some other articles. 

VIII. " The encouragement of new inventions and discove- 
*' ries, at home, and of the introduction into the united states of 
" such as may have been made in other countries ; particularly 
" those which relate to machinery. 

" It is customary with manufacturing nations to prohibit, un- 
" der severe penalties, the exportation of implements and ma- 
" chines, they have either invented or improved. There are 
" already objects for a similar regulation in the united states ; 
" and others may be expected to occur from time to time. The 
" adoption of it seems to be dictated by the principle of recipro- 
" city. Greater liberality, in such respects, might better com- 
" port with the general spirit of the country ; but a selfish and 
" exclusive policy in other quarters, will not always permit the 
" free indulgence of a spirit which would place us upon an un- 
" equal footing. As far as prohibitions tend to prevent 
" foreign competitors from deriving the benefit of the improve- 
" ments made at home, they tend to increase the advantages of 
*' those by whom they may have been introduced ; and operate 
" as an encouragement to exertion. 

IX. "• Judicious regulations for the inspection of manufactured 
" commodities. 

" This is not among the least important of the means by which 
" the prosperity of manufactures may be promoted. It is indeed in 
*' many cases one of the most essential. Contributing to prevent 
*' frauds upon consumers at home, and exporters to foreign 
" countries — to improve the quality and preserve the character 
" of the national manufactures, it cannot fail to aid the expediti- 
" ous and advantageous sale of them, and to serve as a guard 
" against successful competition from other quarters. The rep- 
" utation of the flour and lumber of some states, and of the pot- 
" ash of others, has been established by an attention to this point. 
" And the like good name might be procured for those articles, 
" wheresoever produced, by a judicious and uniform system of 
*' inspection throughout the ports of the united states. A like 
" system might also be extended with advantage to other com- 
*' modities. 

"X. The facilitating of pecuniary remittances from place to 
" place. 

" XI. The facilitating of the transportation of commodities. 

" The foregoing are the principal of the means, by which the 
" growth of manufactures is ordinarily promotad. It is, how- 



ADDRESSES. 129 

" ever not meiely necessary that measures of government, 
" which have a direct view to manufactures, should be calculat- 
" ed to assist and protect them ; but that those which only collat- 
*'eially affect them, in the general course of the administraticm, 
•' should be guarded from any peculiar tendency to injure 
^^ them. 

" The possibility of a diminution of th€ revenue may pre- 
" sent itself, as an objection to the arrangements which have 
been submitted. 

'•'• But there is no truth which may be mo7-e firmly relied upon^ 
" than that the interests of the revenue are promoted by whatever 
'■^promotes an increase of national industry and wealth. 

In proportion to the degree of these, is the capacity of eve- 
•' ry country to contribute to the public treasury ; and when the 
" capacity to pay is increased, or even is not decreased, the only 
" consequence of measures which diminish any particular re- 
" source, is a change of the object. If, by encouraging the 
" manufactui-e of an article at home, the revenue, which has 
" been wont to accrue from its importation, should be lessened, 
*' an indemnification can easily be found, either out of the manu- 
*' facture itself, or from some other object which may be deemed 
*' more convenient." 



NO. X. 

Philadelphia^ June 18, 1819, 

Report of the Committee of Commerce and Manufactures on the 
cotton branch. Its slow progress till 1805. Rapid progress 
ajterwards. Consumption of cotton in the united states. Peo- 
ple employed in the manufacture. Amount of their wages^ and 
of the goods produced. Predictions of the consequences of the 
neglect of manufactures. Their Julflment. Report on ivoollen 
manufacture. Affecting memorial from Oneida county. Ca- 
lamitous state ofaffcdrs uJiheeded. Ruin of manufacturers. 

An idea appears to be entertained by many persons that our 
views lead to great innovations, and to advocate visionary and 
new formed projects, of which the results may be pernicious. 
The extracts from the report of Alexander Hamilton, on manu- 
factures, contained in our last address, ought to remove these 
untounded impressions. That most excellent document present- 
ed to the united states a plan of policy which embraced, on the 
most liberal scale, that protection of the manufacturing industry 



130 ADDRESSES. 

of the united states, of which we are endeavouring, with our 
feeble efforts, to prove the necessity. 

We novv submit to the public two reports of the commit- 
tee of commerce and manufactures of the congress of 1816 — 
that congress by which was enacted the tariff that has produced 
the present calamitous state of affairs. These documents fully 
prc've, that the subject had been duly considered, and was fully 
understood by that committee, whose wise counsels, unfortu- 
tunately, were over-ruled by the disciples of Adam Smith, those 
gentlemen, whose maxim is ' to buy where articles can be had 
cheapest^ — a maxim, we repeat, to the utter rejection of which 
Great Britain owes the great mass of her wealth, power, and re- 
sources — a maxim which has never failed to ruin any nation by 
which it has been adopted. 

A cursory view of these reports will evince the sagacity of 
the gentlemen by whom they were drawn up. Their predictions 
have unhappily become history. The present impoverishment 
of the country, obviously resulting from the neglect of protecting 
domestic manufactures, was as clearly foretold by them, in 1816, 
as it can now be described by the most accurate pencil. In an 
ill hour, the admonitions of the committee were disregarded — 
and heavily the nation at present pays the forfeit. 

We annex to these reports the petition of the cotton manu- 
facturers of Oneida county, in the state of New York, presented 
to congress in the year 1818, a pathetic appeal to their fellow 
citizens for protection — an appeal to which no attention what- 
ever was paid. They were consigned to ruin, without the least 
attempt to interpose in their favour. 



Report of the committee cj commerce and manufacturefi ^ to xvhich 

xvere referred the memorials arid petitions of manufacturers of 

cotton wool. — February 13, 1816. 
" The coaimittee of commerce and manufactures, to which were 

" referred the memorials and petitions of the manufacturers 

" of cotton wool, respectfully submit the following RE- 

" PORT— 

" The committee were conscious, that they had no ordinary 
*' duty to perform, when the house of representatives referred to 
*' their consideration, the memorials and petitions of the manu- 
*' facturers of cotton wool. In obedience to the instructions of 
*' the house, they have given great attention to the subject, and 
" beg leave to present the result of their deliberations. 

*"■ They are not a little apprehensive, that they have not sue- 
" ceeded in doing justice to a subject so intimately connected 
" with the advancement and prosperity of agriculture and com- 



ADDRESSES. 161 

** merce — a subject which enlightened statesmen and philoso- 
*' phcrs have deemed not unworthy of their attention and con- 
*' sideration. 

'' It is not the intention of the committee to offer any theo- 
*' retical opinions of their own, or of others. They are persuaded 
*' that a display of speculative opiniims would not meet with 
" approbation. From these views, the committee are disposed 
" to state facts, and make such observations only as shall be 
*' intimatelv connected with, and warranted by them. 

" Prior to the years 1806 and 1807, establishments for manu- 
*' facturing cotton wool had not been attempted, but in a few 
*' instances, and on a limited scale. Their rise and progress are 
" attributable to embarrassments to which commerce was sub- 
*' jected; which embarrassments originated in causes not within 
*' the control of human prudence. 

"• While commerce flourished, the trade which had been car- 
" ried on with the continent of Europe, with the East-Indies, 
" and with the colonies of Spain and France, enriched our enter- 
" prising merchants, the benefits of which were sensiblj- felt by 
*' the agriculturists, whose wealth and industry were increased 
" and extended. When external commerce was suspended, the 
*' capitalists throughout the union became solicitous to give ac- 
" tivity to their capital. A portion of it, it is believed, was 
" directed to the improvement of agriculture, and not an incon- 
*' siderable portion of it, as it appears, was likewise employed in 
*' erecting establishments, for manufacturing cotton wool. To 
" make the statement as satisfactory as possible — to give it all 
" the certainty that it is susceptible of attaining, the following 
*' facts are respectfully submitted to the consideration of the 
" house. They show the rapid progress which has been made 
*' in a few years, and evidence the ability to carry them on with 
" certainty of success, should a just and liberal policy regard 
" them as objects deserving encouragement. 

" Li the year 1800 500"^ Bales of cotton ma- 

1805 1,0(X) ! nufacturedin manu- 

1810 10,000 [facturing establish- 

1815 90,000 J ments. 

" This statement the committee have no reason to doubt ; nor 
" have they any to question the truth of the following succinct 
" statement of the capital which is employed, of the labour 
" which it commands, and of the products of that labour. 

"Capital S40,000,000 

" Males employed, from the age of seventeen 

and upwards __---_ 10,000 

" Women and female children - - - - 66,000 



i^'-i ■ ADDRESSES, 

" Boys, under seventeen years of age - - 24,000 

" Wages of one hundred thousand persons, 

averaging $150 each . - - - ^15,000,000 

" Cotton wool manufactured, nhiety thousand 

bales, amounting to - - - - lbs. 27,000.000 
" Number of yards of cotton, of various kinds, 81,000,000" 
*' Cost, per yard, averaging 30 cents - - §24,300,000 

" The rise and progress of such establishments can excite no 
" wonder The inducements to industry in a free government 
*' are numerous and inviting. Effects are always itn unison with 
" their causes. The inducements consist in the certainty and 
*' security which every citizen enjoys, of exercising exclusive 
*' dominion over the creations of his genius, and the products 
" of his labour ; in procuring from his native soil, at ail times^ 
*' with facility, the raw materials that are required ; and in the 
*' liberal encouragement that will be accorded by agriculturists 
*' to those who, by their labour, keep up a constant and increas- 
*' ing demand for the produce of agriculture. 

" Every state will participate in those advantages. The re* 
" sources of each will be explored, opened, and enlarged. Dif- 
*' ferent sections of the union will, according to their position, 
" the climate, the population, the habits of the people, and the 
"■ nature of the soil, strike into that line of industry, which i& 
" best adapted to their interest and the good of the whole ; an 
*' active and fi^ee intercourse, promoted and facilitated by roads 
*' and canals, tvill ensue ; })rejudices which are generated by dis- 
*' tance, and the want of inducements to approach each other, 
" and reciprocate benefits, will be removed ; information will be 
" extended ; the union will acquire strength and solidity ; and 
*' the constitution of the united states, and that of each state, 
*^ will be regarded as fountains from which flow numerous 
*' streams of public and private prosperity. 

" Each government, moving in its appropriate orbit, perform- 
" ing with ability, its separate functions, will be endeared to the 
" hearts of a good and grateful people. 

" The states that are most disposed to manufactures, as regular 
" occupations, will draw from the agricultural states all the raw 
" materials which they want, and not an inconsiderable portion 
*' also of the necessaries of life ; while the latter will, in addition 
" to the benefits which they at present enjoy, always command, 
" in peace or in war, at moderate prices, every species of manu- 
"facture, that their wants may require. Should they be incli- 
" ned to manufacture for themselves, they can do so with suc- 
" cess ; because they have all the means in their power to erect 
" and extend at pleasure manufacturing establishments. Our 
*'• wants being supplied by our own ingenuity and industry, 



ADDRESSES. 13i> 

"exportation of specie to pay for foreign manufactures, will 
" cease. 

" The value of American produce at this time exported^ zuil/ not 
" enrthJe t/ie importers to pay for tlie foreign manuafctures import- 
*' ed. Whenever the two accounts shall be fairly stated, the bal- 
*' ance against the united states will be found to be many mil- 
" lions of dollars. Such is the state of things, that the change 
*' must be to the advantage of the united states. The precious 
" metals will be attracted to them, the diffusion of which, in a 
*' regular and uniform current through the great arteries and 
" veins of the body politic, will give to each member health and 
" vigour. 

" In proportion as the commerce of the united states depends 
" on agriculture and manufactures, as a common basis, will it 
*' increase and become independent of those revolutions and fluc- 
" tuations, which the ambition and jealousy of foreign govern- 
" ments are too apt to produce. Our navigation will be quick- 
" ened ; and, supported as it will be by internal resources never 
*' before at the command of any nation, will advance to the extent 
*' of those resources. 

" New channels of trade, to enterprise no less important than 
*' productive, are opening, which can be secured only by a wise 
" and prudent policy appreciating their advantage. ^ 

" If want of foresight should neglect the cultivation and im- 
" provement of them, the opportune moment may be lost, per- 
" haps for centuries, and the energies of this nation be thereby 
" prevented from developing themselves, and from making the 
*' boon which is proffered, our own. •• 

" By trading on our own capital, collisions with other nations, 
*' if they be not entirely done away, will be greatly diminished. 

" This natural order of things exhibits the commencement of 
" a new epoch, which promises peace, security and repose by a 
" firm and steady reliance on the produce of agriculture, on the 
" treasures that are embosomed in the earth, on the genius and 
" ingenuity of our manufacturers and mechanics, and on the in- 
" telligence and enterprise of our merchants. 

"The government possessing the intelligence and the art of 
"improving the resources of the nation, will increase its eflicienl 
" powers ; and, enjoying the confidence of those whom it has 
" made happy, will oppose to the assailants of the nation's rights, 
" the true, the only invincible iEgis, the unity of will and strength. 
" Causes producmg war will be few. Should war take place, 
*' its calamitous consequences will be mitigated, and the expen- 
" ses and burdens of such a state of things will fall with a Aveight 
" much less oppressive and injurious on the nation. The ex- 
" penditures of the last war were greatly increassd bv a depend- 



134 ADDRESSES. 

" ence on foreign supplies. The prices incident to such a de- 
" pendence will always be high. 

" Had notour nascent manufacturing establishments increased 
" the quantity of commodities, at that time in demand, the ex- 
"penditures would have been much greater, and consequences 
*' the most fatal and disastrous, alarming even in contemplation, 
" would have been the fate oi this nation. The experience of 
*'the past teaches a lesson never to be forgotten, and points em- 
*' phatically to the remedy. A wise government should heed 
*' its admonitions, or the independence of this nation will be ex- 
*' posed to ' the shafts of fortune.' 

"The committee, keeping in view the interests of the nation, 
" cannot refrain from stating thai cotton fabrics imported from 
*' India, interfere not less with that encouragement to which ag- 
*' riculture is justly entitled, than they do with that which ought 
" reasonably to be accorded to the manufacturers of cotton wool. 
"The raw material of which they are made is the growtii of In- 
" dia, and of a quality inferior to our own. 

" The fabrics themselves, in point of duration and use, are 
" likewise inferior to the substantial fabrics of American manu- 
" facture. Although the India cotton fabrics can be sold for a 
" lower price than the American, yet the difference in texture is 
" so much in favour of the American, that the latter may be 
" safely considered as the cheapest. 

" The distance of most of the western states from the ocean, 
" the exuberant richness of the soil, and the variety of its pro- 
" ducts, forciijly impress the mind of the committee with a belief 
" that all these causesifnspire to encourage manufactures, and to 
" give an impetus and direction to such a disposition. Although 
•■' the western states may be said to be in the gristle, in contem- 
" plation of that destiny, to which they are hastening, yet the 
" products of manufactures in those states are beyond every cal- 
" culation that could reasonably be made ; contrary to the opin- 
" ion of many enlightened and virtuous men, who have suppos- 
" ed that the inducements to agriculture and the superior advan- 
" tages of that life, Avould suppress any disposition to that sort 
'' of industry. But theories, how ingeniously soever they may 
" be constructed, how much soever they may be made to conform 
" to tlie laws of symmetry and beauty, are no sooner brought in- 
" to conflict with facts, than thev fall into ruins. In viewing 
" their fragments, the mind is irresistibly led| to render the hom- 
" age due to the genius and taste of the architects ; but cannot 
*' refrain from regretting the waste, to no purpose, of superior 
" intellects. The western states prove the fallacy of such theo- 
" ries ; they appear in their growth and expansion to be in ad- 
" vance of thought, while the political economist is drawing 
'•' their portraits, their features change and enlarge, with such 



ADDRESSES. 135 

" rapidit)% that his pencil in vain endeavours to catch their ex- 
"pre.sion, and to fix their physiv^ygnomy. 

" It is to their advantage to manufacture, because, by decreas- 
" ing the bulk of the articles, they at the same time increase 
" their value by labour, bring them to market with less expense, 
"and with the certainty of obtaining the best prices. 

" Those states, understanding their interest, will not be di- 
" verted from its pursuit. In the encouragement of manufactures 
" they find a stimulus for agriculture. 

" The manufacturers of cotton, in making application to the 
" national government for encouragement, have been induced 
" to do so for many reasons. — They know that ihtir eHtablhh' 
" menta are neiu and in th^'ir infancy^ and that they have to en- 
" counter a competition with foreign establishments^ that have ar- 
" rived at maturity^ that are supported by a large capital^ and 
" have from the government every protection that can be re~ 
" quired. 

" The American manufacturers expect to meet with all the 
" embarrassments which a jealous and monopolizing policy can 
'^' suggest. The committee are sensible of the force of such 
*' considerations. They are convinced that old practices and 
*' maxims will not be abandoned to favour the united states. — 
" The foreign manufacturers and merchants will put in requisi- 
" tion all the powers of ingenuity ; will practice whatever art can 
" devise and capital can accomplish, to prevent American manu- 
*' facturing establishments from strikmgroot and flourishing in 
" their rich and native soil. By the allowance of bounties and 
" drawbacks, the foreign manufacturers and merchants will be 
" furnished with additional means of carrying on the conflict, 
" and of ensuring success, 

" The American manufacturers have good reason for their ap- 
" prehensions ; they have much at stake. They have a large ca- 
" pital employed, and are feelinglv alive for its fate. Should 
" the national government not afford them protection, the dan- 
" gers which invest and threaten them, will destroy all their hopes 
"and will close their prospects of utility to their country. A 
" reasonable encouragement will sustain and keep them erect j 
" bat if they fail, they fall never to rise again. 

" The joreign manufacturers and merchants know this^ and 
" will redouble ivith renovated zeal^ the stroke to prostrate thetn. 
" They also knoxv^ that should the American manufacturing es- 
*^ tablishments fall^ their mouldering piles.^ the visible ruins of a 
" legislative breathy will war?l all who shall tread in the same 
*'' footsteps^ of the doom., the inevitable destiny of their establish- 
" ments. 

" The national government, in viewing the disastrous effects 
" of ;i short sighted policy, may relent ; but what can relenting 



136 ADDilESSES. 

*' avail ? Can it raise the dead to life ? Can it give for injuries 
" inflicted, the reparation that is due ? Industry, in every rami- 
*' fication of society, will feel the shock, and generations will, as 
" they succeed each other, feel the effects of its undulations. — 
" Dissatisfaction will be visible every where, and the lost confi- 
" dence and affection of the citizen, will not be the least of the 
*' evils the government will have to deplore. But should the na- 
" tional government, pursuing an enlightened and libei'al policy, 
" sustain and foster the manufacturing esta')iibhments, a few 
" years would place them in a condition to bid defiance to foreign 
" competition, and would enable them to increase the industry, 
" wealth, and prosperity of the nation ; and to afford to the gov- 
*' ernment, in times of difficulty and distress, whatever it may 
*' require to support public credit, while maintaining the rights 
" of the nation. 

" Providence, in bountifully placing within our reach, what- 
" ever can minister to happiness and comfort, indicates plainly 
" to us our duty — and what we owe to ourselves. Our resour- 
" ces are abundant and inexhaustible. 

" The stand that Archimedes wanted, is given to the national 
*' and state governments — and labour-saving machinery tenders 
" the lever — the power of bringing those resources into use. 

" This power imparts incalculable advantages to a nation 
" whose population is not full. The united states require the 
*' use of thii power, because they do not abound in population* 
" The dimi lution of manual labour, by means of machinery, in 
*' the cotton manufacture of Great Britain, was, in the year 1810, 
" as two hundred to one. 

" Our manufacturers have already availed themselves of this 
" power, and have profited by it. A little more experience in 
*' making machines, and in managing them with skill, will enable 
*' our manufacturers to supply more fabrics than are necessary 
*' for the home demand. 

" Competition will make the prices of articles low, and the 
" extension of the cotton manufactories will produce that com- 
*' petition. 

" One striking and important advantage, which labour-saving 
*■' machines bestow, is this, that in all their operations they re- 
" quire few men ; as a reference to another part of this report 
*' will show. No apprehensions can then be seriously enteriain- 
'* ed, that agriculture will be in danger of having its efficient 
" labourers withdrawn from its service. 

" On the contrary, the manuj acturing establishments^ increasing 
" the demand Jor raiv materials^ xvill give to agriculture nezu life 
*' and expansion. 

" The committee, after having with great deference and re- 
" spect, presented to the house this important subject in various 



ADDRESSES. 137 

" points of view, feel themselves constrained, before concluding 
" this report, to offer a few more' observations, which they con- 
" sider as being immediatelv connected with it, and not less so 
" with the present and future prosperity of this nation. 

*' The prospects of an enlarged commerce are not flattering. 

" Every niftion in time of peace will supply its own wants 
" from its own resources, or from those of other nations. 

"When supp'ies are drawn from foreign countries, the inter- 
" course which will ensue, will furnish employ to the na\ iga- 
" tion only of the countries connected, by their reciprocal wants. 

" Our concern does not arise from, nor can it be increased 
" b^•, the limitation which our navigation and trade will have 
" prescribed to them, by the peace and apparent repose of Eu- 
" rope. 

" Our apprehensions arise from causes that cannot animate 
" by their effects. Look vvheresoe\er the eye can glance, and 
" what are the objects that strike the vision ? On the continent 
" of Europe, industry, deprived of its motive and incitement, is 
" paralized ; the accumulated vvcalth of ages, seized by the hand 
'^ of military despotism, is appropriated to and squandered on 
" objects of ambition ; the order of things unsettled, and confi- 
" dence between man and man annihilated. Every moment is 
"■ looked for, with tremulous, anxious, and increased solicitude ; 
*' hope languishes ; and commercial enterprize stiffens with fear. 
*' The political horizon appears to be calm : but many of no or- 
" dinary sagacity think they behold signs portentous of a change, 
" the indications of a violent tempest which will again rage, and 
" desolate that devoted region. 

" Should this prediction fail, no change for the better, under 
*' existing circumstances, can take place. Where despotism — 
" military despotism reigns — silence and fearful stillness must 
'■ prevail. 

" Such is the prospect which continental Europe exhibits, to 
" the enterprize of American merchants. 

" Can it be possible for them to find in that region, sources 
" which will supply them with more than seventeen millions of 
" dollars, the balance due for British manufactures imported ? 
" this balance being over and above the value of all the exports 
" to foreign countries from the united states. The view which 
" is given of the dreary prospect of commercial advantages ac- 
" cruing to the united states by an intercourse with continental 
" Europe, is believed to be just. The statement made of the 
" great balance in favour of Great Britain due from the united 
"• states, is founded on matter of fact. 

" In the hands of Great Britain are gathered together and held 
*' many powers, Avhich thev have not been accustomed hitherto 
" to feel and to exercise. 

18 



138 ADDRESSES. 

" No improper motives are intended to be imputed to that 
" government. But does not experience teach a lesson that 
*' should never be forgotten, that governments, like individuals, 
" are apt " to feel power and forget right ?" It is not inconsis- 
*' tent with national decorum to become circumspect and pru- 
** dent. May not the government of Great Britaiui be inclined, 
*' in analizing the basis of her political power, to consider and 
" regard the united states as her rival, and to indulge an improper 
"jealousy, the enemy of peace and repose ? 

" Can it be politic^ in any point of view ^ to make the united states 
" dependent on any nation for supplies^ absolutely necessary for 
*' defence^ for comfort^ and for accommodation P 

" Will not the strength, the political energies of this nation, be 
*' materially impaired at any time, but fatally so in those of diffi- 
" culty and distress, by such dependence ? 

" JDo not the suggestions of wisdom plainly show, that the se- 
" curity^ the peace^ and the happiness of this nation depend on 
" opening and enlarging all our resources^ and drawing front 
*' them whatever shall be required for public use or private accom- 
" modation ? 

" The committee, from the views which they have taken, con- 
" sider the situation of the manufacturing establishments to be 
*' perilous. Some have decreased, and others have suspended 
** business. A liberal encouragement xuill put them again into 
" operation with increased powers ; but should it be withheld^ they 
" will be prostrated. Thousands will be reduced to want and 
'•'■wretchedness. A capital of near sixty millions of dollars will 
" become inactive^ the greater part of -which will be a dead loss to 
*' the manufacturers. Our improvidence may lead to fatal con- 
" sequences: the powers, jealous of our growth and prosperity, 
" will acquire the resources and strength which this government 
" neglects to improve. It requires no prophet to foretel the use 
*"• that foreign powers will make of them. The committee, from 
*' all the considerations which they have given to this subject, 
*' are deeply impressed with a conviction that the manufacturing 
*' establishments of cotton wool are of real utility to the agricul- 
*' tural interest, and that they contribute much to the prosperity 
*' of the union. Under the influence of this conviction, the com- 
" mittee beg leave to tender, respectfully, with this report, the 
" following resolution : 

" Resolved^ That from and after the 30th day of June next in 
" lieu of the duties now authorised by law, there be laid, levied, 
" and collected on cotton goods, imported into the united states, 
*' and territories thereof, from any foreign country whatever, 
" per centum ad valorem, being not less cents per 

" square yard. 



ADDRESSES. 139 

" Report of the committee of commerce and manufactures on the 
" memorials and petitions of the manufacturers of wool — 
" March 6, 1816. 

" The committee of commerce and manufactures, to which 
" were referred the memorials and petitions of the manu- 
" facturers of wool, respectfully submit the following RE- 
" PORT— . 

" The committee having given this subject all the considera- 
** tion that its importance merits, beg leave to present, with due 
" respect, to the house, the result of their investigation. 

" The correctness of the following estimate the committee are 
" no wise disposed to question : 
" Amount of capital supposed to be invested in 

buildings, machinery, &c. !gl2,000,000 

" Value of raw material consumed an- 
nually 7,000,000 
" Increase of value by manufacturing, 12,000,000 

" Value of woollen goods manufactured annually, Sl9,000,000 

« XT u r ^ A § Constantly, 50,000 

« Number of persons employed, | Occasionally, 50,000 

100,000 

" The committee having, in a report presented to the house 
" on the 13th of February last, on the memorials and petitions 
" of the manufacturers of cotton, expressed their opinion on the 
" policy of fostering manufacturing establishments, consider 
" themselves relieved from the necessity of repeating the same 
" arguments. Every reason then urged for sustaining the cotton 
" manufacturing establishments, applies with equal force in fa- 
" vour of the woollen. The committee, influenced by the same 
" reasons, feel themselves bound to accord the same justice to 
" the manufacturers of wool. 

" The following resolution is, therefore, with due respect, 
" submitted to the house. 

" Resolved^ That from and after the 30th day of June next, in 
" lieu of the duties now authorised by law, there be laid, levied, 
" and collected on woollen goods imported into the united states 
" and territories thereof, from any foreign country whatever, 
" per centum ad valorem. 

" A memorial presented to the Senate of the United States^ Janu~ 

arj/ 7,1818. 
" To the honourable the Senate and House of Representatives 
" of the united states, in congress assembled, the petition of 



140 



ADDRESSES. 



" the inhabitants of the county of Oneida, in the State of New 

" York, as well manufacturers as others, Ri^sPECxruLLY 

" Sheweth : 

*' That the above county contains a greater number of manu- 
*' facturing establishments, of cotton and woollen, than any covm- 
" ty in the state, there being invested in said establishments at 
" iea^t 600,000 dollars. 

" That although the utmost efforts have been made by the pro- 
" prietors to sustain those establishments, their efforts have prov- 
" ed fruitless : and more than three-fourths of the factories re- 
*' m.ain necessarily closed, some of the proprietors being whol- 
*' ly ruined, and others struggling under the greatest embarrass- 
"ment. 

" In this alarming situation, we beg leave to make a last ap- 
" peal to the congress of the united states. While we make thisap- 
'' peal, at the present crisis, the extensive embarrassments in most 
*' oi the great departments of industry, as well as the peculiar 
**■ difficulty in affording immediate relief to manufacturers, are 
" fully seen and appreciated. Yet your petitioners cannot be- 
*' lieve that the legislature of the union zvill remaiii an indijfferent 
*•■ spvctator of the xvide-sprtad ruin of their felloiv citizens^ and 
*' look on^ and see a great branch of industry^ of the utmost impor- 
*' tanee in every community ^ prostrated under circumstances fatal 
*' to all future attempts at revival^ without a further effort for re- 
*■'• ;> hf. We would not magnify the subject, which we now pre- 
"•sent to congress beyond its just merits, when we state it to be 
*' one of the utmost importance to the future interests andwel- 
*' fare of the united states. 

" Before we proceed farther, and at the very threshold, we 
" disclaim all legislative patronage or favour to any particular 
*' class or branch of industry at the expense of the other classes 
" of the community. We ask of congress the adoption of no 
*' measure for the relief of manufacturers, which is not deemed 
" consistent with sound national policy, and the best interests of 
" the united states at large. But if a compliance with our pray- 
" ers be the dictate of wisdom, and for the public good; if our 
*' application be justified by the examples of all wise and pa- 
^ *' trio ic states ; if no government of modern Europe is so short- 
'' sighted^ or regardless of its duties^ as not to constantly xuatcli 
" over^ and yield a steady and protecting support to the manufac- 
*•'■ turers of the state^we humbly hope this appeal in behalf of 
*' American manufactures will not l.e made in vain. 

'^ That clothing for our citizens in peace, and our army and 
*' navy in war, are indispensable, and that the necessary supply 
" should be independent of foreign nations, are positions that 
*' will be controverted by none. The last war afforded most 
"lamentable proof: your soldiers, exposed to the inclemencies 



ADDRKSSKS. 141 

^' of a northern climate, were at times found fighting in the 
" ranks ahnost naked. It will not escape observation, that na- 
'^ tional collision and hostility are most likely to arise with 
" that nation from Avhich our supplies are principall} derived, 
" and that the operations of war must be prosecuted on the 
" ocean ; hence, regular supplies being cut off, smuggling, viola- 
'' tions of law, with all the concomitant evils exptnenced in the 
'•'■ late 71'ar, are the certain consequences. The same disgraceful 
" scenes are to be acted over and over again, to the deep re- 
*•' proach of the country. JJ the presrnt manufactories are snjfer- 
" cc! to fall ^ the governynent xvill look in vain for means to avert 
" those calamities. Surrounded with many embarrassments, 
" government, during the war, saw fit to encourage manufactur- 
" ing establishments ; and those who embarked their capital, it 
" is humblv conceived, were warranted in the expectation of 
"• such continuing support of government as should protect their 
" interest against that foreign rivalship and hostility which is 
" now operating to their ruin. They had a right, as they con- 
'' cei . e, to expect this from what the government owed to itself, 
" and to the independence and best interests ot the country, as 
" well as from the example of other nations in like circumstan- 
*' ces. 

'• In reviewing the discussions on this great question, your 
" petitioners feel themselves justified in saying, that the question 
" has not been at all times fairly met on its true merits. We 
" have been constrained to witness alarm sounded, as though a 
" new principle was to be introduced, and the country now for 
" the first time, taxed for the mere benefit of manufacturers. — 
" What can be more untrue and unjust ? We need not remind the 
" honourable the congress of the united states of what is known 
" to all, that from the first establishment of the government, spe- 
'*• cial regard has been had, in laying imposts and taxes, to the 
" protection of domestic manifactures^ by increasing the duties on 
"• imported articles coming in competition. Again, the tariff, 
" in protecting manufactures, has been represented as taxing the 
" farmer and planter for the benefit of the manufacturer ; and 
" hence, attempts have been made to excite popular prejudice 
" against the latter. We need not dwell on this topic, in show- 
" ing how unjust to individuals, and injurious to the country the 
" charge is. As it respects the manufacturing districts of the 
" united states, there is no distinct class of manufacturers, no 
" separation of the manufacturer and farmer ; it is the farmer 
" himself who is the manufacturer ; he invests his money in man- 
'•'• ufacturing stock. With the exception of a few factories, in 
' or near the great towns, by far the greater part of manufactur- 
" ing stock will be found in the hands of the farmers. 

*' Between different districts or states, one manufacturing and 



142 ADDRESSES. 

" the other not, a difFerent question arises, which resolves itself 
" into a mere equality or apportionment of taxes on the diifer- 
" ent parts of the union : and here it will be seen, on a view of 
" the whole system of imposts and taxes, that no injustice is 
" done, as the manufacturing districts have^ and still do^ contri- 
'■'• bute their full proportion to the public treasury . Of the in- 
" ternal taxes, it will appear, that they have paid an amount 
** greatly beyond the numerical standard or rule of apportionment 
" prescribed by the constitution. The fact is not here mentioned 
" for the purpose of complaint ; but to show how fallacious 
** it is to select the duty on a particular article, to settle the 
*' question of equality in the general apportionment of taxes. — 
" We might again confidently appeal to the tariff of impost, and 
" ask if the duty is not greater on many articles than on import- 
" ed cloths (with the exception of certain coarse and almost use- 
" less cottons of the East Indies.) This is believed to be the 
" the case with most of the specific duties, and eminently so in 
" some instances. Were the government to proceed much far- 
'* ther than is now contemplated, and bestow premiums for the 
" encouragement of particular branches of industry, examples to 
"justify the measure would be found in the wisest and best ad- 
" ministered governments. While the provision in the constitu- 
" tion prohibiting any duty on exports^ favours the great staple 
" productions of the south, it injures the domestic manufacturer, 
" and is subversive of the great principle adopted by most na- 
*' tions, to restrain the exports of the raxv material necessary ifi 
" manufactures. But neither of this provision do your petition- 
" ers complain. 

" We hope to find excuse in the importance of the subject, for 
" submitting to the consideration of congress the following 
" principles of political economy, which have been adopted by 
" the most enlightened governments, and are deemed not alto- 
" gether inapplicable to the united states. 

" That the public good requires of government to restrain by 
" duties^ the importation of articles which may be produced at 
" home^ and to manufacture as much as possible of the ratv mate- 
*■'■ rials of the country. 

" That the branches of industry^ particularly necessary or use- 
*■'■ fulto the independence of the community^ ought to be encouraged 
" ^y government. 

" That the most disadvantageous commerce^ is that which ex- 
'■'^ changes the raxv material for manufactured goods. 

" That any nation -which should open its ports to all foreign im- 
'■'■portatio?is, without a reciprocal privilege^ would soon be ruined 
" by the balance of trade. 

" The policy of Great Britain, in support of which, no wars 
" however bloody, no expense, however enormous, are too great 



\ 



ADDRESSES. 143 



"a sacrifice, ought never to be lost sight of by the united states. 
" That nation assumes to munujactiirefor all nations^ bid will re- 
*■*■ ceive the inanufactures of none. So tenacious, so jealous is 
** she of the first dawnings of manufactures elsewhere, that she 
" binds even the hands of her own colonists. The jealousy of 
*' parliament was excited, nearly a century ago, by the petty hat 
*' manufactory of Massachusetts ; and an act of parliament actu- 
" ally passed in the reign of George the Second, prohibiting the 
" erection of furnaces, in British America, for slitting iron. 

" The great Chatham, the least hostile to British America, of 
" British ministers, in his speech in the house of Lords, on the 
** address to the throne, in 1770, expressed his utmost alarm at 
" the first efforts at manufactures in America. 

" Mr. Brougham, a distinguished member of the British par- 
"liament, recently declared in his place, that it was well worth 
'* while, at the close of the late war, to incur a loss on the expor- 
*' tation to the united states, in order to stifle in the cradle our 
** rising manufactures. It is in vain for any man to shut his 
" eyes against the active rivalship and persevering hostility ot 
" British manufacturers : and when the capital, the deep-rooted 
*' establishments, the improved machinery, and the skill of the 
" British manufacturer, protected as he always is by the govern- 
" ment, are considered, it ought not to excite surprise, that the 
" American manufacturer, without the support of his government, 
" is found unequal to the contest. But yielding to manufacto- 
** ries reasonable support in their infancy, the government will, 
*' at no distant period, find them able to defend themselves 
" against foreign competition and hostility, and at the same 
" time, make ample returns to the nation for its protecting kind- 
" ness. 

" It was the opinion of Mr. Hamilton, former secretary of the 
" treasury of the united states, as well as of sir James Steuart, 
" thatno new manufactory can be established., in the present state 
" of the world., without encouragement from government. 

*•* It cost the English parliament a struggle of forty years., com- 
" mencingin the reign of Edward III. to get the better of the estab- 
" lished manufactures of Flanders. It is believed that much less 
*' encouragement from government would place the manufactures 
" of the united states on a secure foundation. While the writers 
" of that nation are seen to highly commend the principle ot 
" Adam Smith, that industry ought to be left to pursue its own 
" course, without the interference of the legislature, the govern- 
" ment has., at all times., and under every vicissitude., turned a deaf 
" ear to the lesson., as though it were intended for other 7iations ; 
^'' and carried legislative regulations into every department and 
" avenue of industry. The British statute book groans under 
" these regulations. The policy of the government has proved 



/ 

144 ADDRESSES. 

" triumphant ; immeasurable wealth flowed in upon the nation, 
" giving it a power and control over other nations never before 
" attained, nor so long enjoyed, by any people so inconsiderate 
" in numbers. 

" But let no one imagine that a general system of manufac- 
" tures is now proposed to be introduced into the united states. 
" We would be understood as limiting our views to the manu- 
" factories already establisiied ; to nave those zvhich have not al- 
"■ ready fallen^ from the ruin zvhich threatens them. 

" After all that the present manufactories can aupply^ there zvill 
" remain to foreign importation an amount^ it is believed^ eqwd^ if 
*' not exceeding the mciins of the country to pay for. That im- 
" portation, let it be reiuembered, will be mostly from a country 
" which shuts her ports against the productions of the united 
" states, and keep them so unless the necessities of her manufac- 
" tories, or hunger and sedition open them ; and then the fatal 
*' suspension often proves, as the experience of the ill-fated ship- 
" pers of bread stuffs, the present year, will attest, a mere decoy 
"to ruin. Lord Sheffield, in the year 1783. declared that ex- 
" cept in time of war, there never was a market for American 
" wheat in Great Britain, exceeding three or four years in the 
" whole. 

" There was a time when a balance of trade, believed in both 
" countries to be generally against the united states, was, in 
" some degree, satisfied or counter-balanced by a favourable 
" trade with the West Indies : but a recent change of policy in 
" the British councils has cut off that resource, and the parent 
" state prefers exposing her colonies to starving, rather than 
*' open her ports to American commerce. 

" It is obvious how much that government presumes on its 
" advantages over us, on the predilection of our citizens for 
" British manufactures, and the influence of the liberal pur- 
" chases in the south, of the material for her cotton manufac- 
" tures. 

"■ We hope to be excused in repelling the unwarrantable im- 
" putation bestowed on manufactories of woollen and cotton as 
" being injurious to the health and mor<ds of the community . On 
" this point we may content ourselves with referring to the 
" healthful sites of our factories, the spacious work-rooms (re- 
" quired by the necessary machinery,) and appeal to every man 
" who has visited a factory, for testimony agamst the imputa- 
" tion. What is the experience on the subject ? Scotland 
" manufactures not only what is required for its inhabitants, but 
" about five millions of dollars annually in the article of cotton 
" alone, for exportation ; and yet, in both its physical and moral 
" character, that nation sustains a high elevation. We look in 
" vain for evidence that the arms of Scotchmen have been with- 



ADDRESSES. 145 

" ered by their manufactories, nor do we recollect the ficM of 
" battle in Europe, where the arms of any nation were found 
" stronger in conflict. 

" To swell the tide of prejudice against manufactures, it is 
" said that unreasonable prices for goods were demanded at the 
" period of the late war. To reason with such objections rvould 
*' be a mere xvaste of time. We might ask^ what merchant, me- 
*' chanic^ or farmer^ in any age or country^ ever forbore to raise 
*' his prices according to the demand in the market ? It enters 
*' into first principles. Did the importer treble his first cost on 
" his cloths, even on smuggled goods, and does he make the 
" charge of extortion against manufacturers ? The war unhinged 
" every thing, and changed the whole order of society and 
*' course of business. 

'• It might have been expected that the present fallen condition 
*' of manufacturers woxdd have soothed prtjudice and disarmed 
*' hostility. With all their alleged war profts.^ there are noxv none 
" so poor. Is it not seen, that the destruction of the present 
*' manufactories must inevitably produce the same evils of ex- 
*' travagant prices, in the event of a future war, as were experi- 
*' enced in the last ? 

" As to the imputed effect of the tariff, in enhancing the prices 
** of imported goods, it is believed that goods were never so low 
" as under the operation of the pi'esent duties ; and so far as 
" competition between domestic and foreign goods has contri- 
" buted to this, credit is justly due to our manufacturers. 

" It is objected, that the entire industry of the country may 
" be most profitably exerted in clearing and cultivating our ex- 
" tended vacant lands. But rvhat does it avail the farmtr.^ when 
" neither in the nation from which he purchases his goods^ nor 
" elsezuhere., can he find a market for his abundant crops? Be- 
" sides, the diversion of labour from agriculture to manufactures, 
" is scarcely perceptible. Five or six adults, with the aid of 
" children, will manage a cotton manufactory of two thousand 
" spindles. 

" From the gloomy condition of the manufacturers, the mind, 
" turning to another quarter, is cheered with the brightest 
" prospects of others. In the more southern states, it is be- 
" iieved, that the amount received, during the last year, from 
" the export of two or three articles of agricultural produce 
" only, exceeds forty millions of dollars. 

" An appeal is made to the equity^ to the patriotism of the 
" southern statesman : his aid and co-operation are invoked for the 
*' relief of the suffering manufacturers of the northern and middle 
" states. 

" In conclusion, your petitioners humbly pray, that provision 
'■'■ may be made by law, for making the present duties on import- 

19 



146 ADDRESSES. 

" ed woollens and cottons permanent ; for prohibiting the im- 
*' portatJon of cotton goods from beyond the Cape of Good Hope\^ 
^'' for consmnption or i/se in the iinittd states^ (according to the 
" example of several European governments ;) for restraining 
*^ auction sales of g< jods ; and for the more general introduction 
*' and use of domestic goods in the army and navy in the uni- 
" ted states." October 1, 1817. 



NO. XL 

Philadelphia^ June\*t^ 1819. 

Our policy not only injurious to the manufacturers but to the mer- 
chants and farmers , and even ultimately to Great Britain — Pro- 
tectio7i of agriculture — Of commerce — Wonderful progress of 
American navigatioji — Exports and population of the united 
states, — Estimate of the prof ts on the culture and manufacture 
of cotton — Importation of cotton into England— Manufactures 
of the united states. 

Mistaken opinions having been long entertained of an hos- 
tilitv between the interest of manufacturers, and those of mer- 
chants and agriculturists, it is supposed that the system we ad- 
vocate is calculated to sacrifice those of the two last to the first. 
Nothing can be more foreign from the truth. Our views are 
decidedly favourable to commerce and the mercantile interest : 
because the commerce to or from a ruined covmtry, such as ours 
will be under its present policy, aifords little advantage to its 
merchants ; and our plans tending to restore the prosperity, 
must of course improve the commerce of the united states, whose 
industry has been sacrificed to that of nations distant from us 
thousands of miles. We are equally and as decidedly the friends 
of agriculture ; because our object is to secure to the farmer and 
planter for their productions a domestic market, which cannot 
fail them, instead of the precarious dependence on foreign ones, 
subject to unceasing fluctuations, and blasting the fairest hopes 
of the cultivator and merchant. 

It will doubtless appear extraordinary, but it is nevertheless 
true, that the system we advocate is calculated to promote as 
well the advantage of the merchants of Great Britain and of 
those other foreign nations with which we trade, as that of the 
united states. 

The commerce of a country impoverished as ours is, can be of 
little advantage to a trading nation, which loses all its profits, 
and part of its principal by bankruptcy. The deficiency of remit- 
tances, which is daily increasing, cannot fail to produce destruc- 
tive consequences in Great Britain. Thousands in that country 
with shattered fortunes, will have to lament the infatuation that 



ADDRESSES. 147 

led them to inundate the united states with their merchandize, 
whereby they calculated on making splendid fortunes, which 
disappeared " like the baseless fabric of a vision," and left 
*' not a trace behind," but disappointment and ruin. 

The British merchants disregarded the valuable lesson of 
E sop's fable of the goose that laid the golden eggs. They 
killed the goose by their determination to enjoy all the benefits 
of our trade at once. 

Having no mines of gold or silver, no pearl fisheries, we have 
no means of paying for our foreign importations but by the 
fruits of our industry. And the combined operation of tht fatal 
impolicy of our tariff, the cupidity of our importers, and the 
infatuation of the British merchants, has so completely paralized 
our industry and impoverished the country, as to render us ut- 
terly unable to pay. The destruction of Spanish industry did 
not produce the same effect on her commerce with other nations. 
Her mines furnished ample means of payment. But having, we 
repeat, no mines, the destruction of our industry is almost as 
pernicious to Great Britain, or any other nation with which we 
trade on credit, as to ourselves. 

This plain view of our affairs, demands the most serious at- 
tention from the public. We are so thoroughly satisfied of its 
correctness, that were we agents for the promotion of the English 
interest, and had supreme power over the tariff, we would have 
it so modified as to protect national industry ; for even if that 
industry were carried to double or treble its present extent, there 
would be, as stated in the Oneida memorial, ample room for the 
importation of as much goods as we can pay for — more especi- 
ally in the present prostrate state of the prices of our staples. 

This theory receives the most ample corroboration from the 
present state of our commerce, which is nearly as calamitous as 
that of our manufactures. Our vessels are either rotting at our 
wharves, or dispatched on voyages, which, even at the commence- 
ment, afford hardly any hope of profit, and which too generally 
close with heavy and ruinous losses. It has been computed by 
intelligent merchants, that the mercantile capital of this country 
has been diminished seventy millions of dollars, since the peace. 
Agriculture has begun to partake of the general calamity. 

It is painful to reflect, fellow citizens, how numerous and 
how ruinous are the errors prevalent on that important portion 
of political economy, which regards the protection of national 
industry employed in manufactures. In the discussions that 
arose in congress on the subject of the tariff, there were few, 
even of the best informed membei's of that body, who appeared 
to regard the protection afforded to manufacturers in a national 
point of view. They considered the duties imposed for this 
purpose, according to the doctrine of colonel Taylor, of Caroline 
County, Va. as taxes levied on the agricultural part of the com- 



148 ADDRESSES. 

munity, solely for the benefit of the manufacturers — and as 
proofs of the munificence of the former. One ardent memi er 
of the house of representatives, on the rejection of a motion for 
reducing the duties on imported cottons, made an attempt to 
have the decision re-considered, in order to set aside the votes 
of some members of the majoritv, said to be concerned in cotton 
establishments.* The inadmissibility of this procedure is as 
obvious as the attempt was novel. Were his plan adopted, the 
merchants ought to retire on all questions in which commerce 
is involved — the farmers and planters on those connected with 
agriculture- — and the gentlemen of the bar on all that respect the 
j idiriary. In the vehemence of the gentleman '-s zeal against 
manufactories and manufacturers, he wholly overlooked the 
incorigruity of the measure he recommended. 

Under a well-organized government, administered with due 
regard to duty, the legislature ought to " look wHh equal e<yf ," 
on all classes and descriptions of the nation — and therefore, the 
interests of the manufacturing part of the community deserve as 
much and as pointed attention as those of any equal number of 
other citizens. — But how important soever the subject may be in 
this point of light, it presents itself, under another aspect, transcen- 
dently higher. And an enlighttned statesman or legislator will 
take a far more comprehensive view of it, as it regards the gene- 
ral interests of the nation, which are deeply interwoven with it. 
It is frequently asked, why do not the agriculturists and the 
merchants demand protection ? And if they do not demand it, 
why is it to be given to the manufacturers ? 

We reply, that both agriculture and commerce are protected, 
more particvdarly commerce, as will appear in the sequel. 

The agriculture of the united states has not required much 
protection. The fertility of our soil, the immense extent of our 
country, and the great proportion of our citizens engaged in ag- 
ricultural pursuits, render our crops so abundant, and our dis- 
tance from other nations so great, that there is little temptation 
for foreigners to seek our markets with the produce of the earth. 
Our farmiers have hitherto generally had ready markets and high 
prices. There has not been any serious interference with them, 
nor, until the importation of Bengal cotton, with our planters. 
Congress has, however, extended its watchful care over their 
interests. Every article, without an exception, raised by the 
agriculturist, is subject to a duty which is sufficient for its 
protection : We annex a list of the most prominent. 

* " Mr. Wright," ex-governor of Maryland, « after declaring his belief that 
many members had voted on the question, who, from being interested in its de- 
cision, were of right excluded by a rule of the house, submitted a resolution to 
rej ct the votes of those members interested in any manufactoiy of cotton.-j^' 
An adjournment took place, which prevented a decision on the resolution — r 
which does not appear to have been resumed. 

f Weekly Register, vol, x. page 95. 



ADDRESSES. 



149 



Peas, 


Hams, 




Boards, 


Apples, 




Hay, 


Pears, 




Pitch, 


Nuts, 


15 per cent. 


Rosin, 


Apricots, 


>ad valorem. 


Tar, 


Plums, 


and one 


Turpentine, 


Peaches, 


tenth. 


Pork, 


Onions, 




Beef, 


Butter, 
&c. &c. 





Protecting Duties on agricultilral productions . 
Wheat, 
B rley, 
Oats, 
Rye, 
Rice, 
Flour, 
Indian corn, 
Tobacco, 
Beans, 

Cheese, 9 cents ") 
Cotton, 3 cents J per lb. 
Hemp, 150 cents, per 112 lbs. 

We trust it will be admitted, that the fruits of the earth, raised 
by hard labour, to which machinery cannot afford any aid, are 
better protected by a duty of fifteen per cent, than cotton fabrics, 
in which the rival manufacturers have such immense advantages 
by machinery, would be at forty — and more particularly than 
linen and silk are protected by a duty of sixteen and a half, 
and pottery by twenty two per cent. 

The duties on cheese, cotton, and hemp, deserve particular 
attention. They are fair examples of the system of protection, 
which the manufacturers have sought in vain. 

Cents. 

Gloucester cheese is sold in England at about lOd. 

equal to 18 1-2 

Cheese in Holland averages about 25 guilders per 
100 lbs. equal per lb. to 10 

In France it is about 76 cts. per killogram, or 112 lbs. 

English, equal to - - - - - -13 

Thus English cheese pays a duty of about 50 per cent. — 
Dutch 90 — and French 70 — averaging on the whole 70 per cent. 
This is very nearly equivalent to an absolute prohibition. 

In the East Indies, cotton is sold at from three pence to seven 
pence sterling per lb. or an average of about 10 cents. The dv\t\ 
is three cents, which is thirty per cent. 

Nothing but the great distance from Hindostan, and the con- 
sequent heavy expense of ti-ansportation, could prevent the cot- 
ton planter from sharing the lamentable fate of the cotton manu- 
facturer, and being driven out of his own market, even Avith a 
duty of 30 per cent, on the cost of the article. Attention to the 
culture in the East Indies, with the advantage of having gained 
possession of the seeds of our best species, render it almost cer- 
tain that the cotton planters will at no distant day, be under tlic 
same necessity of soliciting prohibitions or prohibitory duties, as 
the cotton and woollen manufacturers were in 1816. We hope 
when they do thus applv, they will be treated with more atten- 



150 



ADDRESSES. 



tion, and their application be more favourably received thaa 
those of the manufacturers were. We hope for this result not 
merely for their sake, but for the general prosperity of the na- 
tion. 

Hemp is sold in Russia at about 110 dollars per ton. The 
duty is, therefore, about 26 per cent. 

We flatter ourselves, therefore, that it will be readily concer 
ded, that agriculture is protected. Except on the three articles 
last enumerated, the duties are, it is true, moderate. But they 
are very far higher in proportion to the chance of competition, than 
most of the duties on manufactured articles. Should an increase 
of duties, however, be necessary, we trust it will be adopted, 
and without opposition. 

That the merchants have enjoyed a large portion of the fos- 
tering care and protection of congress cannot be doubted. The 
statute book is full of laws enacted for their benefit. They have 
always had powerful advocates on the floor of that body, who 
never failed to urge their grievances with eloquence, and to pro- 
pose the proper remedies. They were ever heard with attention, 
and their requests generally accorded. We annex a list of some 
of the laws passed in their favour. 

I. 1789. An act passed at the outset of the government for 
regulating tonnage which imposed 30 cents on American built ves- 
sels, owned in whole or in part by foreigners ; and 50 cents on 
foreign vessels ; while vessels belonging to the united states 
were subject only to six cents.* 

II. 1789. In order to secure to our merchants the whole of 
the China trade to and from this country, a decisive advantage 
was given them as may be seen by the following contrast — 



Duties oil teas Imported from China.t 


In Ami-rican 
vessels. 
Cents. 


In foreign 

vessels. 
Cents. 


Bohea tea - - - - Per lb. 
Souchong and other black teas - 

Hyson 

All other gi'een trees - - - - 


6 
10 

20 
12 


15 

22 
45 
27 



This immense difference of duty, however, does not at present 
exist — but there still remains sufficient to shut out foreign ri- 
vals, viz. 



Existing duties on teas imported from China. 


In American 

vessels. 
Cents. 


In foreign 

vessels. 
Cents 


Bohea . . - . Per lb. 
Souchong' and other black 
Hyson and Young Hyson . - - 
Hyson skin and other green 
Imperial, Gunpowder, and Gomee 


12 
25 
40 
28 
50 


14 
34 
56 
38 
68 



* Laws United States, vol. ii. p. 6, 



t lb. 3, 4. 



ADDRESSES. 151 

III. 1789. A discount often per cent, allowed on all import 
duties upon goods imported in vessels built in and owned 
by citizens of the united states, or in foreign vessels owned by 
them.* 

IV. 1789. Five cents bounty on every quintal of dried, or 
barrel of salted fish, and on every barrel of salted provisions.! 

V. 1789. Fifty cents per ton on each entry, laid on all vessels 
not built within the united states, or owned by a citizen or ci- 
tizens, employed in the transportation of the produce or manu- 
factures of the united states coastwise ; whereas American ves- 
sels paid but once a year.^ 

V i . 1 792. One dollar and a half per ton bounty allowed on ves- 
sels engaged in the fishery, if of twenty tons and below thirty — 
and two dollars and a hall, if above thirty tons. One dollar per 
ton on all fishing boats above five and below twenty tons.§ 

VII. 1794. Ten per cent, additional on the duties upon goods 
imported in vessels not of the united states |) 

VIII. 1802. An act for the protection of the seamen and 
commerce of the united states against the Tripolitan cruisers.^! 

IX. 1804. An act further to protect the commerce and seamen 
of the united states against the Barbary powers.** By this act 
an additional duty of two and a half per cent, ad valorem was 
imposed on goods imported in American vessels — and ten per 
cent, additional on the duties upon importations in foreign 
ones. One million of dollars were appropriated for the purpose 
of carrying on the war against the Barbary powers. 

X. 1812. An act for imposing ten per cent, extra on the du- 
ties upon goods, wares, and merchandize imported in vessels not 
belonging to the united states ; and likewise laying an addition- 
al dut^' of one dollar and a half per ton on all such vessels. ff^ 

XI. 1813, An act tor paying a bounty on the exportation of 
pickled fish, and on all vessels employed in the fishery. j|(| 

XII. 1817. An act subjecting to a tonnage dutv of two dollars 
per ton, all foreign vessels arriving from ports to which vessels 
of the united states are not allowed to trade. ^i^ 

XIII. 1817. An act prohibiting the importation of all goods, 
wares, and merchandize in foreign vessels, except those of the 
nation in which they are produced ; prohibiting, under penaltv 
of forfeiture, all vessels, belonging in whole or in part to foreign 
powers, from carrying on the coasting trade, and limiting the 
bounties on the fisheries to vessels of which the officers and 
three fourths of the crews are citizens of the united states.§§ 

XIV. 1817. An act prohibiting the importation of plaster of 
Paris from any country, or its dependencies, from which the 

* Laws of the united states, vol. ii. p. 5. f Ibid. + Idem p. 6. 

§ Idem, p. 242. || Idem, p. 437. 1 1dem, iii. p. 447. ** Idem, p. 613. 

ft Idem, vol. iv. p. 46U. HI Idem, p. 584'. n Idem, vol. vi. p. 200- 

§§ Idem, p. 213. 



152 ADDRESSES. 

Vessels of the united states are not permitted to bring that ar- 
ticle.* 

XV. 1«18. An act prohibiting the entry into our ports of any 
vessels belonging to subjects of his Britannic majesty from any 
port or place in his colonies that is closed against vessels of 
the united state s.f 

XVI. American vessels entering from any foreign port or 
place, pay ---___ per ton^ lenU 6 

All foreign vessels from ports where the American flag 
is not interdicted - - _ - - per on^e its 100 

Dutch vessels from places where the American flag is inter- 
dicted:}: ---_.- ptr ton ^ cents 225 

The narrow limits we are obliged to prescribe to ourselves 
prevent us from enLirgi^ig on the above list. A cursory view 
of it will satisfy the reader how undeviating an attention has 
been paid to the subject — and that no opportunity has ever been 
lost of counteracting the hostile policy of foreign nations, when 
directed against the mercantile interest. 

The coasting and China trade were fully and completely se- 
cured to our merchants, the first by absolute prohibition, and 
the second by duties undeniably eqv.ivaient to a prohibition.—*- 
And whatever measures were necessary to secure them their full 
proportion of every other trade, have been adopted. The specious 
complaint of" nacr'ijicin^- the interests of the many for the bcnrfit 
of the few ^'' with which the papers have been filled, and which 
has furnished such a fertile thesne to orators in congress and 
newspaper writers, was never heard, even in a whisper, in the 
case of the liberal protection afforded to the mercJiants. No. — 
It was reserved to defeat the just demands and expectations of 
the manufacturers. 

In those laws, and others of similar character to be found in 
our statdte books, we behold a spirit worthy of the representa- 
tives of a great nation, determined to guard the interests of a 
respectable portion of their constituents — and affbrdnig an am- 
ple and adequate protection, which completely guaranteed the 
promise it held out. The miserable idea of sacrificing native 
wealth, industry, and talent — of hiring or purchasing vessels, ac- 
cording to Adam Smith's destructive theory, " xvhere they could 
be had the cheapest^'' was spurned with the contempt it deserv- 
ed. Those wise laws, which do honour to the legislature of the 
united states, saved the navigation of this country from destruc- 
tion. But for them, our shipbuilders would have been ruined, 
as so large a portion of the cotton and woollen and other ma- 
nufacturers have been — and our shipping would have rotted in 

* Laws of the united states, vol. \\. p. 227. f Idem, \ Tariff, p. 25. 



ADDRESSES. 15S 

our ports, while our navigation was carried on by foreigners, as 
so large a portion of our clothing is now manufactured by them. 
A statement of the results of this wise policy, cannot fail to 
be satisfactory — 

In 1789 the British vessels which entered inwards in Great Britain, engaged 

in the trade of the united states, were ... . - 253 

Those cleared for the umted states- - - - - . - - 358 

In 1799 those that entered inwards were only - - - - 42 

Outwards . - - .- . - - - 57 

In 1790 the American vessels engaged in the British trade were only - 464 

In 1800 there were 1057* 

" In 1806, 561 vessels engaged in the trade of the united 
** states, entered inwards in Great Britain ; of these onlv 56 were 
" British. 

" In the same year, of 575 entered outwards, only 39 were 
" British."! 

Under this fostering system, the tonnage of the united states 
made a more rapid progress than ever was made by that of any 
other nation in the world. 

Tons. 

In 1789 it was 201,562 

1790 - 478,377 

1792 - - ----- 564,437 

1794 - 628,816 

1796 - - - - - - 831,700 

1798 - 898,328 

1801 - 1,033,218^ 

The contrast between the magnanimous spirit that presided 
over those laws— and the miserable and blighting spirit that dic- 
tated, in 1 790, five per cent, on all manufactures of flax, hemp, 
silk, cotton, wool, brass, cutlery, iron, steel, tin, lead, wood, 
china, pottery, and stone, in order to enable us to '' buy goods 
•where they could be had cheapest^'' is as astonishing as it is la- 
mentable. On the one side we see a dignified policy, honoura- 
ble to the nation — and on the other a policy unworthy of a ris- 
ing empire, which has produced the most disastrous conse- 
quences. 

A few lines more on the subject of the protection of com- 
merce. The navy of the united states, which has been created 
chiefly for that purpose, has cost in 20 years above 56,000,000 of 
dollars. Ij The last war with Great Britain, which arose whoUy 

* Seybert's Statistics, p. 295 f Ibid. % Idem p. 317. » 

1! Idem 713, and Weekly Register. 
20 



154 ADDRESSES. 

firom the duty of protecting commerce, cost, exclusive of the na- 
val department, §52,000,000.* 

The expense of foreign intercourse, that is, for ambassadors^ 
charges des affaires, consuls, agents, bearers of despatches, &c. 
Stc. for twenty-four years, have been 10,872,424 dollars, or 
ahove 450,000 dollars per annum,f and for the Barbary powers, 
in twenty years, 2,457,278 dollars, or above 120,000 dollars per 
annum.:]: Thus, in these two items, there is a ponttive disburse^ 
mejtt^ for the protection of commerce, of 570,000 dollars annu- 
ally : whereas, the government has never paid one dollar, as 
bounty or premium, to foster, protect, or promote the produc- 
tive industry employed in manufactures ; and has rarely impos- 
ed any duties beyond what was called for by the exigencies of 
the treasury. 

It is painful to state, but candour calls on us to state, that a 
portion of the merchants, who have thus enjoyed such a high de- 
gree of care and protection, bestowed at such enormous expense, 
have too generally been averse to affording adequate protection 
to their fellow citizens, engaged in manufactures ; for which im- 
policy they now suffer in common with the manufacturers, by 
the consequent universal calamity of the times and impoverish- 
ment of the country. 

Let us now turn from the fostering care bestowed on com- 
merce — the various statutes enacted in its favour— the expense 
incurred for that purpose — and the complete protection it has ex- 
perienced, to the situation of the manufacturer. Has he had his 
equal share of the care and attention of government ? No. The 
paternal guardianship of their own manufacturers, generally exer- 
cised by other governments, shuts him out of nearly all the fo- 
reign markets of the world. And the impolicy of our system 
leaves him at home at the mercy of rivals from every quarter of 
the globe, who, availing themselves of the advantage of superior 
capital, and their own governmental protection, vanquish him in 
his own market, and reduce him to bankruptcy. 

That the manufacturers, particularly those of cotton and wool- 
len fabrics, have not been protected from foreign rivalship — that 
they have been victims of an inadequate tariff, is palpable from 
the immense quantities of rival foreign articles with which our 
markets have been inundated ; from the ruin of so many respect- 
able citizens who invested large capitals in manufacturing esta- 
blishments ; and from the great proportion of those establish- 
ments, which are wholly suspended in their operations ; many of 
which have been sold for 20, 30, or 40 per cent, of the first cost. 

Of these facts the proofs are within the knowledge of the great 
mass of our citizens. They admit neither doubt nor denial. 

* Seybert's Statistics, p. 716. -j- Idem 713. ^ Ibid, 



ADDRESSES. 155 

Thus, while the manufacturer appears to enjoy the advantages 
of a free government, he is, we repeat, incontestibly in a worse 
situation, so far as respects the acquisition of property and pro- 
tection of industrj^ two principal objects of good government, 
than the subjects of the monarchs of Europe, whose situation he 
must regard with envy. The English, the French, the Russian, 
the Austrian, and the Danish manufacturers are generally se- 
cured in the home market. 

There is but one way to account for the care bestowed on the 
commercial, and the neglect of the manufacturing interest. The 
former has been at all times well represented in congress, and 
the latter never. It is, as we have observed on a former occa- 
sion, nearly as much unrepresented in that body as this country 
in its colonial state was in the British parliament. 

A CONTRAST. 

The Agricidturist. The JSfaiiiifactnrer. The Merchant. 

With hardl}- an excep- Shut out of nearly all The coasting trade se- 
tion, secured in the home the foreign markets in the cured to him by absolute 
market. Nearly all the world, and beaten out of and unqualified proliibi- 
foreign markets in tlie his own for want of ade- tion. Every possible ad 
world open to him. quale protection. vantage that the govern- 

ment can give, afforded 
to his shippnig in the fo- 
reign ti*ade. 

We appeal, fellow citizens, to your candour, to your justice, 
whether there can be a reason why the farmer should be pro- 
tected by duties, which, in most cases,* are nearly equal to pro- 
hibitions — and the merchant have the coasting and China trade 
secured to him, the former by absolute prohibition, and the lat- 
ter by duties equivalent to prohibitions ; while there is no one 
vianujacturecl article whatever prohibited^ and while the cotton 
and woollen manufacturers (to pass over others) are sacrificed 
to foreign rivals, by the utterly inadequate duty of twenty-se- 
ven and a half per cent ?f This is a vital point — and demands 
the most serious reflection. The v/hole question at issue may 
be said to turn on it. We put it to the understanding of our 
fellow citizens throughout the union — and to the consciences of 
the members of congress. If any adequate reason can be as- 
signed for this very unequal distribution of protection, let it be 
proclaimed, in order to silence complaint. 

That several extensive establishments have survived the ge- 

* Hemp, as already stated, pays about 26 per cent. — cheese 70 — cotton 30 — 
and all other agricultural productions 16^. It is obvious that the latter duty is far 
more effectual than 50 per cent, would be on pottery, glass bottles, or hnen — 
the two first of which are subject to only 22, and the last to 16^ per cent. We 
might go on witli the enumeration and comparison to a great extent, but deem 
it unnecessary. 

f Cottons, below 25 cents per square yard, are effectually protected. 



156 ADDRESSES. 

neral wreck — that they are still in profitable operation — is no 
disproof of our allegations. Their proprietors have generally 
had some peculiar advantages in point of capital or long esta- 
blishment, that saved them from the fate of the others. But 
supposing that the prohibition of the coasting trade had not 
been enacted — that it had generally fallen into the hands of 
foreigners ; but that twenty or thirty of our merchants were 
able to svipport themselves by that portion of it which foreign 
rivalship left them, would that be admitted for a moment to 
disprove the ruin of the hundreds of others who had fallen sa- 
crifices ? 

We are persuaded that very few of our citizens attach an 
adequate degree of importance to the industry of the manufac- 
turing class of the community, and that it is prodigiously un- 
derrated. To form a correct estimate of it, requires to enter into 
minute calculations, which have rarely been made. It never 
could have been supposed, without such calculations, that the 
cotton fabrics, produced by 100,000 manufacturers in 1815, 
amounted to more than one half of the whole value of the do- 
mestic exports, of every description, of that year ; which is 
nevertheless the fact, as will appear in the course of this address. 

In order to aid you, fellow citizens, in comparing the products 
of manufacturing and agricultural industry, we submit a table of 
the exports of the united states for the year 1815, extracted from 
the returns of the Secretary of the Treasury. We have annexed 
in the second column, a statement of the population of the 
several states according to the census of 1810 ; and in the third 
column, an estimate of what was the probable population in 
1815, assuming, an increase of only 15 per cent, far the whole 
period. 



ADDRESSES. 157 

Domestic exports and population of the united states for 1815. 





Domestic Ex- 




Supposed 


STATES AND TERRITORIES. 


pons, 1815. 


by Ceusus of 


Vopiilation 






1810. 


1815. 




Dollars. 






Massachusetts ... 


3,547,463 


700,745 


805,856 


New-Hampshire . . - 


101,203 


214,460 


246,629 


Vermont .... 


161,002 


217,895 


250,479 


Rhode -Island 


357,684 


76,931 


88,470 


Connecticut .... 


383,135 


261,942 


301,233 


New-York - . . - 


8,230,278 


959,u49 


1,102,909 


New-Jersey . . . - 


5,279 


245,562 


282,396 


Pennsylvania 


3,569,551 


810,091 


931,604 


Delaware .... 


105,102 


72,674 


83,575 


Maryland .... 


4,086,274 


380,546 


437,627 


Virginia 


6,632,579 


974,622 


1,120,815 


Ohio 




230,760 


265,371 


Kentucky .... 




406,511 


467,487 


North-Carohna 


1,012,967 


555,500 


638,825 


Tennessee .... 




261,727 


300,986 


South-Carolina ... 


6,574,783 


415,115 


477,382 


Georgia 


4,146,057 


252,433 


290,297 


Orleans .... 




76,556 


88,039 


Mississippi ... 


2,573 


40,352 


46,404 


Louisiana .... 


5,055,858 


20,845 


23,972 


indiana ..... 




24,520 


28,198 


Illinois .... 




12,282 


14,125 


Michigan .... 


36;909 


4,762 


5,476 


District of Columbia . 


1,965,626 


24,023 


27,662 




45,974,323 


7,239,903 


8,326,281 



Same table differently arranged. 



STATES. 


Assumed 

Population 

1815. 


Domestic Ex- 
ports. 1815. 


Exports 
per head. 


Massachusetts ... 
Connecticut .... 
New-Hampshire ... 
Vermont .... 
Rhode-Island ... 
New-Jersey .... 


805,856 
301,233 
246,629 
250,479 
88,470 
282,396 


^3,547,463 
383,135 
101,203 
161,002 
356,784 
5,279 


^4,40 

1,27 

41 

64 

4,03 

02 




1,975,163 


4,554,866 


2,30 



"New-York .... 
Pennsylvania ... 


1,102,909 
931,604 


8,230,278 
3,569,551 


7,46 
3,83 




2,034,513 


11,799,829 


5,95 



158 



ADDRESSES. 



STATES. 


Asfiumt-d po- 
pulation 
181S 


Exports 
1S15. 


Exports p. :■ 
head. 


Delaware . . . - 
Maniand .... 

Virginia 

North Carolina ... 

District of Columbia 


83,575 

437,627 

1,120,815 

638,825 

27,626 


^105,102 
4,u86,274 
6,632,579 
l,vl2,967 
1,965,626 


|gl.2j 
9.33 
5.91 
1.58 

71.15 




2,308,468 


13,802,548 


5.9S 



South Carolina ... 
Georg-ia . . - . 


447,382 
290,297 


6.574,783 
4,146,05 


13.77 
14.28 




767,679 


10,720,84 


13.95 



Ohio 

Kentucky .... 
Tennessee - - - - 
Louisiana . . . - 


265,371" 

467,48: 

300,986 

23,97r 


1 
)>6055858 

j 


4.78 




1,057,816 


1,057,858 


4.78 



It appears, on an examination of the preceding tables, that, 
The average exports of the whole union, per head, were 
about - - - - - - ^5.62 

Of New Hampshire, Vermont, Massachusetts, Rhode 

Island, and New Jersey - - - ^2.30 

Of New York ----- 7.4.6 

Of Pennsylvania - - - - 3.83 

Of Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, District of Colum- 
bia and North Carolina . . _ _ 5.95 
Of South Carolina, and Georgia - - 13.95 
Of Ohio, Kentucky, Tennessee, and Louisiana - 4.78 
Whereas the surplus of the labour of 100,000 cotton manu- 
facturers in that year beyond the price of the raw material and 
the wages, was ^1,200,000 or 1^12 per head. This appears by 
a report submitted to congress by the committee of commerce 
and manufactures, Feb. 13, 1816, which states that there weire 
in the preceding year, about 100,000 persons employed in the 
united states in the cotton manufacture, viz. — 10,000 men, 66,000 
women and female children, and 24,000 boys.* 



Who used 

Containing - - - 

Amounting, at 30 cents, to 
And producing of cotton fabrics 
Averaging 30 cents per yard 



Estimating the wages at ^150 per annum 

* See supra, pp. 131, 132. 



bales of cotton 90,000 

pounds 27,000,000 

$ 8,100,000 

yards 81,000,000 

24,300,000 



g 15,000,000 



ADDRESSES. 159 

Result. 

Gross amount of articles manufactured - ^24,300,000 

Cost of Cotton > . - _ 8,100,000 



Net annual gain to the nation on the labour of 
100,(XK) manufacturers - . - g 16,200,000 



This leaves a gain of one hundred and sixty two dollars per 
head, on the labour employed, let it be observed, on articles of 
low price. 

It is impossible to reflect on this statement, without being 
struck most forcibly with the extent of the advantages of this 
important branch. 

Analysis. 

I. The difference between the price of the raw materials, if 
exported, that is S8, 100,000 — and that of the manufactured arti- 
cles, — 824,300,000, — viz. g 16, 200,000, was clearly saved to the 
country. 

II. The amount of the goods manufactured, ^24,300,000, was 
more than half — and the amount thus saved to the country, 
Sl6,200,000, was more than one-third, of the value of the entire 
domestic exports of the united states for that year, which 
were only §45,974,403. 

III. A certain market was provided for the great staple of the 
southern states, the cultivation of which, were the manufacture 
duly protected, might be extended to double or treble its present 
amount. 

IV. The value of lands and the interest of the agriculturists 
in the vicinity of those establishments, were greatly advanced, 
by the supplies of provisions required for the support of the ma- 
nufacturers. 

The amount of the goods produced by the labour of these 
100,000 manufacturers, viz. S24,300,(X)0 was 

I. Nearly equal to the whole of the domestic exports of Dela- 
ware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, 
Georgia, and the district of Columbia, containing above 3,000,000 
inhabitants. 

II. Considerably more than the whole of the domestic ex- 
ports of New Hampshire,Vermont, Massachusetts, Connecticut, 
Rhode-Island, New- York, Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Ohio, 
Kentucky, Tennessee, and Louisiana, containing above 5,000,000 
inhabitants. 



160 ADDRESSES. 

The money retained in the country by the labour of these 
100,000 manufacturers, viz. ^16,200,000, was 

I. Nearly equal to the domestic exports of New York. Penn- 
sylvania, Ohio, Kentucky, Tennessee, and Louisiana, containing 
above 3,000,000 inhabitants ; and 

II. About equal to the domestic exports of New Hampshire, 
Vermont, Massachusetts, Connecticut, Rhode Island, New Jer- 
sey, South Carolina and Georgia, containing above 2,700,000 in- 
habitants. 

It may on a cursory view appear that we have gone into too 
much detail with these statements. But we trust that the mag- 
nitude of the errors prevalent on those topics, and more particu- 
larly the deleterious consequences these errors have produced 
on the prosperity of our country, as well as the probability of 
their continuing to produce a copious harvest, will fully justify 
us. 

Those immense advantages, produced by 10,000 men, 66,000 
women and female children, and 24,000 boys, if duly appreciated 
by congress, would have led to a system widely different from 
the one pursued in the tariff. Such a source of wealth deserved 
to have been cherished with the utmost care and attention, 
which would have been amply repaid by the most beneficial re- 
sults. 

It may, and probably will, be demanded, if the advantages of 
this manufacture be so great, why have so many of those engag- 
ed in it been ruined ? The answer is obvious. The inundation 
of foreign articles, a large portion of which were sold at vendue, 
far below first cost, has so far glutted our markets, as greatly to 
limit the sale of the domestic fabrics, indeed almost wholly to 
debar them from a market, and produce ruinous sacrifices on 
those that are sold. 

Our manufacturers, moreover, in the event of an overstocked 
domestic market, have no foreign one in which to dispose of 
their superfluous goods. Whereas our markets are open for the 
superfluous goods of all the manufacturers in the world ! ! Ne- 
ver was there such disparity of advantage. 

We do not avail ourselves of the obvious advantage we might 
derive from the circumstance that a portion of the exports were 
manufactured, and in a highly finished state, and were of course 
at prices far beyond what they bore, when they came from the 
hands of the agriculturalist. In some cases the value was dou- 
bled or trebled. All this advance of price ought to be deducted 
from the total amount as reported by the customhouse, in order 
to carry on the comparison fairly, and do the argument justice. 
But we waive this advantage, great as it is, and admit the whole 
as if it had been in its rude state. 



ADDRESSES. IGl 

The situation of the four western states claims particular at- 
tention. Unfortunately there are no data on uhich to form an 
estimate of their exports individually ; such an estimate would 
be valuable, as it would more thoroughly evince the ruinous 
policy this country has pursued, by its pernicious effects on Ohio, 
Kentucky, and Tennessee. But in the deficiency of correct da- 
ta, V. e must rely on the best estimate that the case admits. 

From the extraordinary fertility of the soil of Louisiana, and 
the great value of its staples, we believe it will not be extrava- 
gant to suppose, that of the sum of 5,055,868 dollars exported 
from Ohio, Kentucky, Tennessee and Louisiana, th;;re was above 
a million and a half raised in the last state. This reduces the 
surplus of the other three, devoted chiefly to agriculture, 
and containing above a million of people, to three dollars and a 
half per head ! And from the immense distance from which a 
large portion of it is drawn, and the consequent heavy expenses, 
it is not extravagant to suppose, that it did not produce to the cul- 
tivator above 75 per cent, of this value — ^probably in many ca- 
ses not above 60 per cent. 

We submit, fellow citizens, a fair comparison of the proceeds 
of the labour of 50 000 persons employed in the culture of cot- 
ton, with that of the same number employed in its manufacture, 
in order more fully to establish the importance of the latter. 

Cotton is now about 16 cents per lb- at the manufactories ; — 
about 14 in the seaports of the states where it is raised, and can- 
not net the planter more than 13, deducting the merchant's pro- 
fits. That cotton will rise beyond this price is possible — but 
not probable. The prices in England, which must always regu- 
late our markets, are more likely to fall than to rise, from the 
improvement of the culture in the East Indies — the ardour Avith 
which it is pursued, — and the low price of labour there ; and in 
fact it would not be extraordinary, if, from the abundance of the 
East India supplies, the British market were, at no distant day, 
virtually closed to our cotton, as it has actually been by order of 
council to our flour. 

Culture of Cotton. 

Ten slaves, five of them capable of working in the field, the 
other five women and children, will produce of cotton annually 

about 10 fi. 8,500 

At this rate 50,000 would produce - - lbs. 42,50{j.c)U0 
Which, at 13 cents per /^.amount to - - §5,525 000 

21 



162 ADDRESSES. 

Manufacture of Cotton. 

We now proceed to state the situation and results of the Wai- 
tham cotton manufactory in the neighbourhood of Boston. 

It contains men -__---- 14 

Women and children ------- 286 

300 

And produces, with power looms and other machinery, at the 

rate per annum 
of square yards of cloth ----- 1,500,000 
Which at 25 cents per yard amount to* - - 1^312,500 
Deduct 1500 bales, or 450,000 lbs. of cotton, at 16 

cents per lb. - - 72,000 

Annual saving to the nation by the labour of 14 ") ssoio ^oo 

men and 286 women and children, j ' 

For the correctness of this statement, fellow citizens, we 
pledge ourselves to the world. We defy contradiction. 

Let us now calculate the result of the labours of 50,000 men, 
women, and children, in the same proportions, and at the same 
kind of employment : 

As 300 : !g240,500 : : 50,000 : ^40,083,333.f 

That is to say, the clear saving to the nation by the labour of 
50,000 persons, 2500 men, and 47,500 women and children, em- 

* [This was about the price of cottons, in 1819, the time when the present ad- 
dress was written.] 

•j- [Criticism and cavilling have exhausted themselves on this statement : but it 
is beyond their united exertions. The number of yards manufactured, and the 
number of persons who produced them, are both open to investigation and en- 
quiry, and will be found correctly stated. To test the calculations of the result 
is therefore within the capacity of a schoolboy. 

At the present prices of cotton goods, the result would be diiferent. I sub- 
mit a new calculation, assuming the same number of people, and yards of goods 
— ^but admit the average price to be 15 cents, instead of 25 : 

Square yards of cloth - 1,500,000 

Amount at 15 cents per yard ....... !S225,000 

Deduct 1500 bales of cotton, at 50 dollars per bale ... - 75,000 

Annual saving to the nation - - - . . - - ^l^OjOOO 
As 300 : IS150,Q00 : : 50,000 : ^25,000,000 
It thus clearly appears, that at the rate at which the Waltham factory has pro- 



ADDRESSES. 163 

ployed in the cotton manufacture, would amount to above 
40,000,000 of dollars annually, after paying for the raw material. 

The reason why the result of this calculation so far exceeds 
the proceeds of the labour of the 100,000 manufacturers, in 
1815, as stated in page 158, is, that the machinery of the estab- 
lishment near Boston, has been brought to the last degree of 
perfection — and that the power looms, which afford immense faci- 
lities to the operations, were very rare in 1815. 

It cannot escape the attention of even a cursory observer, that 
all our calculations of the results of the cotton manufacture are 
predicated on low-priced fabrics — and that the profits on the high 
priced are far greater. A large proportion of those imported 
from Great Britain are of the latter description. This greatly 
enhances the profits of the manufacture. It results from hence 
that the work of 50,000 Manchester cotton manufacturers, 
principally women and children, would be able to pay for half of 
the exports of a nation, containing above 9,000,000 of people ! 

There are probably at this hour from 30 to 40,0(J0 persons 
skilled in this branch, idle in the united states, who could pro- 
duce, according to the preceding calculations, cotton fabrics to 
the amount of 15 to 20,000,000 of dollars annually, at the pre- 
sent reduced prices. What a lamentable waste of industry ! 

Who can ponder on these facts without astonishment at the 
impolicy of our system, which, under the auspices of Adam 
Smith, has sacrificed the labour of ten, twenty, thirty, forty, fif- 
ty, or sixty of our citizens for that of one foreign manufacturer ? 
If the absurdity were capable of being heightened, it would be 
by the circumstance, that the dearness of labour is so frequently 
assigned as an argument against our fostering manufactures. — 
But surely if our labour be so dear and valuable, we ought not 
to squander it away thus prodigally. 

Can it, therefore, be a subject of wonder, that we are an im- 
poverished nation — that we are drained of our specie — that our 
water power has been, by a bounteous heaven, lavished upon us 
in vain — that so many of our manufacturers are beggared and 
bankrupted — that our workmen are wasting their time in idle- 
ness — and that those artists and manufacturers, who, unfortu- 
nately for themselves, have been allured to our coasts, by our 

oeeded, 50,000 persons, if fully employed in the cotton manufacture, would ac- 
tually produce a clear saving to the united states of 25,000,000 dollars annually. 
And let it be distinctly observed that this production, however extraordinary it 
may appear, is in a less ratio by far, than the ratio of increase in En.8:land, 
The raw material in the above calculation, is allowed to cost one third of the 
value of the cloth : whereas, according to Colquhoun, the increase of the value 
of the manufacture is nearly five fold. See Colquhoun on the wealth, power 
and resources of the British Empire, page 91.] 



1'64< 



ADDRESSES. 



excellent form of government, have eitlier returned to Europe, 
gone to Nova Scotia or Canada, or are obliged to resort to ser- 
vile employments to support existence ? 

We now submit to your consideration, fellow-citizens, an im- 
portant table of the imports of cotton into the British dominions, 
for seventeen years. I'he first fifteen are taken from Dr. Sey- 
bert's Statistics,* and the remaining two from the Journal of 
Trade and Commerce.f 

Table of the Importation of Cotton into Great Britain. 



Ainorican 
B.azil 
East India 
Oth;^r Sorts 



1802. 



107.4^, 
74,7 ;t 
8,.53.- 



No. of bags. !2SI.33 



1803. 

0S.831 
76,M7 
10,2Q6 
■15.474 



101,103 
48 588 

85.385 
241,63^ 



1805. 

124,270 

51,242 

1,083 

75,116 

252,620 



1806. 

124,030 

51,034 

7,787 

77,978 

261.738 



1807. 1S08. 

17!. -67' 37,672 

13,081 50.442 ■'"'•'"' 

11,409 12,512 35,764 

S1.010| 67,512 103,511 

232,657 168,138 440,332 



389,605 
79,i32 
92.186 

561,173 





1811. 


1812. 


181,3. 

37'7 ■.: 

137,]6tl 

1.4- 

73,21 
249,53r 


1814. 


1815. 


1816. 

166.077 
123.450 
30.670 
49,235 

369,432 


1317. 

198.917 
114.816 
117,454 

47,208 

478,395 


1818. 

205,881 
181,087 

247,604 
50,878 

655,450 


American 
Brazil 
Eas! Indies 
Other sin'ts 


128,102 
118,514 
14, '.46 

64 73^^ 


95.331 

98.704 

2,607 

64,563 

261,205 


48,853 
; 50,930 
1 5,048 
74.8 00 

287,6n 


103.037 
'^.955 
22.357 
52,840 

270.189 


No. of bags 


326,141 



To the intelligent cotton planter, this table furnishes matter 
for most serious and sober reflection. It seals the death warrant 
of the hopes which he lately cherished, of an increasing market 
and continued high prices in England — and, independent of all 
care and concern for his fellow citizens, engaged in the cotton 
manufacture, establishes the necessity of securing a steady mar- 
ket tor his raw material at home. The following analysis de- 
serves peculiar attention. 

I. The importation of American cotton has not quite doubled 
in sixteen years. 

II. East India cotton has in the same space of time increased 
3000 per cent. 

III. United States cotton has increased but three per cent, in 
the lUst year . 

IV. East India cotton has increased in the same time 110 per 
cent.; and the total increase of importation in that year has been 
55 per cent. 

V. Brazil cotton has more than trebled since the year 
1808. 



Page 92. 



t Feb, 1819, page 113. 



ADBRESSES. 165 

According to the report of the committee of commerce and 
manufactures, already quoted, the consumption of cotton in the 
united states in 1 805, was only - - bct^n 1,0'jO 

Bat in 1815, it rose to _ - _ 90,000 

Containing . - - - lbs. 27,000,000 

Such was the rapid increase of this manufacture, with no oth- 
er protection than that afforded by the war, in excluding foreign 
ri\alship. 

Dr. Se\ bert states that the greatest amount of cotton ever ex- 
ported from this country was 93,000,000 pounds in 1808.* The 
whole quantity exported in 1815, to all parts of Europe, was 
about 81,0 ;0,000 pounds. f 

It thus appears that the quantity actually consumed by our 
manufacturers in 1815, viz. 27,000,000 lbs. was equal to one 
third part of ail we exported in that year — and what is still more 
extraordinary, it was actually one-third purt of the -whole quanti- 
ty imported in the t,ame qear into England, the most manufactiir- 
inq- country hi Europe !\ And it will not, we trust, be doubt- 
ed, that a moderate degree of protection would have increased 
thi- home demand to such an extent as to consume nearly the 
whole. What inexhaustible mines of wealth, far beyond those 
of Golconda or Potosi, have we in our power ! How lamenta- 
ble a sacrifice have we made of them ! and how prosperous 
and happy should we now be, had we made a proper use of 
them ! 

In order to enable you, fellow citizens, duly to appreciate the 
ad\ antages that would have accrued from the manufacture of 
one half of the quantity of cotton exported in 1808, we submit a 
sketch of its results. 

Deducting one-sixth for waste, and supposing each net pound 
to make four yards, 45,000,000 lb. gross weight would produce 
150 iu,000 yards ; which, at an average of 20 cents per yard, 
would amount to - - - - 30,000,000 

From which deduct the price of the cotton, 

45,0{J0,000 lb. at 30 - - 13,500,000 



It would leave a clear saving to the nation, of Sl6,50U.00O 



* statistics, p. 92. "t-Idem, p. 152. 

+ To these fiicts particular attention is requested. The imports of cotton intj 
Great Britain in 1815, were 270,000 bags : in 1816, 369,000 ; in 1817, 377,0^0 ; 
of which considerable quantities wei'e exported to the continent of Evn-ope. — 
Whereas the actual consumption in the united states in 1815 was, as before stat- 
ed, 90,u00 ba8;s ; a striking proof of the laudable enterpiize and industry of our 
citizens. 



166 ADDRE&SES. 

The raw cotton exported from this country, in 1818, amount- 
ed to 6,457,335 lbs. of Sea Islands, and 86,013,843 lbs. uplands ; 
the former estimated by the treasury, at 60 cents, and the 
latter at 31 cents per lb. The total value, as stated in the trea- 
sury returns, was 1831,334,258. We offer a calculation of its re- 
sults in favour of Great Britain, supposing she had imported the 
whole. The reasoning will apply to France or any other coun- 
try, so far as a portion went there. 

Cost of 92,471,178 lbs. of cotton - 5S3 1,334,258 

Deduct 15,411,863 for waste. 

Net lbs. 77,059,315 



Yards, 308,237,260 at 25 cents - g77,059,315 

National gain, 845,725,057 



On this interesting result a long chapter might be written, ev- 
ery page of which would evince the great impropriety of our 
System, in the most glaring colours — and carry condemnation to 
the theory of Adam Smith and his followers. And the most 
extraordinary part of the affair is, that however enormous the 
national benefits appear, they are far below the reality — as the 
gain is only 150 per cent. ; whereas, by the indisputable au- 
thority of Colquhoun, the national profit of the cotton manufac- 
ture inEngland, is about 380 per cent. He states, that the cotton 
used in that country, in 1812, cost but - *^6,000,000 

Whereas the manufactured goods amounted to 29,000,000 

Of course the national gain was £23,000,000 



Equal to above ^100,000,000 

And this all-important manufacture, for which the united 
states are peculiarly adapted from the possession of the raw ma- 
terial, and capacity of producing it, to a boundless extent, has 
been half strangled by our tariff ! What agonizing reflections 
this view of the subject forces on the mind ! 

* Colquhoun on the Power and Resources of Great Britain, p. 91. 



ADDRESSES. 167 

Having discussed the subject of the cotton manufacture, we 
proceed to take a view of the woollen, which is equally deserv- 
ing of the most serious consideration. 

By a report of the committee of commerce and man- 
ufactures, submitted to the house of representa- 
tives, March, 1816,* it appears that in the year 
preceding there was invested in the woollen branch 
a capital of . - - - §12,000,000 

The raw material amounted to - gr,000,000 

The value was increased by the manu- 
facture - - - S 12,000,000 

Value of goods manufactured annu- 
ally 19,000,000 

Persons constantly employed - 50,000 

Occasionally . _ . 50,000 

100,000 



Analysis. 

I. By this manufacture, articles were produced in 
the united states, which would otherwise have been 
imported, to the amount of - - gl 9,000,000 

Deduct price of wool, which, but for this branch, 

would have been exported - - 7,000,000 

Clear saving to the country - - 12,000,000 

II. Seven millions of dollars expended among the farmers, for 
the wool of about 5,000,000 sheep. 

III. A clear gain to the nation, by the labour of each person thus 
employed, of 120 dollars. 

The following table of the value of the national manufactures 
for the year 1810, will enable you, fellow citizens, to form a cor- 
rect idea of the importance of the subject. It is an estimate de- 
duced by Tench Coxe, Esq. from the marshals' returns, taken 
with the census of that year. It is probable that during the pro- 
gress of the war, they were increased to above §250,000,000. 

Maine §3,741,116 

Massachusetts ------ 21,895,528 

New Hampshire 5,225,045 

Vermont ------ 5,407,280 

Rhode Island 4,106,074 



Amount carried over. §40,375,043 
* Supra, page 139. 



163 



Connecticut 
New York 
New Jersey- 
Pennsylvania - 
Delaware 
Maryland 
Virginia 
Ohio 
Kentucky 
North Carolina 
Tennessee 
South Carolina 
Georgia 

Orleans Territory- 
Mississippi Territory- 
Louisiana Territory- 
Indiana Territory- 
Illinois Territory 
Michigan Territory- 
Columbia (District) 



i.Dt)S.£SS£S» 

Amount brought over ^40,375,043 

r.771.928 

25,370.289 

7,054.594 

- - - 33,691,111 

1.733.744 

11.468,794 

15,263,473 

2,894,290 

- - . - 6,18 1, U24 

6 653 152 

3,611,029 
3,623,595 
3,658,481 
1,222,357 

419,073 

200,000 

300,000 

120,000 

50,000 

1,100,000 



Total, 18172,761,977 



The repetition of objections to which we have already fully- 
replied, obliges us, fellow citizens, to resume topics which we 
had supposed exhausted. 

Among these, the most prevalent and popular is the extor- 
tion said to have been practised by the manufacturers during the 
war. This theme is hacknied from New-Hampshire to Geor- 
gia, not merely by men of little minds, and narrow views, with 
whom such an objection would be perfectly in character : but 
Hien of higher spheres of life, and superior order of mind and 
endowments, allow themselves to give it countenance. 

Even admitting it to have existed to the extent assumed, the 
inference drawn from it, to prevent adequate protection to ma- 
nufactures, would not apply at present ; as, according to the irre- 
fragable maxim of Alexander Hamilton, already quoted at full 
length, founded on fact and reason, *- the ititernal competition 
■which takes place soon does awntf every thing like monopoly^ and 
reduces by degrees the price to the minimum of a reasonable projit 
on the capital employed? 

But we will suppose for a moment that the allegations are all 
just — and that the manufacturers of broad cloth sold, as we 
have already stated, at 13 or 14 dollars per yard, what cost 
them only 9 or 10. With what propriety, we repeat, can the 



ADDRESSES. 169 

importer, who, at the same period, sold his goods at 50 or 100 
per cent. be\ond the old prices — the planter who raised cotton 
at 10 or 12 cents per lb. and sold at 30, and would at 40, 50, or 
100 — the merchant* who bought flour at 10 dollars and sold at 
20 to 40 — reproach the manufacturer for an ad\ ance far less than 
that of which they availed themselves ? 

We pass over the inconsistency of such conduct, which is too 
palpable and gross to require comment : and we trust that the 
miserable spirit which would prefer the consumption of fabrics 
manufactured in Hindostan, because sold a few cents cheaper 
per yard, (and thus exhaust the wealth of the country to support 
a distant nation, while our fellow citizens, who invested millions 
of monev in manufacturing establishments, are bankrupted and 
beggared, and their workmen thrown for support on the overseers 
of the poor) will never influence the councils of a great nation. 

But the enormous expenses of those establishments, in which 
investments were made, to the amount of 20. .0, 40, 50 or 
60,000 dollars, for buildings and machinery, would require and 
fully justify extraordinary prices in the commencement. — To 
bring this home to the cotton planters — and to enable them to 
conceive the force of the argument, we will suppose for a mo- 
ment, that, during the war, they for the first time commenced 
their plantations — and purchased slaves at 8 or 900 dollars each 
— and plantations for 5 to 10,0.»0 dollars. Could they, in the 
incipient state of their operations, aftbrd to sell their cotton for 
16 to 20 cents per tb ? Certainly not. This is a case perfectly 
analogous, and ought to set this miserable objection at rest for 
ever. 



ISO. XII.* 

Philadelphia^ June 24, 1819. 

General view of the subject of political economy. Eulogium of 
Hamilton'' s report. State of this country previous to the Re- 
volution., and after the adoption of the federal constitution. 
Effects of the war in Europe. Calamitous consequences of the 
return of peace. 

We have presented for your consideration, the essence of the 
able and luminous repoit of Alexander Hamilton, then secretary 
of the treasury, on manufactures. The principles contained in 

* This address was written by Dr. Samuel Jackson, and is here inserted merr- 
[y to presen c unbroken the whole series. 

22 



170 ADDRESSES. 

that admirable state paper, are the principles of" political econo- 
my, that have been practised by those statesmen, whom the con- 
current testimony of ages, has pronounced , the most wise ; and 
have constituted the policy of every nation, that has advanced 
in civilization ; in which the principles of free government have 
been developed ; or which has grown in wealth and power. 

Did it comport with the design of these essays, it would be 
no difficult task to establish, by historical references, the facts, 
that the amelioration of society, the evolution of those just rights, 
which are the inheritance of every individual, and the weight 
and influence of the people in their government, had their origin 
in the establishment of manufacturing industry. With its pro- 
gression, have they progressed ; and by the diffusion of wealth 
through every class of the community, which is its necessary 
concomitant, have been diffused civilization and knowledge. 
The principles by which these important results have been ef- 
fected, we shall shortly elucidate. But other considerations first 
invite attention. 

The arguments by which Mr. Hamilton has sustained the 
principles he advocated, are lucid and conclusive. We believe 
them to be irrefutable. At least, we have not as yet met with 
any opposing writers, who have shaken one of the positions he 
advanced. Those diversified combinations, which grow out of, 
and affect all human transactions, did not escape his penetra- 
tion. They are too commonly overlooked by theorists,, who, 
intent on general principles, disregard the minuter circumstan- 
ces, that arise out of their very action, and frequently render 
them impracticable in operation, however just they may appear 
in themselves. 

In no science, are the general maxims of mere theorists more 
delusive, and more to be distrusted, than in political economy. 
This branch of knowledge is yet in its infancy. It is composed 
of relations so commingled and commixed together, that like a 
skein of tangled thread, they require to be traced out with great 
patience, perseverance, and close attention. Its principles are 
not yet established. Those which have been considered as the 
most fixed, have been overthrown ; those which have been 
taught as self-evident, are questioned ; and the whole are the 
subject of ardent discussion. In this state of the science, general 
maxims can serve no other purpose, than to give flippancy on 
an abstruse subject, and to ovei-leap difficulties, that cannot be 
removed. 

While the elements of political economy are thus undeter- 
mined, we are called upon to set at nought the harmonising ex- 
amples of the most prosperous states — the accumulated expe- 
rience of centuries ; and to confide the character, the resources, 
the power of this nation — the wealth and happiness of this pec- 



ADDRESSES. 171 

pie — the safety perhaps of the government itself, to the operation 
of abstract principles, which have not yet been confirmed by 
practice, nor even settled by authority. 

In human affairs, abstract principles, though they may capti- 
vate the fancy by their simplicity, are often defeated by those 
subordinate accidents, which - they must necessarily exclude. 
The principles of '■ Political Justice,' of the English, and the 
' perfectibilitv of human nature' of the French Philosophers, as 
well as unlimited freedom of moral action in the abstract, may 
be true. But overlooking the very constitution of human na- 
ture, the discordancy of its sentiments, the complexedness of its 
affinities, the variety of its affections, the perverseness of the 
human heart, and obliquity of human intellect, they can only be 
regarded as the visions of benevolent enthusiasts. 

The abstract principles of political eeonomy, are of similar 
character. Resulting from general reasoning, Avhich seldom 
descends to minute particulars, they bear all the evidences of 
correct deductions, until brought into practice. Their ineffi- 
ciency is then disclosed, and their partial nature made mani- 
fest. The . involutions and compound nature of human in- 
terest, we are convinced, set distinctive limitations at defiance. 
They often open suddenly into new channels that have not been 
traced, or flow through others, so obscure, that they have esca- 
ped our notice. Our generalities are defeated by unanticipated 
combinations, which give results never calculated ; and re-actions 
are produced, that work effects never suspected. 

In a science thus uncertain, and in things thus complicated 
and indistinct, it is the part of prudence to tread the paths of 
sober experience ; to trust those guides, whose long practice has 
imparted substantial knowledge, and whose knowledge is veri- 
fied by their success. To reject the long-acquired wisdom of 
ages, and the well-earned experience of mankind, from confi- 
dence in superior wisdom, may justly subject us to the imputa- 
tion of self-sufficiency, and hazard the dearest interests of our 
country. 

It is against such visionary projects, that w^e have raised our 
hands ; it is to warn you from the closet speculations of theo- 
rists, to invite you to common sense practice, founded on the 
nature of things, that we have intruded with the best intentions 
on j^our notice. We have presented to you in succession, the 
systems of various powers in Europe, for the advancement of 
their welfare ; and have shown some errors of policy, bearing a 
strong similarity to principles generally entertained in the united 
states, which proved fatal to those by whom they were adopted. 
We have, finally, presented you with a system, that has been 
proposed by one of our most enlightened statesmen, as best 
adapted to promote the wealth and power, by exciting and fos- 



172 ADDRESSES. 

tering the industry of this country, in the circumstances of a g-e- 
neralarid cout^ lucd penre in E'rope. This system was prepared 
with an experience of the operation oi the peace policy of Eu- 
rope on our affairs, subsequent to the peace of 17''3, and after 
mature reflection on the commercial relations between this 
country and foreign powers. Its principles., founded on well- 
substantiated facts, are drawn from the examples of the most 
prosperous and most powerful nations ; and its materials derived 
from the abundant sources of European commercial legislation. 
These are circumstances which entitle it to great weight, and to 
be received with the most marked and serious attention. 

Let it not be presumed, that we are influenced by any feelings 
of political partiality, in favour of Mr. Hamilton. Most of 
those, who thus tender the tribute of their applause to his merits 
as a statesman, and thus highly appreciate this particular fruit 
of his labours, were, and continue to be, the decided opponents 
of his political principles. It is bigotry alone, that denies or 
would obscure merit in those, beyond the pale of its own belief, 
in church or state. To this feeling, we wish to have no claim ; 
and while we confess a contrariety of sentiment on some essen- 
tial points, we would not withhold our acknowledgment of the 
brilliancy of the genius, the extent and solid nature of the ac- 
quirements, and the strength of intellect, that distinguished 
Alexander Hamilton. 

In the present situation of the country, when it cannot be con- 
cealed, that its progress has received a sudden check, and so- 
ciety labours under the shock of a rapid recoil, the discussions 
of political parties sink into minor importance, in comparison 
with the great principles of the prosperity and happiness of the 
people and of the nation. These are the principles that should 
rise paramount in the view, occupy the thoughts, and animate 
the feelings of every citizen of the great American republic. 
Divesting yourselves, therefore, of party ieelings, prejudices, 
and partialities ; casting aside, as derogatory to the character of 
American citizens, the petty jealousies of sectional interests, 
take into candid consideration that system of policy, which, in 
the early establishment of our government, was deemed best to 
comport with our interests as an independent people. If its 
principles should appear to you just, and the reasoning by which 
it is sustained, consonant to truth ; if you should be satisfied, it 
is the best adapted to our present and probable future circum- 
stances, you will not hesitate to trust to it, for the advancement 
of individual and national prosperity. 

An inquiry naturally arises into the causes, which led the 
government, after having matured this system, and contempla- 
ted its adoption, to lay it aside. They are developed in our 
commercial history, and will be found to strengthen the princi- 



ADDRESSES- 173 

pies and views on which it was erected, and lor which we con- 
tend. 

i he peace concluded in 1783. continued undisturbed ; Europe 
offered but partial markets to our productions while it closed its 
commerce to our marine. The annual value ot exports of our 
domestic productions was less in amount than the annual value 
of our consumption of foreign commodities : and we possessed 
no collateral sources of wealth to compensate the deficiency. 
The government had assumed a large debt, which subjected it to 
a heavy annual interest; other expenses \vcre accumulatin , the 
increase of which niight be confidentl}' anticipated ; and the pros- 
pects of revenue from foreign commerce, or an impoverished 
people, were but gloomy. In these circumstances, the attention 
of our statesmen must have been directed to internal resources. 
Yet from this quarter could be derived little to inspire their 
hopes. Commerce brought no money into the country ; circu- 
lation was limited and slow ; the industry or labour-power of the 
country was but partially exerted ; and consequently much 
wealth lost, that might have been created. Without a circula- 
ting medium, and full employment for industry, revenue must 
have been oppressive to the people, of difficult collection to the 
government, and uncertain in its proceeds. 

The difficulties of the colonial governments, and the evils en- 
dured by the colonists, were then fresh in remembrance : and 
their causes were well understood. The commerce, to which 
they had been limited, was that which at this time is recommend- 
ed to our adoption. Confined almost exclusively to the tillage 
of the soil, they exchanged their raw productions for the manu- 
factured articles of the mother country. This kind of barter or 
*' mutual exchange." to which the colonies were forced by the co- 
lonial system of England, kept them poor, to favour industry at 
home. This commerce, to which the jealous policv of Great 
Britain limited her colonial possessions in America, it was ac- 
knowledged both in and out of parliament, in the colonies and in 
England, and cannot now he denied, was intended solely to ren- 
der them subservient to her interests, to which theirs were unhes- 
itatingly sacrificed. Their progress in wealth and power, was 
looked upon with a distrustful eye. In order to its retardation, 
to keep them poor and dependent, they were forbidden to manu- 
facture, and compelled to supply their wants from England. — 
Even the earl of Chatham, who is considered to have been the 
triend of America, as he was the advocate of her rights, was 
still so much an Englishman in this respect, that he was unwil- 
ling that a single hob-nail should be manufactured in America. 

1 he cultivation of the soil to its greatest extent, excited no ap- 
prehensions that it would enable the colonies to become inde- 
pendent. England well knew, that in the mutual exchange of 



174 ADDRESSES. 

law products for manufactured goods, all the advantage was on 
her side, the loss on that of the colonies. She, therefore, res- 
tricted them to the cultivation of the soil, except permitting a 
few handicrafts of first necessity, and the fisheries to the 
New England colonies, which raised no production she re- 
quired. 

This system kept the colonies in a wretched condition. They 
were totally destitute of the precious metals, either to constitute 
or regulate a currency. Every hard dollar that found its way 
into them, was immediately exported to England in payment of 
debts. ' Those that are acquainted with America, know, as I do," 
said capt. Luttrel in a debate in parliament, " that from Rhode 
Island northwards, they have no money ; that their trade is gen- 
erally carried on by barter, from the most opulent merchant to the 
most necessitous husbandman. Sir, before your fleet and armies 
visited their coasts, you might almost as soon have raised the 
dead, as one hundred pounds in specie from any individual, in 
those provinces."* 

In order to procure some kind of currency to make those mu- 
tual exchanges, which the wants of civilized life render indispen- 
sable, and which cannot with convenience be effected by barter, 
the colonists were forced into various expedients. They altered 
the standard of money ; they issued paper money of different 
kinds ; they constituted it a legal tender. But all was ineffectu- 
al. While they had to hire workmen in England to perform 
their labour, they could not retain their gold and silver, which 
was sent to pay wages abroad. Altering the standard did not 
affect the value of gold and silver, which could not be restrain- 
ed by an arbitrary limitation ; and their paper money, having no 
guarantee for its safety, constantly depreciated. 

Such, it was known to our government, were the results that 
had been produced by a commerce, engaged in the exchange of 
the productions of the soil, for manufactured goods. They could 
not, therefore, anticipate, that a similar commerce would have 
other effects; and consequently, that by such a commerce, a me- 
tallic currency could be given to the people, or even a metallic ba- 
sis acquired, for an adequate paper currency. There was then no 
other course left them to pursue, but to adopt the manufacturing 
policy of Europe. By supplying a portion of those wants with 
our own industr}^, for which the colonies had been compelled 
by the parent country to hire and pay for labour in England, we 
would diminish the amount of our imports, without diminishing 
the amount of our exports ; because England took from us no more 
of our productions, than she really wanted, and those she would 
take under any circumstances, while the other nations to which we 

* Parliamentary Register, 



ADDRESSES. 175 

traded, were never influenced by other views than the mere sup- 
ph- of their wants. Thus the balance of our trade with the West 
Indies, which had always been paid in specie, but immediately 
remitted to England, would have been retained in circulation ; 
while a portion of the balance with France and the Mediterra- 
nean, would also have found its way back to this country, instead 
of always being transferred to England. In this manner, and in 
this manner only, in a state of general peace in Europe, could a 
circulating medium have been procured, that could be kept pure, 
free from depreciation, and^fluctuations. 

But the rapid occurrence of events wholly unexpected, un- 
folded new prospects, and enabled the united states to acquire 
with ease and rapidit}^, the wealth and power necessary to give 
stability to their recently formed institutions. In the midst of 
the agitations of the French revolution, the crops failed in France 
and other parts of Europe. At once a market was opened to 
our agricultural production, stimulated to its greatest energy. 
The labour-power of the country, was instantly employed to the 
full extent of its capacity. The war that soon ensued, and in- 
volved almost every power in Europe, constituted us at once 
the carriers of an immense commerce. Our sails swelled on 
every ocean, and our flag streamed on every shore. Every dol- 
lar of capital we possessed or could borrow, and every hand in 
the nation, before idle, found emplovment. A road was thus 
opened to a rapid acquirement of wealth, and it was a natural po- 
licy to pursue it. The capital and industry of the country, be- 
fore stagnant and depressed, rushed into the new formed chan- 
nel. Manufactures, under these circumstances, were neglected, 
and the project was dropped. All the benefits that were expect- 
ed to arise from them, were to be obtained with certainty and 
expedition, by prosecuting our newly-disclosed and widely- 
extended commerce. Wealth rolled in apace : and the metallic 
capital, in the space of ten or twelve years, was increased to 
twenty or twenty-five millions of dollars. But the whole of this 
prosperity depended upon contingencies. A general peace in 
Europe would bring it to a close. As it was, we could not en- 
joy it undisturbed. The celeritv of our progress awakened the 
jealousy of a rival. It was sought to destroy, by new principles 
of national law, the advantages we derived from our neutral 
character. The difiiculties that were thus generated, terminated 
finally in the war, which arose, let it be remarked, not from a 
spirit of manufactures, but from a spirit of commerce. The 
expenses and sacrifices necessary to its prosecution, were, in fact, 
a tax upon the country, in favour of commerce ; yet it was cheer- 
fully borne, by the agricultural and manufacturing interests. 

Out of this contest, the nation came with an accession of cha- 
racter i whilst the rapidity of circulation, the full employment of 



176 ADDRESSES. 

capital, and its retention in the country, caused individuals to 
feel but little comparative distress, notwithstanding its burdens. 
The attack directed against the physical strength of the country, 
only served to develop its power and resources. The war now 
waging against its moral strength, has paralized its energies, and 
laid it prostrate in the dust. It is no exaggeration to assert, that 
the two last years of peace have produced more commercial em- 
barrassment and distress, a greater destruction of capital and 
increase of individual misery, than was caused by the whole war. 

This apparent anomaly deserves to be examined. We believe 
its solution will be attained in the following considerations. The 
general pacification of Europe had preceded the treaty of Ghent: 
and most of the powers of the eastern hemisphere, had re-assum- 
ed their usual peace policy. The object of this policy is to fos- 
ter their own mai"ine, agriculture, and manufactures, to the ex- 
clusion of those of other nations. We consequently lost the 
commercial relations, that had existed in a state of European 
warfare. In fact, we reverted back to our old commercial posi- 
tion, prior to the French revolution, or when colonies. Had this 
circumstance been understood, it would have been foreseen, that 
-the same effects would have grown out of the same causes now 
as formerly. The principles, views, and reasonings, adapted to 
the then situation of the country, it would have been perceived, 
•were again applicable. But the habits and modes of thinking, 
which had been formed during twenty years of a lucrative com- 
merce ; the complete mutations which had taken place in the com- 
mercial world, during that time, leaving few individuals posses- 
sed of a practical knowledge of the effects of a general peace, on 
the interests of the country, occasioned the revolution our com- 
merce had undergone to be overlooked or disregarded. 

Most of those engaged in commerce, who also, it will be re- 
collected, preside over the monied institutions which regulate 
our currency, had little other experience of commerce, than such 
as existed during the wars of the French revolution. They nat- 
urally supposed, that it would continue to work the same effects, 
as during that period, except in smaller amount. The failure of 
two successive crops in Europe, in I815, and 1816, which stay- 
ed for a time the operation of the new staie of affairs, served to 
continue this delusion. The time, however, is not remote, when 
we shall be awakened tothe true situation of our commercial re- 
lations with Europe, and its consequences. The evils, which 
now press on us, many vainly flatter themselves, are mere tem- 
porary effects, similar to those which have before arisen from 
slight derangements of commerce. We are firmly persuaded, 
they are of a very different character, and of a more formidable 
nature. We have no doubt, that they are the same, as the evils 
under which this country suffered when colonies, and during 



ADDRESSES. 177 

the peace subsequent to the revolution. The sooner we satisfy 
ourselves that such is the case, the earlier we shall extricate our- 
selves from the embarrassments^ that must grow out of the po- 
sition, in which we are placed. We propose to enter into the 
examination of this subject in a future number ; and trust we 
shall exhibit by a comparison of the commerce of the colonies, 
and the effects it produced on them, extracted from authentic 
documents, with the present commerce of this country, and the 
effects now begun to be felt, that they are of similar character. 
We fear, that from this view of the subject, though little flatter- 
ing to our pride, it will be apparent, that after having expended 
the best blood of the nation, and millions of treasure to shake off 
the yoke of colonization, we have voluntarily adopted the colo- 
nial policy of England, and placed ourselves with respect to her, 
and in truth to most of the woi'ld, in the situation of colonies. 
From this state of humiliating and injurious dependency, the 
united states are bound to vindicate the sovereignty" of a free 
people. For in vain will they make pretensions to a perfect in- 
dependence, while they incur through the medium of their wants, 
all the consequences of subjection. 



NO. XIII.* 

Philadelphia^ July 5, 1819. 

Proportion of persons who raise the necessaries of life. Crafty 
policy of Henry IV. Crusades. Progress of jreedgm in Eng- 
land^ France and Germany, Labour power in E7igland. 

VARIOUS causes concur to produce the present unhappy 
state of affairs. It is our belief, however, that the main root, 
whence branch all the evils we suffer, is the neglect of fur- 
nishing full employment, to the productive labour of the coun- 

National wealth does not consist in land, people, or the pre- 
cious metals, but in the possession of products or values, created 
by labour. 

A country with an extended territory, and a scattered popu- 
lation, must be poor and feeble. Such is Spain at this moment, 
and such was this country when in the state of colonies. 

There is a paper in the Spectator, No. 200, that contains some 
excellent reflections on this subject, which, as they cannot be 
better expressed, we shall extract in full. 

" If the same omnipotent Power, which made the world^ 

• This No. like the fonner, was written by Dr. S. Jackson. 
23 



i78 ADDRESSER. 

" should at this time raise out of the ocean and join to Great Brit- 

*' ain an equal extent of iaad, with equal h.tilciings, corn, cattle, 
*'.and other conveniences and necessaries of life. i)Ut no inen, 
"women nor children, I should hardly helieve this would add, 
*' either to the riches of the people, or revenue of the prince/' — 
And again — 

" That paradox, therefore, in old Hesiod, TryiovufxKrv 'tt^vIoc, or 
" half is more than the whole, is very applicable t . the present 
*' case ; since nothing is more true, in political arithmetic than 
*' that the same people with half a country, is more valuable 
" than with the whole. I begin to think there was nothing ab- 
" surd in Sir W. Petty, when he fancied if all the Highlands of 
" Scotland, and the whole kingdom of Ireland, were sunk in the 
*' ocean so that the people were all saved, and brought into the 
" lowlands of Great Britain ; nay, though they were to be reim- 
*' bursed the value of their estates by the body of the people, yet 
*' both the sovereign and the subjects in general would be en- 
*' riched by the very loss." 

The same sentiment is contained,andplacedin a striking point 
of view with relation to this country, in a petition to parliament, 
in the year 17'^7. General Phineas Lyman, it appears, contem- 
plated the establishment of a settlement on the Ohio, in the pre- 
sent state of Illinois ; and for this purpose applied to parliament 
for a tract of land. He enforced the propriety of the measure 
by the argument, that there could be little danger of the colonies 
becoming independent, if confined to agricultural pursuits, and 
the inhabitants were diffused over the country. The position is 
perfectly correct ; and is a very suitable and forcible reply to 
those who are incessantly advising the same policy to these free 
and independent states, instead of promoting manufacturing in- 
dustry on the seaboard, and the already thickly settled parts of 
the country. This is purely an English doctrine, and one 
which the English government unquestionably warmly ap- 
proves. 

" A period," observes the petition we allude to, " will doubt- 
"less come, when North America will no longer acknowledge a 
" dependence on any part of Europe. But that period seems to 
" be so remote, as not to be at present an object of rational policy 
" or human prevention [and] it will be made still more remote^ 
" by opening new scenes of agriculture, and widening the 
*' space, which the colonies must first completely occupy."* 

While it is thus demonstrated, that territory thinly peopled 
confers neither riches nor power, we have examples in Egypt, 
modern Greece and other provinces of the Turkish empire and in 
Persia, that people, deficient in industry, contribute as little to 
national wealth or strength ; while Spain and Portugal are fami- 

* Macpherson's Annals of Commerce, 1767. 



ADDRESSES. 179 

liar instances, that they are not necessarily concomitant with 
the : ossession of the precious metals. 

When we reflect en the distribution of labour in society, which 
is necessary to give valic to production, we shall Ve more sen- 
sible of the truth aud operation of the principles laid down. 

It has been judged from experience, and admitted by the best 
authorities, that the labour of twenty-five persons, will procure 
all the common necessaries of life, as food, drink apparel, hous- 
ing, furniture. &c. for one hundred. This supposition takes the 
above articles as coarse, though plentiful and good. One half, 
it is supposed, from being too old. or too young, sick or infirm, 
will produce nothing. There will then remain about t\\ enty-h \ e 
individuals of every hundred, capable of working, who are ne- 
cessarily idle or non-productive. Now, on the quantity a; d 
quality of the employment, with which these twenty five ir div;d- 
uals are occupied depend t! e wealth, power, intelligence, and 
degrees of civilization of a nation. 

The objects which can alone occupy this class, which, for the 
sake of distinction, we shall call non-necessary pr oducers, as 
there is sufficient of sustenance and raiment, &c. for necessary 
wants, produced without them, must be, in pait, to give to those 
products greater refinement, and consequent value : that is, to 
give to food a higher relish and more diversity ; and to apparel, 
furniture, &c. more of ornament and beauty. These operations 
are the chief constituents of manufacturing industry, av.d absorb 
a considerable part of the labour, which would otherwise be idle. 
The cultivation of letters, of the fine arts, of the physical itnd 
abstract sciences, the offices of state, and its protection in the ar- 
my or navy, in civilized society, give occupation to the remain- 
der. 

When that portion, which is employed in creating material 
products or values, finds full occupation, and is predominant, 
then national wealth is on the increase ; circulation is kept full, 
brisk and steady ; contentment and ease, comfort and happiness, 
are in the power of each individual to obtain ; the government is 
invigorated, and its finances in a flourishing state. This is the 
situation of a prosperous people, and to attain and preserve it, 
should be the coi\stant aim of an enlightened government. 

The reverse of this state of productive industry, brings on a 
imentable change in the aflFairs of a nation. In proportion as 
he employment of this class diminishes, national production or 
ivealth declines ; circulation becomes dull, languid, and stagnant; 
embarrassments and difficulties surround traders ; poverty and 
misery assail labourers ; being idle, they become vicious ; and, 
oppressed by pauj)ensni, they become criminal. The materials 
for riots, and civil commotions ; the ready instruments of de- 



180 ADDRESSES. 

signing demagogues, are formed and accumulated, to the ha- 
zard of all good Citizens, and the safety of ci* ii go . cenment. 

It is not improbable, that it was this state of things, which was 
one of the principal causes of the violences of the French revo- 
lution. The derangement of the finances ; the immense and un- 
equal exactions of the government, which fell chiefly on the in- 
dustrious poor ; the vacillation of its measures, which overthrew 
all confidence ; and the operation of the impolitic treaty of com- 
merce with England in 1786, all tended to ruin the productive 
industry of France. Large fragments of its population were 
thus disjointed from their usual situation, and floated, loose and 
unemployed, endangering the existence of organized society, 
with the first agitations that should arise. 

The commencement of the revolution seems a demonstration 
of the fact. A starving multitude surrounded the Hotel de 
Viile, vociferating for bread ; and, whenever the king appeared 
in public, his ears were stunned with the same incessant clamour 
from the crowd, that thronged around his coach. 

The same principle explains satisfactorily the cause of the ex- 
traordinary military energy of France, at that period. Her 
commerce ruined ; her manufactures languid ; her trades sinking 
from diminished consumption ; her agriculture oppressed and 
declining ; and the total destruction of her finances, threw an 
immense mass of physical and labour-power out of employment. 
The army offered the only mode of occupation, by which it 
could be absorbed. Hence, more than a moiety of the non- 
necessary producers, whose labour had been appropriated on a 
thousand different objects, was suddenly devoted to arms. In 
the armies of the republic were found every rank and grade of 
society, and every variety of trade and profession. 

Europe, which had confederated against that devoted country, 
and anticipated an easy conquest, was surprized, alarmed, and 
confounded, at the spect9,cle presented by this nation, which had 
seemed prostrated with calamity, sending forth at one time 
" eleven distinct armies"* to the field, and her extended frontier 
bristling with bayonets. 

This principle was so well understood in England, before the 
establishment of manufacturing industry secured permanent 
employment, that it became a maxim with her kings to engage 
in wais, whenever this portion of her population accumulating, 
became idle, restless, and discontented. 

'■'■ It was the dying injunction of the late king, (Henry IV.) 
to his son, not to allow the English to remain long in peace, 
which was apt to breed intestine commotions ; but to employ 
them in foreign expeditions, by which the prince might acquire 

* Stevens's Wars of the French Revolution, vqI. i. p. 266. 



ADDRESSES. 181 

honour ; the nobility, by sharing bis dangers, might attach them- 
selves to his person ; and all the restless spirits find occupation 
for their inquietude."* 

By this means employment was found for her superabundant 
labour, which had become oppressive and troublesome to the 
government, because it could not find any other occupation 

On the disposition which is made by the government, ol this 
class of non-necessary producers, depends the character 1 1 a 
nation. If the greater portion be occupied in agricultural and 
manufacturing industry, the nation will be wealthy and pros- 
perous, but not enlightened. This is the case with China and 
Hindostan. 

If engaged in arts, letters, and sciences, it will be distinguish- 
ed for its writers, poets, philosophers, historians, orators, states- 
men, sculptors, and painters. Greece in its maturity, Rome in 
the Augustan age, and Italy at the time of the revival of letters, 
illustrate our doctrine. 

If arms be made their trade, the people become warlike, make 
extensive conquests, and are renowned for heroes, commanders, 
and warriors. This was the character of Greece in its early 
history, of Macedon, and of Rome. It is also the condition of 
most semibarbarous states ; like the Scythian tribes, which de- 
stroyed the western empire ; and the Arabs, who carried the 
crescent over more than half the world, and ha^e thundered at 
the gates of most of the capitals of Europe. In the vigour of 
its feudal institutions, Europe presented the same aspect. Arms 
and a rude agriculture constituted the chief employment of its 
inhabitants, who, poor and oppressed, were the dependant vas- 
sals of their lords. 

Unoccupied by trades or manufactures, they were ever ready 
to follow their chieftains to the field, reckless of the cause which 
summoned them to the work of destruction. Under the banners 
of the cross, were arrayed such multitudes, that Europe, re- 
marks Anna Comnena, loosened from its foundations, and im- 
pelled by its moving principle, seemed in one united body to 
precipitate itself on Asia.f The plains of Palestine and the 
borders of the Nile, for near two centuries, were deluged with 
the blood of millions of human beings, vainly shed in the fruit- 
less battles of the crusades. 

When the exertions of a population of this character, are not 
directed on some one object, and combined by the control of an 
efficicDt government, or by some ruling motive of religion or 
interest, society is incomplete disorganization. Civil wars, the 
contests of petty chieftains, plundering and robbing by armed 

* Hume's History ofEngiand, vol. 2. chap, six, p. 59. 
t Alexias, lib. 10. 



18^ ADDRESSES. 

bands, ranging over the country, are then the predoTninant 
features. The dominions of the Grand Signior, Africa, and 
many Asiatic states, are instances of thib constitution of things ; 
and there are strong indications of its commencement in Spain. 

This was the condition of feudal Europe. The crown pos- 
sessed Httle constraint over its great feudatories ; each of which 
avenged his own wrong with his sword ; and most of them sup- 
ported their petty dignity, and their retainers, by predatory in- 
cursions on the domains of their neighbours. 

From the disorders incident to, and the degradation conse- 
quent on feudaUsra, man was rescued by the establishment of 
manufactures. They drew him into towns and villages ; and 
association sharpening his intellectual faculties, he began to un- 
derstand his rights. By his labour, wealth was created ; and 
with his wealth, and by his combination, he acquired power to 
enforce his rights, or the means to purchase their enjoyment. 

Tracing the causes, whence have proceeded the abrogation of 
feudal institutions, and the emancipation of society from the 
debasing and depraving influence of feudal obligations, it will be 
seen, that they have disappeared, like darkness yielding to the 
day dawn, before the genial and invigorating influence of manu- 
facturing industry. 

The people of Italy, acquiring wealth and power, arts, letters 
and science, by their industry, first cast aside the shackles of 
feudal bondage Flanders and the Netherlands, treading in their 
steps, next succeeded in the list of free states. As manufac- 
tures progressed in England, the people gradually rose into con- 
sequence and independence. Yet, frotn the many obstructions 
they met with, by the impolicy of the different kings, vassalage 
was not completely annulled until 1574. In that year, Elizaiieth, 
in order to raise money, directed a charter to her lord treasurer 
Burleigh, and Sir William Miidmay, chancellor of the exche- 
quer, " to inquire into the lands, tenements, and other goods of 
all her bond-men and bond-women in the counties of Cornwall, 
Devon, Somerset, and Gloucester, viz. : such as were by blood, 
(?. e. birth) in a slavish condition, by being born in any of her 
manors ; and to compound with all or any such bond-men or 
bond- women in these four counties, for their manumission or 
freedom ; and for enjoying their said lands, tenements and goods 
as freemen."* Thus terminated feudalism in England, from 
the commonalty being enabled by the wealth acquired by manu- 
facturing industry, to purchase their emancipation. 

In France, the progress of commerce and manufactures was 
slower than in England, and a consequent slower progress is 
observable in escaping from feudal oppression. Those, whe 

* Anderson on the origin of Comineree. 



ADDRESSES. l^o 

had engaged in commerce and manufactures, were, however, 
th. first who became exempt ; and the agriculturist, at the period 
of the revolution, which brought it to a close, alone was svibject 
to its hardships. 

The peasantry of nearly all the Germanic states, of Hungary, 
and of Russia, are at this time trammelled with its fetters. But 
the period of their liberation rapidly hastens on. The immense 
sums, disbursed by the contending powers in the late contests, 
have diffused much property among the commonalty, and exci- 
ted their industry. Tlie continental system of Bonaparte exci- 
ted a spirit of manufacturing, which is still maintained. The 
sovereigns in the last grand confederacy against Napoleon, 
could not rel\-, as formerly, solely on mercenary troops, but 
were thrown on the people for support. A military spirit, and 
the sentiments it gives birth to, have thus been infused among 
their subjects, who have learnt the dangerous secret of their 
power and its extent. The consequences have been, that Bava- 
ria and Baden now enjoy the best constituted and freest go\ ern- 
ments in Europe, while almost all the people of the states of 
Germanv, are perseveringlv and anxiously demanding froui their, 
rulers, an acknowledgment and guarantee of their rights in writ- 
ten constitutions, and a participation, by their representatives, 
in the government. 

The more close and attentive the examination of this interest- 
ing subject, the more conclusively will be established the posi- 
tion, that the modern principles and practice of free govern- 
ments ; the amelioration and refinement of society ; the advance- 
ment of civilization and the cultivation of the higher intellectual 
pursuits, have grown out of the diffusion and division of produc- 
tive labour, and the multiplication of the objects of its exercise. 

When the labour or producing power of a nation, is not too 
much concentrated, in any one or two particular occupations, 
but is diffused in due and regular proportion, among those pro- 
fessions that constitute civilization, such a nation is, then, in its 
most prosperous, happv, powerful, and intelligent condition. It 
will be equally fained for its wealth, its power, its laws, its arms, 
its letters, its sciences, and its arts. This constitutes the most 
improved state of society, which it is the duty of government to 
establish and cherish. In different degrees, this is the case with 
different nations of Europe. There are various causes, into the 
detail of which, we have not leisure, and which would lead us 
too far from our object to enter, that cast over each of them, 
different complexions and tints, but which do not, however, des- 
troy their similitude. 

We shall barely confine ourselves to remark, that in England, 
her political policy, and her labour-saving machinery, produce 
modifications of the general result on her population, which at 



184 ADDltESSES. 

first view, seem to militate against our proposition. But a little 
inspection will dissipate the incongruity. 

The population of Great Britain is estimated at 1 7,000,000.— « 
Let us allow three-fourths to be productive of material values, 
which will make 12,750,000, as the physical labour population. 
But according to Mr. Owen of Lanark, the machinery of Great 
Britain creates a production equivalent to the labour of 180,000,- 
000 individuals. The physical population, therefore, of Great 
Britain, is, to what may be called her moral population, as 1 is 
to 14. Now, it is chiefly the labour population, and that gener- 
ally which is devoted to the coarsest and lowest labour, that is 
subject to pauperism. They are made paupers, by whatever in- 
terferes with their industry, or competes with their labour. But 
as a moral or a machinery labour-power is similar, and equiva- 
lent in its production, to a physical labour-power, the physical 
labour-power of Great Britain, that is rendered paupers, ought 
in strictness, to be compared not to its physical productive pow- 
er alone, but to its whole productive power; that is^ not to 
twelve or seventeen millions, but to 192 or 197,000,000. Let 
us suppose Mr. Owen's calculation to be erroneous, and let us 
strike off eighty millions, and take the productive power of ma- 
chinery in England as equal to 100,000,000 of people, still, 
viewing it in the light we have presented, the discrepancy that 
is often pointed out, disappears. 

The aristocratic provisions of the English constitution, and 
oiperation of the vast funding system now established, also dis- 
turb that equable and regular diffusion of labour, production, 
and the burdens for the support of government throughout the 
communitv, which is essential to the highest state of political 
prosperity and happiness. 

Its order of nobility is supported in the magnificence and splen- 
dor of an illustrious rank, by inordinate salaries, attached to 
petty and mostly useless offices of state ; and by enormous pen- 
sions and extravagant sinecures. These are taxes, levied on 
the industrious and productive members of society, to pam- 
per the luxury, and glut the pride, of the idle and non-pro- 
ductive. 

The laws of primogenitureship and of entailments, abstract and 
withhold from the general circulation, a large portion of the 
landed property, in favour of this privileged rank, to the mani- 
fest detriment and oppression of the industrious class ; and as 
Lord Coke observes, " what contentions and mischiefs have 
crept into the quiet of the law, by these fettered inheritances, dai- 
ly experience teacheth." 

' The limits of these essays forbid us to develop, through all 
their ramifications, the operation of circumstances peculiar to 
European society, and of the political policy of its governments 



ADDRESSES. 185' 

which counteract and frequently destroy the beneficial results of 
its principles of economical policy. The two are notnecessa- 
rilv connected. The one can be embraced with ease, without 
adopting the other. We have confined ourselves exclusively to 
the consideration of the political economy of England and other 
European powers, without reference to their politics. What- 
ever prosperity they are found to possess, can be attributed sole- 
ly to its operation. We have, therefore, recommended it to the 
imitation of this country. But we have to lament, that some of 
those who have opposed our views, have refused to draw the 
distinction, and ha'.e seized on the vices of their politics, as ob- 
jections to the principles of their economy. 

Applying the above principles to the united states, we shall 
discover, that during the prosperity which they enjoyed in the 
first twelve or fifteen years subsequent to the French revolution, 
the labour power of the country was fully exerted. The wars 
in Europe creating a constant market for their agricultural pro- 
ducts ; the carrying trade, and the various branches of business 
connected with it, gave employment to the greater portion of 
their labour. Agriculture and commerce were then the charac- 
teristic pursuits of the nation. Literature, science, and the arts, 
were but little cultivated ; and few original works of importance 
were produced. Those liberal professions, however, which are 
connected with the ordinary transactions of society, and are 
made the business of individuals, flourished with a vigour un- 
surpassed in any other country. Of this character are politics, 
medicine, and law. The improvements those sciences have un- 
dergone, and the ability of our citizens devoted to them, place 
the united states in a very favourable light as respects the intel- 
lectual powers of its citizens, and excite auspicious hopes for the 
future. 

Turning our attention to the situation of the nation, at the pre- 
sent time, with reference to the principles laid down, it is obvi- 
ous, that the sources, which formerly absorbed the superabound- 
ing labour power of our country, have ceased to exist, and con- 
sequently that a portion of the population which was occupied 
by them, is daily thrown out of employment. Hence we notice 
the effects, we have described, as characteristic of such a state of 
things. Consumption is less in amount, and consequently the 
value of almost everj- species of property is on the decline ; 
bankruptcies are numerous ; credit nearly extinct ; the circula- 
tion stagnant ; labour fallen in price ; workmen discharged 
by their employers ; and the number of the poor augmenting. 

As this is the most unfavourable state in which a nation can 
find itself placed, it is the duty of the statesmen, to whose hands 
is confided its direction, to inquire into the causes which have 
created those unfavourable circumstances. If they find them to 

24 



186 ADDRESSES. 

be merely transient, temporary remedies, adapted to alleviate 
present distress, or to enable the community to sustain the shock 
of passing events, should be sought for and applied. But if found 
to originate in causes, which cannot be confidently anticipated 
to disappear of themselves, it is also their duty to devise a new 
svstem of policy, adapted to the new situation of the nation. If 
the class of industrious poor be found unemployed, and their pro- 
duction at a stand, the state should devise some mode to procure 
the.n employment, and give a fresh impetus or a new direction 
to their production. If the consumption of the productions of 
the industinous poor, on which they depend to obtain the com- 
forts and necessaries of life, and to pav the taxes that are requir- 
ed for the support of society, be diminishing, remedies should 
be speedily applied to counteract this injurious operation. The 
neglect of these important points in 'egislation, may overwhelm 
a large portion of society, hitherto happy, prosperous, and con- 
tented, with suffering and calamity ; and a consequent feeling of 
discontent and inflammatory excitement be occasioned, which is 
greatly to be deprecated. 

We apprehend the situation of our country is of the above 
character. Agriculture, commerce, the retailing of the fabrics 
of foreign countries, and the branches of business subordinate 
thereto, formerly gave fall occupation to the greater part of our 
peO;)le ; but the foreign markets which were heretofore opened, 
being now closed to our agriculture ; our commerce much con- 
tracted ; the capacity of the people to consume diminished ; 
those occupations have become overstocked, and no longer 
give full or profitable employment to those who are engaged in 
them. 

In the present posture of affairs, there are no rational indica- 
tions, which can lead us to expect, that those pursuits, while it 
continues, will give full employment to our industry : and it 
surely cannot be urged, that this or any nation, should trust its 
prosperity to the possible occurrence ol favourable accidents. — 
Yet, while we continue to direct our industry chiefly to those em- 
plovnnents, we must depend on the contingent circumstances of a 
war, or deficient harvests in Europe, for its maintenance, and to 
procure adequate markets for our productions, when carried to 
the extent of our productive power. In the meantime, the non- 
necessary class of producers, must constantly increase ; its capa- 
city to pursue the vocations, in which it was engaged, must les- 
sen ; its means of sustenance daily decline ; and the whole retro- 
grade from the higher species of labour to the lower. i he in- 
ferior labourers thus pressed upon, while employment is de- 
creased, must be thrust into pauperism, and come on the public 
for support. 



ADDRESSES. 187 

If these revolutions take place quietly, from operating on a 
sluggish population, the only effect will be, to place society back 
in the position, it had previously occupied, before it had known 
its days of prosperity ; or had acquired a taste for, with a knowl- 
edge of, the indulgences and refinements of advanced civiliza- 
tion, growing out of its increased wealth and the cultivation of 
intellectual enjoyments, in the fine arts, letters, and science. But 
should this retrocession be resisted, and a struggle once com- 
mence against this stiUe of things, inevitable if left to themselves, 
it is utterly impossible to calculate the course it might pursue, or 
the asi ect it might assume. All the ills, that universal experi- 
ence has shown to be the concomitants of want of employment, 
are incurred, and can only be avoided, by opening new means of 
occupation as the old disappear. Every nation in Europe, tlsat 
is esteemed wise, has directed its attention to manufactures, not 
only as the chief source of wealth and powder, but as the most 
salutary mode of absorbing the accumulating class of non-neces- 
sary producers. It low rests with us to imitate in this respect 
the examples, by adoi/ting the experience, of the most illustrious 
people of ancient and modem times ; or, by determining to pro- 
cure experience for ourselves to run through a course of suffer- 
ing and distress. But, when exhausted by the process we have 
undergone, who can answer for the recover)- of our past state of 
prosperity ; whether we shall rise to that greatness, to which we 
have been looking forward with pride and exultation, or sink in- 
to the feebleness and debility that have always attended those 
nations, which have neglected the sound policy of distributing 
employment of every kind, throughout their population ? 



NEW SERIES. 

NO. I. 

Exports offioiir^ cotton and tobacco. Alarming depression of the 
price of cotton. East India and South American cotton. Im- 
mense loss by the reduction of tjie price of cotton. Total im- 
portation into Great Britain. 

"Is commerce of importance to national wealth ? Ours is at the lotvest point of 
" declension. Is a violent and unnatural decrease in the value of land, a symptom of 
" national distress f The price of improved land, in most parts of the countiy, is 
"much lower than can be accounted for by the q.iantity of .saste lands at market; 
« and can only be fully explained bi/ that want of public and private confidence, ichich 
" are so alanninghi prevalent among all ranks, and which have a direct tendency to 
" dejrreciate property of every kind. Is private credit the friend and patron of indus- 
" try ? That most useful kind, which relates to borrowing and lendinjf, is reduced 



188 ADDRESSES. 

« within the naiTowest limits, and this stLU more from an opinion of insecurity thao 
" from a want of money. 

"This is the melancholy situation to which we have been brought by these 
" very councils" [of purchasing cheap goods abroad, and thereby destroying the 
industiy of our own citizens] *** " which, not content with having conducted us 
" to the brink of a precipice, seem resolved to phinge us into the abyss that awaits 
«?« belo-iv Here, my countrymen, impelled by every motive that ought to influ- 
" ence an enlightened people, let us make ajii^n stand for our safety, onr tranqviU- 
" ty, onr dignity, our reputation. Let us at last break ike fatal charm -which hus too 
" long seduced us from the paths of felicity and prosperity." Federalist, No. XV. 

Philadelphia^ November 15, 1819. 

The reasoning, in our former addresses, in favour of affording 
adequate protection to that portion of the national industry en- 
gaged in manufactures, might have appeared intended solely for 
the benefit of the manufacturers, distinct from the rest of the 
community. This would be a great misapprehension of our 
views, which are directed to the promotion of the permanent 
prosperity of the nation, on a grand and liberal scale. So close 
and intimate, in fact, is the connexion between the different in- 
terests of the same country, that each must participate in the 
advancement or decay of any of the Others. It is therefore as 
impossible for either agriculture, manufactures, or commerce, to 
suffer severely, without the others partaking of the evils, as for 
one of the members of the human body to be maimed without 
the whole frame being affected. This theory, always advocated 
by the wisest political economists, has been completely corrobo- 
rated by the recent experience of the united states, in which the 
decay of so large a portion of the manufacturing establishments 
has spread distress and embarrassment over the whole country. 

In the present addresses, we shall attempt to prove, by facts, 
founded on indisputable authority, quoted at full length, and by 
fair and logical deduction, — 

I. That there is no prospect of a favourable change in the Eu- 
ropean markets for our staples. 

II. That the promotion of manufactures is in the most emi- 
nent degree beneficial to agriculture. And 

.III. That the markets for our agricultural productions, 
throughout the world, being generally glutted, it would be un- 
wise to divert to farming or planting any of the persons usually 
devoted to manufactures, even if they were all capable of those 
employments. 

The three grand staples of our country are cotton, flour, and 
tobacco, which form nearly three-fourths of the total of our ex- 
ports, as may be seen from the subjoined table. Their great ex- 
tent and high prices have enabled us to pay for the extravagant 
amount of our importations, and greatly enriched our farmers 
and planters. We enjoyed the blessing, and never anticipated 
a change. We sailed gaily along, with wind and tide in our 



ADDRESSES. 



189 



favour, and without a dark speck in the horizon. No louring 
storm was anticipated. But the sky at length became overcast. 
A hurricane arose ; and, in its course, not only pr strated 
some of our most wealthy citizens, who had invested their en- 
tire fortunes in those staples, but greatly impaired and impov- 
erished the resources of the entire nation. 



Exports. 



Flour - 

Cotton 

Tobacco 



Total Domestic Expoils. 



1815. 



Bolls. 
6,202,0o' 
17,529,UUo 
8,253,000 



3l,984,0u0 



45,974.00u 



1816. 



Dolls. 
6,ri2,00u 
24,106,00; 
12,809,0C'. 



43,627,00; 



64,782.00o 



1817. 



1818. 



Bolls. Bolls. 

I7,75l,37& 11,576,970 

22,627,614 31,334,258 

9,230.020;" 9,867,429 



49,609,010 52,778,657 



3,313,500 73,854,437 



It is impossible for any man of enlarged and liberal views, to 
examine this table even superficially — to consider the recent 
reduction in the prices of those articles — and the limitation of 
the market for them, without feeling dismay at the prospects 
that present themselves to our country', and an unalterable con- 
viction that if we wish to secure its prosperity, happiness, re- 
sources, and real independence, a radical change in our system 
is imperiously necessary. 

Cotton. 

The alarming depression in the prices of our great staples, 
came on our farmers and planters unawares. There were, nev- 
ertheless, unerring symptoms of the change, more particularly so 
far as regards cotton. Intelligence had been received in this 
country of large orders sent to the East Indies for that article, 
and it was almost prophetically announced, in 1817,* that the 
price of ours would necessarily be greatly reduced. 

A considerable time previous to the close of the last session of 
congress, the most explicit accounts had been received from En- 
gland of the great progress making in the consumption of East 
India cotton, and its alarming interference with that of the united 
states. Most of the circulars of the eminent merchants of Liv- 
erpool of that period conveyed this view distinctly. Out of a 
great number now in our possession, all of the same tenor, we 
submit an extract from one written by John Richardson, of 
Liverpool, and dated the 11th of November, 1818. 



Memoir on the culture and manufacture of cotton, by Tench Coxc, passim: 



J90 ADDRESSES. 

"It was confidently expected Hy manv, that prices would Have 
"rallied bef )re t^ie close of tie year : but the i nntiense qiantity 
*' of East India cotton which is weekly forced on the market by 
*' auction, renders this speculation extremely uncertain ; particu- 
*'larly as by a rtcent discovery in the preparation of Bengals and 
*' Surats, the spinner-s are enabled to make better yarn and spin 
*■'■ finer numbers ; this has very materially interfered zvith the con- 
*' sumption of American c otton^ and tvill prevent it from ever reach- 
*' ijig- such prices as it has of kite years done.'*'' 

This letter arrived in Philadelphia in December. There was 
then ample time to profit by the important information it con- 
tained. But its salutary warnings, like those of 1817, were to- 
tally disregarded. The parties immediately interested, and the 
country at large, reposed in a dangerous security. There were 
no preparations maae to parrv the stroke, by the infallible means 
of providing a home market, a measure dictated by every pnnci- 
ple of regard for self-interest, as well as for the welfare of the 
nation. The duty of twenty-seven and a half per cent, on cot- 
ton goods, (except on those below twenty-five cents per square 
yard, which are dutied as at twenty-five cents) remained un- 
altered, notwithstanding the earnest and reiterated applications 
of the manufacturers — the ruin of hundreds of our best citizens 
— the suspension of establishments, on which millions had been 
expended — -and notwithstanding so large a portion of those who 
had been employed in them, were driven to idleness and want, 
many of them with large families. A prohibition of low-priced 
muslins at that period, and an advance of duty on high-priced to 
35 per cent, would have produced such a great increase of con- 
sumption in the united states, and of course such a reduction of 
the quantity in the British market, as to prevent any material de- 
pression in the price, and would have saved the planters and the 
nation millions of dollars, as will appear in the sequel. 

Great Britain derives nine-tenths of her supplies of cotton 
from the East Indies, South America, and the united states. Of 
each in order. 

East India Cotton. 

The importation of cotton from the East Indies into the Brit- 
ish dominions, to any considerable extent, is of recent date. — 
The whole amount in twelv^e years, from 1802 to 1813 inclusive, 
was only 188,911 bags,* or an average of about 15,700 per an- 
num. 

There have been two objections to the general use of this spe- 
cies of cotton, the shortness of the staple, and the great want of 
care in cleaning and packing it. The latter has been in a great 

* Seybert, 92, 



ADDRESSES. « l9l 

degree obviated, so far as regards a large portion of what is re- 
cei ed in England. But in some cases it still exists ; hence the 
great difference of price between the extremes, which is fre- 
quently three or four pence per lb. 

The staple has like\vise been considerably improved. We 
have now before us printed circular letters which shed strong 
light on this subject, and cannot fail to be duly appreciated by 
every enlightened planter. One is from the house of Humbers- 
ton, Graham, & Co. of Liverpool, and dated as early as June 28, 
1817. " With the chief part of the uplands now brought for- 
" ward, East India cotton be^in.s mattrially to inteijerv : and if 
*' the quality of the crop yet to be received should not improve, 
" this will occur, to a more considerable extent ; for in the late 
** imports of Bengal cotton, thert t\ a decided improvement in the 
" staple ; and, by reference to the annexed list of sales, it is evi- 
" dent theti are coming into more general use.'''' 

There is likewise an item in the London price current for 
August 31, 1819, which confirms the precedi/;g statement. 
Surat cotton is therein quoted at 7d'. to 9hd. : but Surat extra 
pne is 9.Y. to 1 1 hd. This implies a great improvement, either in 
the quality of the seed, or the mode of preparation, or both : and 
when the strong incentive to further improvement is considered, 
it may be presumed that every effort will be made, and no doubt 
successfully, to remove any existmg objections. It is to be ob- 
served, that in no other price current that we have seen, is this 
item of Sural extra fine cotton to be found. 

One other remark is called for. I'he best Surat cotton in the 
Liverpool market generally comes very near in price to the 
Tennessee. 

January 2, 1819. 

d. 
Surat, fair to good 11 
Tennessee - - 142 

The improvements made in the culture and preparation of the 
East India cotton, have been greatly promoted by the very high 
prices of ours and those of the Brazils, Bourbon, &c. It is only 
woiidertul, that tney did not take place much earlier. 

We annex a table of the importation of East India cotton 
into Great Britain, for two successive periods, each of four 
years. 





June 2. 1819. 


d. 


d. d. 


to 14i 


9 to 10§ 


to 154 


104 to 114 



192 ADDRESSES. 

Bags. lAi^n. 

Imported in 1811 14,646 Imported in 1815 23,357 

1812 2,607 1816 30,670 

1813 1,429 1817 117,454 

1814 13,J48 1818 247,6j4 



31,730 419,085* 



This table affords matter for serious reflection, not merely to 
the cotton planters, but to the people and government of this 
country. It speaks volumes on the rapid strides making in the 
British markets by the East India cotton. The increase is 
probably without example. It was nearly four -fold m 181 7 
of the amount in 1816 ; and in 1818, more than two-fold that of 
the preceding year The capacity of the East Indies to pro- 
duce this article is without limits. By a Calcutta paper of Jan. 

20, 1819, it appears that 

Bags. 

The export of cotton from Calcutta in the year 1818 was 336,848 

from Bombay ------ 323,807 

660,655 

equal to about 190,000,000 lbs. 

It is supposed by many of our citizens, that there is a radical 
and insuperable inferiority in the East India cotton. This is an 
egregious error. The finest muslins in the world are manufac- 
tured in Hindostan, of the cotton of that country. It therefore 
follows, that the great superiority assumed for ours cannot be 
regarded as any security against the East India competition. We 
are informed by a writer of high authority, that " a fine sort of 
" cotton is still grown in the eastern districts of Bengal^ fit for the 
" most delicate manufactures.''''^ 

The rise in the price of our cotton in the British market, as 
stated from the price current of September 30, may lead our 
planters and merchants to hope that they will regain the ground 
they have lost, and thus lead to extensive speculations. This 
would probably prove a fatal error:|: to hundreds of those who 

* Seybert, 92, and Journal of Trade and Commerce, vol. ii. page 113. 

■j- Colebrook's Remarks on the husbandry and internal commerce of Bengal, 
page 138. 

\ [The predictions here hazarded, have been fully verified. The price of cot- 
ton in the Liverpool market has not only not risen since the above period, but 
has fallen considerably ; sea island above 33 and upland 8 per cent. This address 
was written, as may be seen by its date, in Nov. 1819 ; at which time 

Upland cotton was sold in Liverpool at - - - - - 12rf. to 12f 

Sea island fine 34</. to o6d 

Whereas, on the 21st August, 1821, 

The former was --------- lief to llf 

Sea island fine ...- 17^ to 23rf 



ADDRESSES. l9o 

might be led astray by it, and exhibit another decisive proof of 
the insanity of a nation depending on contingent and fluctuating 
foreign markets, when it can create and secure an unfailing do- 
mestic one, subject to but slight variations. 

To the sober reflection of the cotton planters we submit these 
important facts. They cannot be too deeply or seriously weighed. 
Their dearest interests are vitally involved in them. Abstract- 
ed from all considerations of the general prosperity of their 
country, which has fallen a sacrifice to the policy hitherto pur- 
sued — as well as of the wide-spread scene of ruin that has swal- 
lowed up the fortunes and the happiness of so large a portion of 
their fellow citizens, engaged in manufactures, their own inter- 
est most explicitly points out the necessity of pursuing a differ- 
ent policy, and securing to themselves a home market, beyond 
the control of foreign nations. Had this market been thus se- 
cured, it can hardly be doubted that so large a portion of the 
cotton at present raised in this country would, we repeat, have 
been consumed at home, that the quantity exported would have 
experienced little reduction of price. 

The contrast between the situation of the British and Ameri- 
can manufacturers is extremelv striking, and must mortify the 
pride and excite the sympathy of every citizen who feels an in- 
terest in the credit of our government and the welfare of the na- 
tion. The British manufacturers, completely secured in the 
home market by prohibitions, and prohibitory duties, are strug- 
gling, with all their energies, to monopolize not only our mar- 
kets, but those of half the world. In this contest, they are 
aided in every way that can be devised, by a government which 
many of our citizens affect to despise. \\'hereas, our manufac- 
turers only contend for the humble boon of security in the do- 
mestic market ; and with whom do they contend ? hot with 
foreign nations — but with their fellow citizens in congress, whom 
they merely request to afford them a portion of that protection, 
which, as we have often repeated, England, France, Russia, 
Austria, and nearly all the other governments of Europe, afford 
their subjects engaged in manufactures ! ! ! 

This paragraph would require a volume of explanations — but 
we must be brief; and, referring to our former addresses, shall 
barely observe, 

I. That Austria prohibits the importation, throughout her 
whole dominions, of all kinds of silk, cotton and woollen manu- 
factures. 

II. That England prohibits silks, laces, calicoes, and manu- 
factures of gold, with various other articles ; and subjects cot- 
ton generally to 85 per cent — glass to 114 — and chequered 
linens, manufactures of leather, tanned hides, &c. &c. to 142 
per cent. 

9J» 



194 ADDKESSES. 

III. That Russia prohibits above two hundred articles, among 
which are all manufactures of wool, printed cottons, glass, pot- 
tery, silk, iron, leather, he. &c. &c. 

IV. That France prohibits cotton twist, manufactures of wopl, 
silk, leather, steel, iron, brass, tin, &c. &c. &c. 

It is therefore obvious, as already often stated, that the manu- 
facturers of those countries enjoy a degree of fostering care ^nd 
protection from their respective governments, which our citizens 
of that class have never experienced — and the want of which has 
not only ruined hundreds of them — but inflicted more lasting 
injury on this country in five years, than it could have suffered 
in a war of twice the duration. 

We will suppose for a moment a majority in congress to be 
composed of manufacturers ; and such immense quantities of 
tvheat and flour to be imported from Odessa, and of cotton from 
Brazil and the East Indies, as to reduce the price of those arti- 
cles below the fair rate of affording a profit to the cultivator. 
Suppose that the farmers and planters, at every stage of their 
progress to ruin, were to supplicate congress either to prohibit, 
or discourage by high duties, the importation of wheat, flour, 
and cotton. Suppose, further, that the majority in congress, 
resolutely determined to buy those articles, " where they could 
be had cheapest ^^'' steadily rejected their petition. What opinion, 
fellow citizens, would you form on such conduct ? would it not 
meet with your most marked disapprobation ? But is it not 
precisely the conduct that has been pursued tow ards the manu- 
facturers ? Have they not, in their career to ruin, earnestly 
and respectfully solicited protection from Congress ? Have not 
their entreaties been rejected ?* Has not a large proportion of 
them been sacrificed by the ruinous policy of purchasing cheap 
goods abroad ? And has not the nation at large shared in the 
sufferings inflicted on them ? 

* Of above forty petitions presented to the house of representatives of the 
united states, in 1816-17, by different bodies of manufacturers, in various parts of 
the united states, praying for relief, tliere ivas not one read in the House ! and very 
few of them -were ever reported on by the Committee of Commerce and JManufactures f 
There was not one of them successful, althoug-h the ruin suffered by some, and 
impending' over others, of the petitioners, had every possible claim to prompt 
and effectual redress. On this treatment of constituents, no comment is neces- 
sary. 



ADDRESSES. 195 

We exported last year [1818] to Great Britain, bales 

of cotton ------- 205,881 

Equal to lbs. 61,764 300 

Deduct for waste, 50 lbs. per bale, - - - 10,294,050 

Pounds net, 51,470,250 

Producing, at 4 yards to the pound, - yards 205,881 000 

Which, at 20 cents per yard, amount to - g41, 176,200 

Supposing we sold the whole of the raw cotton at 

30 cents, it produced the united states - 18,529,290 

Leaving a clear gain to Great Britain of - ,§22,646 910 

If the exports of cotton to that country this year 
are equal to the last, and average only 20 cents 
per pound, it makes an addition to the British 
profit of . 6,167,430 

Total - - g28,823,340 



Nearly the whole of this sum might be saved to this country- 
by a proper tariff. 



new series. 
jSO. h. 

Philadelphia, December 24, 1819. 

State of the cotintry at the close of the war — Present state, [1819] 
— Taxing the many for the benefit of the few — Smiigg-ling — 
Rates of duties on imports — Protection of Commerce — Ameri- 
can tonnage. 

It is painful to us, to be obliged again to combat objections 
which we regarded as fully disproved in our former addresses, 
beyond the probability of a revival. In this opinion we were 
completely supported by hundreds of intelligent citizens, whose 
views of the subject had on a fair examination undergone a total 
change, and who at present as strenuously advocate the policy of 
retaining our wealth at home to support the industrv of our own 
citizens, as they formerly did that of squandering it in Europe 



196 ADDRESSES. 

and the East Indies, to support the industry of foreign nations, 
under the idea of " letting trade regulate itself," which it has ne- 
ver done in any age or country. 

But however painful this procedure may be, it is a duty. The 
persons opposed to our views, without replying to our arguments, 
far less refuting any of them, repeat the hacknied common pla- 
ces of free trade, taxing the many for the benefit of the few, im- 
pairing the revenue, smuggling, extortion, &c. Free trade with 
them means, in strict propriety, to remove the restrictions that 
protect our own citizens, while all other nations maintain rigor- 
ous restrictions in favour of their subjects. 

We therefore crave indulgence for any repetitions that may 
appear in this essay, as the inevitable consequence of the course 
pursued by the opposers of the system which we advocate. — 
Whenever they advance new arguments, we shall meet them 
with new replies. To old arguments ten times repeated, and as 
often refuted, we can only advance repetitions. 

When we first began to address our fellow citizens, about 
nine months ago, on the distress and embarrassment so generally 
prevalent throughout the union, the existence of that distress and 
embarrassment was denied ; endeavours were used to convince 
the public, that our statements on the subject were erroneous ; 
that the country at large enjoyed a high degree of prosperity ; 
and that whatever pressure existed was confined to a few towns 
and cities where banks and over-trading had produced some ru- 
in. It was unhesitatingly asserted, that the farmers and plan- 
ters, the great body of the nation, had no reason to complain — 
and accordingly made no complaint ; and that all the clamour 
arose from a few manufacturers, who were, to the whole nation, 
as a few stray sheep to an immense flock. 

These assertions, although radically wrong, were made with 
such confidence, as to gain credence with those who looked not 
beyond the mei'e surface of things. Unfortunately for the coun- 
try, as well as for the credit of those who made them, their want of 
foundation is now so obvious and so palpable, as to admit of no 
denial. Calamity has advanced upon us with such rapid strides, 
that whatever doubts may have been entertained heretofore, have 
now vanished. There is but one sentiment on the subject. That 
the distress is more intense in some parts of the union, than in 
others, favoured by local circumstances, is admitted— but that it 
is felt every where, is equally clear. 

Would to heaven our descriptions had been iinreal, and that 
we had been deceived. To none of our readers would the dis- 
covery of the error have been more agreeable than to ourselves. 
We present an outline of the leading features of our situation 
at the close of the war, and at present, which affords amostmel- 



ADDRESSES. 197 

ancholy contrast, appaling to every friend not merely of this 
country, but of human happiness generally. 

Our situation at the close of the war. 

1. Every man, woman or child in the nation, able and willing 
to work, could procure employment. 

2. We had an extensive and profitable cotton manufacture, 
spread throughout the union, and producing above 24,000,00( < of 
dollars annnally, which might, by proper encouragement, have 
been extended to 50,000,000 in a few years. 

3. This manufacture consumed above one-fourth part of our 
whole crop of cotton. 

4. We had a capital vested in merino sheep to the amount of 
one million of dollars. 

5. We possessed a valuable woollen manufacture which produ- 
ced us annually clothing to the ainount of nineteen millions of 
dollars — and which might have been extended before now to 
double the amount. 

6. Almost all our manufacturing establishments were fully 
and advantageously employed. 

7. Confidence between our citizens was general. 

8. Our debts to Europe were fairly and honourably dis- 
charged. 

9. Little, if any of our public stock was held in that quarter of 
the globe. 

10. Money could be easily borrowed at legal interest. 

11. Debts were collected without difficulty. 

12. Our character, as a mercantile people, stood fair with the 
world. 

13. Every man who had capital, could find advantageous em- 
ployment for it in regular business. 

14. The country was generally prosperous, except a few pla- 
ces which had suffered desolation during the war. 

Our present situation. 

1. Our profitable commerce nearly annihilated. 

2. Our shipping reduced in value one half. 

3. Of our merchants a considerable portion bankrupt, and ma- 
ny tottering on the verge of bankruptcy. The commercial capi- 
tal of the country reduced, it is believed, seventy millions of 
dollars. 

4. Our manufacturing establishments in a great measure sus- 
pended, and many of them falling to decay. 

5. Many of their proprietors rained. 



198 ADDRESSES. 

6. Thousands of citizens unemployed throuj^hout the united 
states. [About 11,0'>0 in the city of Philadelphia have been 
-deprived of employment.] 

7. Our circulating medium drawn away to the East Indies 
and to Europe, to pay for articles which we could ourselves fur- 
nish, or which we do not want. 

8. A heavy annual tax incurred to Europe in the interest pay- 
able on probably 15 or 20,0)0,000 of dollars of government and 
bank stock, likewise remitted in payment. 

9. Real estate every where fallen thirty, forty or fifty per 
cent. 

10. Our great staples, cotton, flour, tobacco, &c. reduced in 
price from thirty to forty per cent. 

1 1 . Our merino sheep, for want of protecting the woollen man- 
ufacture, in a great measure destroyed, and those that remain not 
worth ten per cent, of their cost. 

12. Large families of children become a burden to their pa- 
rents, who are unable to devise suitable means of employment 
for them. 

13. Numbers of our citizens possessed of valuable talents, 
and disposed to be useful, but unable to find employment, are 
migrating to Cuba, where, under a despotic government, among 
a population principally of slaves, and subject to the horrors of 
the inquisition, they seek an asylum from the distress they suf- 
fer here !* 

14. Hundreds of useful artisans and mechanics, who, allured 
by our form of government, migrated to our shores, have re- 
turned to their native countries, or gone to Nova Scotia or Ca- 
nada, broken hearted and with exhaustedfunds.* 

15. Men of capital are unable to find profitable employment 
for it in regular business. 

16. Citizens who own real estate to a great amount — have 
large debts due them — and immense stocks of goods, cannot 
mortgage their real estate, dispose of their stocks but at extra- 
vagant sacrifices, nor collect their debts. 

17. Citizens possessed of great wealth, have it in their power 
to increase it immoderately, by purchasing the property of the 
distressed, sold at ruinous sacrifices by sheriffs, marshals, 
and otherwise — thus destroying the equality of our citizens, and 

* Emigration to Ciiba. — " The schooner Tlu-ee Sally's, captain Warner, sailed 
from this port on Sunday last, for Fernandina de Yuaga, a new port and settle- 
ment on the south side of Cuba, with 101 passengers, principally respectable 
mechanics, and their families, and late residents of this city." — Philadelphia Dai-: 
hj Advertiser, Dec. 2, 1819. 

" In the schooner John Howe, lately sailed upwards of one hundred passen- 
gers for the new settlement of Fernandina, in Cuba." — Philadelphia Gazette. 

* " Liverpool, JVov, 2, 1819. — The Ann, Captain Crocker, from New York, is 
now ©ft' this poi-t, with upwards of one hundred returned emigrants," 



ADDRESSES. 199 

aggrandizing the rich at thp expense of the middle class, of so- 
ciet\ . The extent of this serious evil is difficult to be ascer- 
tained with precision. 

18. The interest of money extravagantly usurious. 

19. Distress and suffering, to an extent not to be conceived 
but by those who have an opportunity of beholding them, spread- 
ing among the labouring classes, in our towns and cities. 

20. bankruptcy and poverty producing an alarming increase 
of demoralization and crime. 

21. The attachment to our government impaired in the minds 
of those who are ruined by the policy it has pursued. 

22. After having prostrated our national manufactures, lest 
we should injure the revenue, the revenue itself fails, and we 
are likely to be obliged to recur to loans,* or direct taxes to meet 
the exigencies of the government. 

23. Numbers of banks in different parts of the union, depriv- 
ed of their specie by the extravagant drains for Europe and the 
East Indies, and obliged to stop payment. 

24. Legislatures driven, by the prevalence of distress, to the 
frightful measure of suspending the collection of debts. 

That this is an unexaggerated picture of the actual situation of 
our country, is, alas ! too true. It affords a proof that our sys- 
tem has been radically unsound — and that a change is impe- 
riously called for. Any change can scarcely fail to be beneficial. 

These ruinous consequences were prophetically depicted with 
* a pencil of light,' and also distinctlv presented to the view of 
congress in their progress. Happy, thrice happy would it have 
been, had the warnings and heartrending statements which that 
body received, been duly attended to — What shoals and quick- 
sands would our prosperity have escaped ! 

The committee of commerce and manufactures in 1816 de- 
clared, that — 

" The situation of the manufacturing establishments is peri- 
" lous. Some have decreased — and some have suspended busi- 
" ness. A libera/ encouragement will put them again into opera- 
" tion. But should it be withheld, they will be prostrated. 
" Thousandu will be reduced to want and wretchedneas. A capi- 
*' tul of nearly sixty millions of dollars xvill become inactive^ the 
" greater part of which will be a dead loss to the manufacturers .^'* 

Again — 

" Can it be politic in any point of view, to make the united 
" states dependent on any nation for supplies^ absolutely neces- 
*' sary for ease ^ for comfort ^or accommodation'? 

" Will not the strength^ the political energies of this nation be 
" materially impaired at any time, but fatally so in time of dilfi- 
" culty and distress, by such dependence ? 

* Ihis anticipation has unhappily been vei'ifiod. 



200 ADDRESSES. 

" Do TiQt the suggestions of wisdom plainly show, that the 
*' security^ the peace ^ and the happiness oj this natini,^ depend on 
" opening and enlarging all our resources^ and drawing from 
" them whatever shall be required for public use or private con- 
" veniencef'' 

The suffering citizens laid their calamitous situation before 
congress in the most eloquent appeals, but in vain. No part of 
the union suffered more than Pittsburg. From the address of 
that city we quote a single paragraph — 

" The tide of importation has inundated the country with fo- 
" reign goods. Some of the most valuable and enterprizing citi- 
" zens have been subjected to enormous losses^ and others over- 
" whelmed with bankruptcy and ruin. The pressure of war was 
** less fatal to the hopes of enterprise and industry^ than a gene- 
*' ral peace ^ xvith the calamities arising from the present state of 
" our foreign trade.'''' 

Part of the long catalogue of ills, it was out of our power to 
prevent ; among the rest, the reduction of our commerce, and the 
consequent depreciation in the value of our shipping. The na- 
tions of Europe could not be expected to allow us to continue 
the commerce that naturally belonged to them, longer than suit- 
ed their convenience. Nor could we by any means have pre- 
vented the reduction of the price of our wheat, flour, &c. Sec. 
when a cessation of the destruction caused by war, and the re- 
turn of so many of the soldiery to the labours of the field, not 
only increased the capacity of supply, but diminished the con- 
sumption of Europe. But a sound policy would have averted 
three-fourths of our sufferings, and mitigated the residue. It 
would have afforded other employment for our superfluous com- 
merical capital ; made a domestic market for our cotton ; and 
fostered our woollen and various other manufactures to an ex- 
tent almost commensurate with our wants. 

We enjoyed for twenty years a very great proportion of the 
trade of the world, far beyond our due share — and, to use the 
words of an English statesman, were " hardly scratched by our 
war" of two years and a half. We closed it in a most prosperous 
situation, calculated to excite the envy of our enemies, and the 
gratulations of our friends. All that was necessary to insure 
the permanence of our happiness and prosperity, was to protect 
our national industry, after the example of all the wise nations 
of Europe. We fatally abandoned it to a hopeless struggle with 
foreign rivalship. It sunk a victim in the unequal contest. And 
our melancholy example is added to those of Spain and Portugal 
to warn other nations against the rocks on which we have ship- 
wrecked our happiness. By our system of buying goods where 
they could be had cheapest, supporting foreign manufacturers, 
and consigning our own to ruin, we have, during a period of 



ADDRESSES. 201 

profound peace of nearly five years, not only lost all the advan- 
tages acquired by our long-continued neutrality, but find our- 
selves in as unprosperous a situation as when the wars of the 
French revolution began. 

The transition is immense and lamentable : and we are per- 
suaded that, except in the case of Portugal at the commencement 
of the last century, there is no instance to be found in the annals 
of Europe for two hundred years, of so precipitous a fall in so 
short a space of time, without war, famine, or pestilence. Spain, 
which exhibits the mouldering ruins of a mighty empire, fell, it 
is true, from a higher pinnacle to a lower abyss ; but the descent 
required centuries of misrule, with bloody wars, and remorseless 
persecutions. 

The source of the change is by some of our citizens sought 
for in the transition of the world from a state of war to a state 
of peace, which has produced distress, it is said, in most parts 
of Europe. This idea is erroneous. The distress is far from 
general. It prevails extensively, it is true, in Great Britain, 
where machinery, superseding so large a portion of the manual 
labour of the country, has driven a tenth part of the population 
to a dependence on the poor rates, and where the nation is borne 
down by an enormous debt, an expensive government, and grind- 
ing tythes and taxes. It would be lost labour to prove, what is 
obvious to the world, that between her case and ours there is no 
analogy. 

We have given a faithful picture of the disastrous situation in 
which this great nation is placed by a mistaken policy. It now 
remains to trace the outlines of a policy by which the evils 
we suffer might have been averted — and the course to be pur- 
sued, in order to extricate ourselves from our embarrassments. 
We have bought and consumed more than we have sold. 
Our imports for five years have been above one hundred millions 
of dollars more than our exports. This solves the mvsterj% 
The distress and embarrassment arising from all the other sour- 
ces, would have been but temporary. Bankruptcy and ruin 
tread on the heels of individuals whose expenses exceed their 
income. No law, human or divine, exempts nations from the 
same fate. Spain and Portugal, to which we have so often re- 
ferred, are standing monuments of the soundness of the maxim, 
that even inexhaustible mines and rich colonies will not secure 
the prosperity or happiness of nations that are so misguided as 
to expose the productive industry of their people to destruction, 
by the overwhelming competition of foreigners. How much 
stronger and more irresistibly does the argument apply to the 
united states, possessing neither mines nor colonies, and whose 
resources solely depend on the fruits of their industry ! How 
carefully therefore should that industry be cherished ! 

26 



202 ADDRESSES. 

The imports of the united states for the last five years, exclu- 
sive of what has been re-exported, have been abo jt 420,000,000 
dollars, viz. 

1815 gl 18,914,000 

1816 60,569,000 

1817 73,516,000 

1818 94,477,0 

1819 (J)er estimate) . - . . 74,000,000 

g42 1,476,000 

Our exports have fallen one hundred millions short of our 
imports. As this was a result that might easily have been, and 
indeed was foreseen, it ought to have been guarded against as 
far as legislation could afford a remedy. The remedv was to 
exclude, or reduce our consumption of, the fabrics of the old 
world, so as to bear a proper proportion to its demand for our 
staples. This was fatallv neglected. 

It required but little penetration to see that our means of pay- 
ment were wholly inadequate to meet such enormous imports ; 
that the countrv must be greatlv impoverished by them ; that its 
prodactive industrv would be paralized ; and that much misery 
must be the necessary consequence. All the sagacity of our 
stntesraen ought to have been put into requisition, to avert the 
impending evils, and to steer our bark safe through tbe shoals 
and quicksands, by which she was menaced. Every month 
made appearances more and more portentous, and more strongly 
indicated the necessity of adapting bold and decisive measures. 
Unhappily the views of most of our statesmen were almost 
wholly bounded by the security of the revenue ! and many were 
only anxious to avoid '' f-'/xrig- the many for the benefit of the 
ftiv /"" These were the grand objects of solicitude, and outweigh- 
ed all other considerations. They viewed with unconcern the 
inundation of foreign merchandize, which drained our country 
of its wealth — ruined our manufacturers — and doomed our 
working people to idleness, to want, and too often to crime ! 
The more foreign goods came in, the cheaper they were sold, 
and the higher the revenue rose ! And this appeared to atone 
for all the disastrous consequences it produced ! 

On this point, it might be sufficient to reply with Alexander 
Hamilton — 

" There is no truth that can be more firmly relied upon, than 
" that the interests of t lie revenue are promoted hif rvhatever pro- 
" mvtes an increase of national indnstnj and ivealth.''''^ 

It requires but little reflection to perceive the cogency of this 

* Hamilton's Report. 



ADDRESSES. 203 

maxim. A prospierous people will naturally indulge in luxuries, 
wb.ich are generally brought from foreign nations — and will bear 
high 'uties. A revenue resting on such a basis would be far 
more likely to increase than to diminish. It cannot • e doubted 
tliat the customs at present, considering the impoverishment of 
the country, and the low state of our credit abroad, afford but a 
slender dependence for the treasuiy. The united states, if in- 
dustry were dul) protected, would be far better able to yield a re- 
venue of 40,000,000 of dollars per annum, than they can now 
raise 25,000,000. A prosperous nation does not feel the weight 
of taxation. A tax of half a dollar on each hearth, is more oppres- 
sive to a poor nation, than a window tax of an equal sum for 
each pane of glass, would be to a prosperous one. 

The warning voice of the wise statesmen of this country ag 
well as of Europe, which bore testimony against the policy we 
pursued, was totally disregarded. 

" It would be extending the freedom of trade far beyond its 
" proper bounds, to admit all the productions of a nation which 
" prohibits ours, or admits them under duties equivalent to apro- 
" luiitjon.'''''* 

" The substitution of foreign for domestic manufactures is a 
'■^ transfer to Jcreig-n nations of the advantages accruinir from 
'' machinery in the modes in •u>hich it is capable of being en.ployed 
" with most ability and to the greatest extent.'''' j 

" The establishment of manufactures is calculated not only to 
" increase the general stock of useful and productive labour^ but 
" even to improve the state of agriculture in particular.^'*-\ 

"• Considering a monopoly of the domestic market to its own 
" manufactures as the reigning policy of manufacturing nations, 
" (t similar policy on the part of the united -states .^ in every proper 
" instance, is dictated, it might almost be said by the principles 
" of distributive justice — certainly by the duty of securing to their 
^'- oxvn citizens a reciprocity of advantages \ 

What admirable lessons ! What sublime views ! How la- 
mentable that they were entirely disregarded ! Our misguided 
policy is a century at least behind them. The plans of our 
statesmen unhappily did not extend so far. We once more re- 
peat, that the hope ol buying cheap goods from Hindostan and 
Europe — the dread of impairing the revenvie — and the desire of 
fostering a commerce, which wiis expiring bevond the power of 
resuscitation, produced a policy of which the fatal consequences 
will be long felt, not merely by the sufferers, but by the whole 
nation. 

Had our government prohibited some leading articles, which 
we could ourselves have supplied, such as all kinds of coarse 

* Chaptal. f Hamilton's Report. 



204 ADDRESSES. 

cotton goods, some of the woollen, &c. Sec. and laid ^igh addi- 
tional duties on those we were obliged to receive from foreign 
countries, our importations would probably have been diminish- 
ed one-fourth, without impairing the revenue — and the following 
salutary consequences would have resulted. 

1. There would have been probably 100,000,000 of dollars, 
less debt contracted to Europe. 

2. That amount would have been added to the stock of na- 
tional wealth. 

3. Our whole population would have been maintained in pro- 
fitable employment. 

4. The revenue would have been indemnified by the increase 
of the duties upon those goods imported, for what it might have 
1 St bv the exclusion of the others. 

5. As the reduction of the revenue would have been prevent- 
er , we should not have a direct tax suspended over our heads. 

6. We should have paid for our importations by our exports, 
a d not been obliged to remit government and bank stock in pay- 
ment. 

7. Our commercial credit in Europe, which has received a 
deep stain, would have remained unimpaired. 

8. We should have consumed so large a proportion of our cot- 
ton, as would have prevented the ruinous reduction of its price 
in Europe, and produced immense advantage to our planters. 

9. Our woollen manufacture would have insured a market for 
the wool of our Merinos, and prevented the destruction of that 
valuable race of animals ; to the great benefit of our farmers. 

10. Our banks would not have been drained of their specie, 
and obliged to press on their debtors. 

11. We should have escaped the state of impoverishment, 
embarrassment and distress in which we find ourselves placed. 

12. The prosperity universally felt would have increased the 
-attachment of our citizens to our form of government, and 
drawn the bands of union tighter. 

13. Our citizens would not seek an asylum in Cuba. 

14. State legislatures would not have had recourse to the des- 
perate measure of suspending the collection of debts. 

15. Thousands of useful artists and manufacturers would have 
migrated to our country; and an incalculable amount of " /:Ae 
muimjacturing skill and capital of foreign nations -would have 
been '•'• promptly transferred to the united states ^ and incorporated 
into the doi7iestio capital of the union.^^^- 

* This sound view is taken from the late report of the secretary of the treasury. 
It is deeply to be lamented that so obvious and important an idea does not ap- 
pear to have ever heretofore influenced our souncUs. 



ADDRESSKS. 205 

Although the millions of capital lost by this policy, cannot be 
regained, nor the thousands whom it has vitally injured or ruined 
be indemnified for their sufferings — yet in the midst of the gloom 
that surrounds us, there is matter for consolation, that congi-ess 
have a remedv completely within their power. All that is ne- 
cessary is to afford our manufacturing citizens a portion of such 
protection as England, France, Russia and A usti'ia afford theirs. 
We should then reduce our wants within our means of pay- 
ment. The whole face of affairs would at once be changed. 
Millions of dormant capital uould be put into circulation. Our 
Industrious population would find immediate employment. Pro- 
perty of every kind would rise in value. Confidence would be 
restored. Prosperity and happiness would again visit us with 
" heahngon their zvings.''^ 

Although we have already repeatedly stated in detail the pro- 
lection afforded by those great nations to their manufacturers, 
we deem it proper to present an outline of it here. 

Great Britain prohibits, even from her own dependencies, ca- 
licoes, manufactures of gold, silver, or metal ; laces, ribands, silk 
goods, &c. and her protecting duties in most cases, are equivalent 
to prohibition. Manufactures of brass, copper, carriages, thread 
stockings, clocks, &c. are subject to fifty-nine per cent. ; china 
and eaithenware, shawls, &c. pay seventy-nine; cottons, cotton 
stockings, caps, thread, and linen sails, pay eighty-five ; glass 
manufactures generally one hundred and fourteen ; skins or furs 
tanned, tawed or curried, and articles made of leather, or where- 
of leather is the article of chief value, one hundred and forty -two 
per cent.* 

Linen, when chequered or striped, printed or stained, is sub- 
ject to one hundred and forty-two per cent, duty ; but only to 
sixty-three when not chequered or striped. She hereby secures 
to her own subjects the profits of the staining and printing.* 

Against the policy we advocate of affording protection to those 
of our citizens engaged in manufactures, the leading objections 
are — 

I. That it is unjust to tax the many for the benefit of the 
few. 

II. That high duties encourage smuggling. 

I. 

So much has been written against the protection of manufac - 

tures, on the injustice of" taxing the many for the benefit of the 

few," that a large portion ol our citizens are persuaded, that the 

manufacturers alone are protected, — that this protection is abso- 

* See British tariff, passim. 



iiOG ADDRESSES. 

lately gratuitous — and that neither agriculture nor commerce 
has any reciprocal advantage. 

It is hardly possible to conceive of a much greater error. — It 
is in fact the reverse of truth. 

We hope to prove — 

That the protection afforded to manufactures bears no pro- 
portion in its effect to that afforded to agriculture and com- 
merce. 

To arrive at a correct conclusion, it is necessary to define 
what is meant by the word/^'^J^er^/o^z, as here employed. Otier- 
wise we might spend our time and that of our readers to no pur- 
pose. 

By *■'' protections^ then, we mean such a governmental regula- 
tion, by duties or prohibitions, as saves any class of our citizens, 
whether farmers, manufacturers, or merchants, from being un- 
dermined or ruined by foreign rivals. As we do not pretend to 
critical exactness, which cannot be deemed necessary, we trust 
this definition will be admitted, as sufficiently precise to answer 
our purpose. 

It is obvious, that in this view, the word has reference not to 
the amount, but to the effect of the duty : for example, 15 per 
cent, may exclude one rival article, while Z5 would not another. 
The former, therefore, is far more complete protection than the 
latter, in such particular cases. 

It may be necessary to exemplify this theory. Hemp is a very 
bulky article in proportion to its value. The freight is high, 
and amounts to about eighteen per cent. Fine cambrics and mus- 
lins occupy but small space, and are probably not subject to more 
than one per cent, freight. It is therefore obvious, that a duty 
of five per cent, on hemp, and 22 per cent on cambrics, would 
place the American farmer and manufacturer on precisely the 
same ground, so far as respects freight and duties ; that is, they 
would have twenty-three per jCent. advantage over their foreign 
rivals. 

But another very important consideration remains. Articles 
which foreign nations possess great capacity to produce, require 
stronger protection than those of which the production is more 
limited. Thus the machinery of Great Britain affording her a 
capacity to produce nuslins or cambrics to an almost unlimited 
extent — and the production of hemp being incapable of that ex- 
tension, a further increase of duty on muslins or cambrics ap- 
pears necessary, to place the manufacturer on the same ground of 
security as the farmer. Hence the duty ought to be adjusted on 
a compoud ratio of the amount of freight and the difficulty or 
facility of production. 

We trust these premises are clear and irrefutable, and that 
they cannot fail to dispel the clouds that have been spread over 
this subject. 



AT5T511ESSKS. 207 

The great mass of manufactured articles imported into this 
country, are subj^-ct to duties ad valorem. There are five dif- 
ferent classes of those duties, seven and a half, fitteen, twenty, 
twenty-five, and thirty per cent. The amount of the importa- 
tions of all these descriptions for 1818, was 58,795,574 dollars. 
There are, however, some manufuciured articles subject to spe- 
cific duties. But the amount is trivial; as the duties of this 
description, in 1818, except those on teas, wines, meiasses, 
spirits, sugar, coffee, and salt, were only 1,591,701 dollars ; un- 
der which were included oils, cweoa, chocolate, amionds, cur- 
rants, prunes, figs, raisins, cheese, tallow, mace, nutmegs, 
clo'. es, pepper, pimento, cassia, indigo, cotton, ochre, white and 
red lead, hemp, coal, fish, &c. &c. When the duties on these 
are deducted from the above sum of 1,591,701 dollars, the manu- 
factured articles, on which the remainder is collected, will, as 
we said, appear quite trivial. 

1 he articles paying ad valorem duties, were divided as fol 
lows : — 

g Per cent. 

of the whole. 

2,387,693 a 7\* per cent, equal to about 4 ■ 

19,445j525 a 15 equal to .... 3S 

9,524,531 a 2J equal to 16 

24,S.j4,188 a 25 equal to .... 42 

2,633,637 a 30 equal to 4^ . 

58,795,574 

We annex a statement of the chief articles subject to thos^ 
several duties. 

TABLE I. 

Articles subject to 7^ per cent, ad valorem. Y 

Articles composed wholly or cliieHy of Lace shawls, 

gold, Silver, pearl or precious stones, Lace shades. 

Embroidery, Pastework, 

Epaulets, Pearls, and other stones, set, 

Gold watches. Silver lace. 

Gold lace, "Watches, and parts of watches of all 
Jeweliy, kinds. 

Lace veils, 

• To all the ad valorem duties herein stated is to be added 10 per cent, Thtn 
15 per cent is actually 16^, &c. &c. 

f Add ten per cent, as before. 



208 


ADDRESSES. 




TABLE n. 


Artidts subject to 15 fter cent, ad valorem.* 


Agricultural. 


Manufactured. 


Apricots, 


Bricks, 


Apples, 


Brass in sheets. 


Beans, 


Brazing copper. 


Barley, 


Bolting cloths. 


Buckwheat, 


Combs, 


Butter, 


Copper bottoms. 


Beef, 


Clocks, and parts thereof. 


Cider, 


Corks, 


Feathers for beds, 


Gold leaf. 


Flour 


Hair-powder, 


Grapes, 


Ink-powder, 


Hams, 


Linens, 


Hay, 


Lampblack, 


Honey, 


Maps and Charts, 


Hair, 


Manufactures of flax not enumerated;, 


Indian cori. 


Paints, 


Linseed, 


Printed books. 


Malt, 


Pictures, 


Nuts, 


Prints, 


Onions, 


Paper toys. 


Oats, 


Paper snuff boxes. 


Potatoes, 


Paintings, 


Perry, 


Silks, 


Pearl Ashes, 


Slates, 


Pitch, 


Starch, 


Peas, 


Stuff shoes. 


Pork, 


Silk stockings. 


Pears, 


Sealing wax. 


Peaches, 


Thread stockings. 


Potashes, 


Tiles, 


Quills, 


Worsted shoes, &c. 


Rosin, 




Bice, 




Eye, 




Tobacco in the leaf^ 




Tar, 




Turpentine, 




Wheat, &c. &c. 






TABLE m. 


Articles subject to 20* per 


cent, ad valore^n, luholly manufactureU. 


Buckles, 


Japanned wares. 


Buttons, 


Lead manufactures. 


Brass manufactures. 


Muskets, 


Brass wire. 


Printing types. 


Button moulds. 


Pottery, 


China ware. 


Pewter manufacture*, 


Cannon, 


Pins, 


Cutlery, 


Plated ware. 


Cloth, hempen 


Steel manufactures, 


Cotton stockings. 


Stone ware. 


Earthen ware 


Side arms. 


Fire arms. 


Sail cloth. 


Gut wares. 


Tin manufactures. 


Glass, 


Wood manufactureSj 


Iton manufactures, 


Woollen stockings. 



' Add ten per cent, as before. 



ADDRESSES. 209 

To a candid public, we submit these three tables for their 
most serious consideration. The deductions from them are of 
immense importance to the future prosperity and happiness of 
this country. We trust they will be found to prove that the 
prevailing opinions on the exclusive protection of manufac- 
tures are destitute of foundation — and that, so far as these tables 
extend, the balance is most unequivocally in favour of agricul- 
ture, although agriculture itself is not sufficiently protected. 
Lives there a man who will not admit that 

Beef, Indian Corn, 

Pork, Flour, 

Hams, Wheat, 

Butter, Tar, 

are incomparably better protected at 15 per cent, than 

Clocks, Printed books. 

Gold leaf. Silk and thread stockings, 

Linens, Stuii' or worsted shoes, 
Manufactures of flax, 

at the same rate ? or than 

Cliina ware. Plated ware. 

Cotton and woollen stockings. Printing types. 

Manufactures of steel. Sail clotii, &c. 
Pins, 

at 20 ? We submit the question to the most decided opposer of 
manufactures in the country, and cannot for a moment doubt the 
issue. It cannot be denied that hams, boards, Indian corn, tar, 
and turpentine are better protected by 15 per cent, than buckles, 
buttons, or cotton stockings, would be by 40 or perhaps 50. 

The manufactured articles subject to 25 and 30 per cent, re- 
main. The former are confined to cotton and woollen goods, 
manufactures of copper, silver and plated sadlery, and coach and 
harness furniture. 

Half of the articles subject to 30 per cent, duty, are unim- 
portant ; do not interfere with our manufactures ; and are not to 
be taken into view in the present discussion — as 

Artificial flowers, Mustard, 

Balsams, Olives, 

Bristol stones, Ornaments for head dresses, 

Cosmetics, Perfumes, 

Comfits, Pickles, 

Crapes, Sallad oil. 

Canes, Sticks for umbrellas. 

Fans, Sweetmeats of all kinds. 

Feathers, Walking sticks. 

Mats of flags, or grass. Washes, &c. &c. 

MiUiner)'^, 

27 



210 ABDXESSES. 

There are, however, some important articles included in this 
class ; among which are manufactures of leather, hats, cloth- 
ing rea iy made, carriages, cabinet wares, &c. But the amount 
of the whole class is insignificant, being not four per cent, of the 
importations of the country for 1818, as may be seen above, 
p. 20r. 

We will now compare the highest duties on productions of the 
soil and on man\ifactures. We select from the former, four ar- 
ticles, cotton, coal, hemp, and cheese ; and shall add manufac- 
tured tobacco and snuff, tse duties on which are calculated sole- 
ly to aid the planter ;* also, spirits, the duties on which are im- 
posed to aid the farmer directly in the production of peach 
brandy, apple whiskey, &c. and indirectly in the consumption of 
his grain. 

Cost. Duty, 

dols. cts. dols. cti. Per cent. 

Liverpool coal, per bushel . - - 13 5 38§ 

Bengal cotton, per lb. - - - - 10 3 30 

Biissia hemp, per ton, - . - . 114 30 26 

Holland cheese, per lb. - - - - 10 9 90 

French cheese 13 9 70 

English cheese 18§ 9 49 

Manufactured tobacco .... 10 10 100 

Snuff" 20 12 60 

Jamaica rum, per gallon 70 48 68 

Geneva 55 45 80 

Comparison. 

Per cent. Per cent. 

Cotton Manufactures! * " 25 Cotton, raw, ... 30 

Woollen manufactures - - 25 Hemp - . , - 26 

Plated saddlery - . - 25 Tobacco - - . 100 

Manufactures of leather - 30 Snuff - - . - 60 

Hats 30 Coal - ... 38| 

CaiTiages - . . - . 30 Cheese > - 49, 70, 90 

Cabinet wai-es - - - 30 Rum - ... 68 

Geneva - . - - BOi 

Three of the agricultural articles, which are raw materials, 
claim particular attention, flax, cotton, and hemp, with the cor- 
responding fabrics. 

Duty per cent. Duty per cenf. 

Flaxf .... 15 Linenf ... - 15 

Hemp ... 26 Hempen cloth - - 20 

Cotton .... 30 Cotton goods, (above 25 cents 

per square yard) - - 25 

Here we find raw materials subject to higher duties than the 
artiv;i - manufactured of them ! A case probably without paral- 
lel in the annals of trade and commerce ! The general practice 
of t'se wisest nations of the old world, is, to discourage the ex- 
portation of raw materials ; to admit them duty free, or at least 
under very iignt duties ; and to burden the manufactured articles 

* See this point satisfactorily cleared up in the strictures on Mr. Cambreleng's 
Exanunation oi the tarili, postea. 

t Add ten per cent, as before. 



ABDRES8KS. 211 

as high as they will bear. The whole of these regulations have 
two grand objects in view, of which a wise government will ne- 
ver lose sight — the protection of domestic industry, and the pro- 
motion of the national wealth, power, and resources. Whereas, 
in the plenitude of our great wisdom, we burden the raw materi- 
al with a heavier duty than the manufactures in which it is em- 
plojed !* 

Another view of the subject. 

Cotton, we see, is subject to three cents per lb. duty. The 
freight is equal to the duty — amounting together to 6^) per cent. 
Whereas the duty on cottons (above 25 cents per square yard) 
is 25 per cent. — and freight about one per cent. 

Wonderful contrast ! 

Freight and duty. Freight and duty. 

Per cent. Per cent. 

Baw cotton ... 60 Cotton manufactiu'es - 26 

We are fully persuaded, that the tariff of no country, in the 
darkest ages of the world presents such a fact as this, so admira- 
bly calculated to tear up industry by the roots ! It is a centary 
at least behind the policy of Edward III. and six behind the 
light of this age. That prince bestowed bounties, immunities, 
privileges, and premiums for the encouragement of the woollen 
manufacture, and prohibited the export of the raw material, and 
the importation of the manufactured article ! 

We will contrast this portion of our tariff, with corresponding 
parts of the tariff of France, England, and Russia. 

French Tanff. 
D\ity pel- cent. 
Flax - - - - 1 Linen prohibited. 

Hemp ... 1 Hempen cloth prohibited. 

Cotton - - - - 1 Cotton goods prohibited. 

Cotton is admitted in Russia, duty free — but allkindu of print- 
ed., stained^ or painted cotton goods are xuholly prohibited. 

Cotton pays only six per cent, duty in Great Britain, accord- 
ing to the latest regulations ; but calicoes are wholly prohibited, 
and all kinds of cotton goods, which are admitted, are subject to 
85 per cent duty. 

It is hardly possible to conceive of a greater contrast than is 
here exhibited between our policy and that of those great nations. 
Their policy is that of Colbert, Sully, the Great Frederick, and 
all the other celebrated statesmen, who rank so high in history — 
whereas r)urs is exactly similar to that of Spain, Portugal, and 
Italy. We are in a dilemma. Either we are wiser than all the 
practical statesmen of Europe, or our system is radically wrong. 
If we "judge of the tree by its fruits," we may easily decide. Its 
res alts have been of the most destructive character. 

• Yet manufacturers are gravely reproached for their inj^ratitude for the pro- 
tection they enjoy. 



212 ADDRESSES. 

Here we close the subject as respects the comparative pro- 
tection afForded to the productions of the earth, ai>d to manufac- 
tures. We trust that every reader who has given it a fair consid- 
eration, will readily agree that the interests of agriculture have 
not been overlooked ; that the prejudices that prevail on the sub- 
ject of the extraordinary protection afForded to manufactures, 
are not only not true, but the very reverse of truth ; and that a 
large portion of our manufacturing establishments, for want of 
adequate protection, are prostrate, and their proprietors ruined. 
Protection of Commerce. 

It now remains to ascertain whether the mercantile interest has 
e--peri' need the fostering care of the government — and whether 
the merchants are justified in uniting in the everlasting clamour 
against the manufacturers for "• taxing the many for the benefit 
of the few." We hope to make it appear, that the policy of our 
government towards the commercial part of our citizens has 
been magnanimous and liberal to the last degree, and that it has 
afforded them as complete protection as was in its power. Hap- 
py for this country would it have been, had the same liberal and 
national spirit presided over its councils so far as regards 
manufactures ! Instead of the lamentable scene we now present 
to the world, we should exhibit as grand a picture of happiness 
and prosperity as has ever been witnessed. 

The policy of England, the wisest nationin the old world, on 
the subject of trade and commerce, is not, we hope to miake 
appear, superior to that of our government on this point. 

In a former address, No. 11, (see ante page 151) we enumerated 
sixteen acts, or pai'ts of acts, passed for the especial protection of 
commerce, out of a much larger number to be found in our sta- 
tute books. Being limited for room, we shall refer to the above 
address, and shall here confine ourselves to four acts, which 
will be amplv adequate to establish our position on this subject. 

The attention of congress was early alive to the interests of 
the mercantile part of the community — and it has never ceased 
to watch over them with the most laudable solicitude. By the 
second act passed by the first congress, the China trade was at 
one stroke secured to our merchants, by a decisive difference in 
the duties on teas — viz. 







In American 


In foreign 






vessels. 


vessels. 






Cents. 


Cents. 


Bohea .... 


Per lb. 


6 


15 


Souchong- and other black teas 


- 


10 


22 


On all Hvson teas 


. 


20 


45 


On all other green teas - 


- 


12 


27 



There was, moreover, a discrimination of ten per cent, made 
by the same act in favour of American tonnage in the duties on 
imports . 



ADDRESSES. 



213 



The third act had the same marked and decided character. 
The tonnage on foreign vessels was fi.\ed at 50 cents — and on 
American only 6. But even this discrimination was not deem- 
ed sufficient; for the former were obliged to pav toniii ge for 
every coasting voyage ; whereas the latter paid but once a year. 

" Our discriminations operated powerfully in favour ot our 
shipping. Vessels not of the united states, of two hundred tons 
burden, on entering our ports, paid twenty pounds sterling ton- 
nage dut)- ; and for a cargo of the value of two thousand p»)ur ds 
sterling, they paid fifteen pounds sterling, extra duty, more than 
did the vessels of the united states, of the same tonnage, ana la- 
den as aforesaid. These extra charges were sufficient to drive 
from our ports, the greatest proportion of the foreign tonnage. 
All foreign nations were affected by the system we had adopted. 
It seemed to operate like magic in favour of the ship owners of 
the united states. The diminution of the foreign tonnage em- 
ployed in our trade, was, with very few exceptions, rapid, regu- 
lar, and permanent. In 1793, our tonnage exceeded that of 
every other nation, except one."* 

From these facts there is no appeal. They are conclusive, 
and set the question at rest for ever. The effect was to multi- 
ply the American shipping to an extent un]:aralleled in the his- 
tory of commerce. The following table exhibits the results. 

TABLE 

Of the tonnage employed hi the Lofnn-'erce of this country Jo j' 

txventy-txvo years.\ 





American vessels. 


Foreign vessels. 




Coasting- ti-ade. 


Foreig-n trade. 


Foreign trade. 


1796 


195,423 


675,046 


49,960 


1797 


214,077 


608,7u8 


76,693 


1798 


227,343 


522,045 


88,568 


1799 


22j,904 


626,945 


109,599 


1800 


245,295 


682,871 


122,403 


1801 


246,255 


849,3u2 


157,270 


18U2 


260,543 


798,805 


145,519 


1803 


268,676 


787,424 


163,714 


1804 


286,840 


821,962 


122,141 


18..5 


301,366 


922,298 


87,842 


1806 


309,977 


1,044,005 


90,984 


1807 


318,189 


1,089,876 


86,780 


1808 


387,684 


525,130 


47,674 . 


1809 


371,5j0 


603,931 


99,2u5 


1810 


371,114 


906,434 


80,316 


1811 


386,258 


948,247 


33,2u2 


1812 


443,180 


667,999 


47,098 


1313 


430,404 


237,348 


113,827 


1814 


425,713 


59,626 


48,301 


1815 


435,066 


706,463 


217,376 


1816 


479,979 


877,031 


259,017 


1817 


481,547 


780,136 


212,420 


7,310,333 


15,741,632 


2,459,909 



Seybert, 294. 



tldem, 317—18 



'il4i ADDRESSES, 

Total coasting trade, American tonnage . - . row* 7,31 0,33S 

Foreign trade do. - - , . 15,741,632 



American tonnage . - - . . 23,051,965 

Foreign tonnage in Foreign trade - » - - 2,459,309 



Grand total 25,511,874 

Thus it appears that the merchants have, from the commence- 
ment of the government, enjoyed an entire monopoly of the 
coasting trade, which employs above 28 per cent, of the whole of 
the shipping of the country ; and above 90 per cent, of all the 
foreign trade. 

The above two acts were the first passed by our government 
in favour of commerce. We will, as stated above, pass over the 
long list to be found scattered through our statute books, 
and refer only to the two last passed with the same ^'iew. — 
We mean the act on the subject of plaster of Paris, and that mag- 
nanimous national measure of prohibiting the entry into our 
ports, of vessels from those colonies of Great Britain, into 
which our vessels are prohibited to enter — an act of the most 
decisive and energetic character. 

Besides the preceding protection to commerce, which, by the 
exclusion of foreign competition, produces the effect so much in- 
veighed against in the case of manufactures, of "' taxing- thtina- 
nyfor the benejit of the few!!'' that is, in plain English, of enhan- 
cing the price of freight, at the e::ipense of the whole nation, for 
the benefit of the merchants, there is another species of protec- 
tion extended to commerce, of a more costly character. It i,3 
comprised under four heads. Expenses incurred for — 

1. Foreign intercourse — 

2. Barbary powers — 

3. The navy — 

4. War. 

That the first and second items are chargeable wholly to com- 
merce, will not be denied. Some question may arise respecting 
the third — but it is obvious, that for every other purpose than 
the protection of commerce, 150,000 dollars per annum would 
be adequate for the navy of the united states. The expenses for 
four entire years, 1791, 1792, 1793, and 1 794, were below 70,000 
dollars. 

On the subject of the fourth item, there will be still more di- 
versity of sentiment. It requires, however, but a moderate por- 
tion of candour to admit, that nine-tenths of all the difficulties 
we have had with foreign powers, have arisen wholly from com- 
merce. From the wholesale depredations of 1793, down to the 
orders in council and the Berlin and Milan decrees, every page 



ABDKCSSES. 



SIS 



of our history ^ears this solemn truth in legible characters, that 
we should h;ive steered our bark in ^jeace through all the tremen- 
dous convulsive struggles of the wirs arising from the French 
revolution, but for the collisions caused, by our commerce. We 
state two facts within the knowledge of every man acquainted 
with our affairs for the last twenty-five vears. When about three 
hundrc'J of our vessels, engaged in the trade with the French 
colonies, were seized in 1793, we were in the most imminent 
diiiiger of war — various retaliatory measures were proposed in 
congress, among which the sequestration of British debts stood 
conspicuous. Nothing saved the country from a recourse to 
arms at that time, but the interference of the president, and the 
mission of Mr. Jay to London. In 1805 — 6. the depredations 
were renewed with additional violence, and the merchants from 
Nevvburyport to Baltimore were most importunate in their re- 
quisitions on congress, for protection and redress, whence arose 
that series of restrictive measures which a few years afterwards 
eventuated in war. 

We will now state, the expense incurred for the naval depart* 
ment foreign intercourse, and Barbara powers, for 20 years — 
and for the military department for four, embracing the three 
years in which war raged and the succeeding one. 





\aval department. 


Foreign intercourse 


Barbar}- powers. 


1796 


274,784 


1j9,739 


75,120 


1797 


382,631 


172,5J4 


497,284 


1798 


1,381,347 


242,711 


214,717 


1799 


2,858,081 


199,074 


72,000 


1800 


3,448,716 


185,145 


210,142 


18^1 


2,111,424 


13^,851 


155,825 


18v2 


915,561 


416,253 


134,672 


18J3 


1,215,230 


1,001,968 


108,866 


1804 


1,189,832 


1,129,591 


57,063 


1805 


l,597,5u0 


2,655,767 


142,259 


13u6 


1,649,641 


1,613,922 


146,499 


1807 


l,722,u54 


419,845 


157,980 


18>.8 


1,884,067 


214,233 


90,759 


18v9 


2,427,758 


74,918 


91,387 


ISlj 


1,654,244 


48,795 


32,571 


1811 


1,965,566 


181,746 


83,158 


1812 


3,969,365 


297,327 


50,376 


1813 


6,446,600 


153,791 


56,170 


1814 


7,311,290 


163,879 


13,300 


1815 


8,660,000 


223,781 


67,110 




§53,055,691* 


§9,644,84^.'* 


J^2,349,568* 



Expenses of the military department during the years 1812, 1813, 1814, 1815. 

1812 §12,022,798 

1813 19,747,013 

1814 20,507,906 

1815 15,208,794 

— 67,486,5111 

*Seybert,718. t Ids'" 712. 



216 



ADDRESSES. 



Expense incuiTed in twenty yeai-s for the naval department, - jg53,055,6§l 
Foreign intercourse ...... 9,448,140 

Barbaiy powers ..--..- 2,349,568 

Military department for four years - - . - 67,486,511 

Total - - - - - A - §132,339,910 

In order duly to appreciate the proportion these expenses bore 
to our commerce, we annex a statement of the exports from the 
united states for the same twenty years, from VJSi^ to 1815, in- 
clusive. 



Domestic Exports. | Foreign Exports. | 


1796 - - - - - 


40,764,097 


26,300,wOO 


1797 


29,850,206 


27,000,000 


1798 


28,527,u97 


33,000,000 


1799 


33,142,522 


45,523,000 


1800 


31,840,903 


39,13u,877 


1801 


47,473,204 


46,642,721 


1802 


36,708,189 


35,774,971 


1803 


42,205,961 


13,594,072 


1804 


41,467,477 


36,231,597 


1805 --..-. 


42,387,002 


53,179,019 


18u6 


41,253,727 


6.j,283,236 


1807 


48,699,592 


59,643,558 


1808 


9,438,546 


52,997,414 


1809 


31,405,702 


20,797,531 


1810 


42,366,675 


24,391,295 


1811 


45,294,043 


16,022,790 


1812 


30,032, lu9 


8,495,127 


1813 


25,008,152 


2,847,845 


1814 ... ... 


6,782,272 


145,169 


1815 


45,974,403 
701,606,879 


6,583,350 




608,583,572* 



Domestic exports . . . - - 

Foreign - , . - - 

Total exports . - - - - - 

Expended for protection of commerce, as above stated 



701,606,879 
608,583,572 

1,309,190,451 

§131,516,912 



It therefore irresistibly follows, that the actual disbursements 
for the protection of commerce for twenty years, have been 
eleven per cent, of the whole amount of our exports, domestic 
and foreign — and nearly twenty per cent, of the domestic ! A,nd 
yet we repeat, the merchants unite in the cry against the expense 
incurred for the protection of manufactures ! although the go- 
vernment from its first establishment has never paid one dollar. 



* Seybert, 793. 



ADDRESSES. 217" 

as loan, premium, or bount , to encourage, foster, or promote 
that portion of the national industry employed in manufactures ! 

Let it be observed that the manufacturers, while they have 
been so frequently the objects of jealousy with their fellow citi- 
zens, have had the magnanimity never to prefer a complaint 
against the protection afforded to either farmers or merchants, 
or the enormous expense incurred in defence of the latter. Nor 
would we wish it understood that we regard the fostering care 
bestowed on them as otherwise than the duty of the government. 
Our object is merely to bring the subject fairly before our fel- 
low citizens, and to prove that both agriculture and commerce 
are far more adequately protected than manufactures. 

It may be useful to compare our system of *■'■ purchasing 
•where goods can be had cheapest^'' and not "• taxmg tne many for 
the benejit of the few^^'' with that pursued in France, and to cast 
a glance at their results. 

Mons. Chaptal, minister of the Interior, during the reign of 
Bonaparte, published, a few months since, a detailed and most 
exhilarating view of the affairs of France, and of the policy that 
has led to her present prosperit\'. The product of the manu- 
factures of that country, in 1818, was 1,820,000,000 francs, 
composed of the following items : — 

Domestic raw materials ... - francs 416,000,000 

Foreign do. 186,000,000 

Laboiu- - - ... - - 844,000,000 

Various expenses, as interest, firing, repairs, &c. - - 192,U0U,U00 

Profits of the manufacturer .... 182,000,000 



Total, 1,820,000,000 



Equal to about ... - - dollars, 360,000,000 



France waged the most sanguinary wars for above twenty 
years. She was afterwards crushed by rapacious and depredat- 
ing armies — and subject to a military contribution of above 
100,000,000 of dollars. Yet she has already recovered from all 
her disasters, and is now the most prosperous nation in Europe, 
should the mighty secret be asked, by which this all-important 
change has been effected, it is reducible to a few words — she was 
not afraid of the ideal danger of " taxing the manij for the bene- 
fit of the feix}^ She protected the industiy of her subjects, 
making a small temporary sacrifice for an immense permanent 
benefit. While our statesmen were calculating about saving 
8, 10, or 12 cents per yard, by buying goods in Europe and in 
the East Indies, she for a while bought at home at double price, 
in preference to purchasing cheap abroad. She trusted that 
competition would produce the effect it has ever produced, that 
is, to bring prices to a proper level. The magnanimous policy 

28 



218 ADDRESSES. 

Succeeded — and now affords a rich harvest of private happiness 
and public prosperity. We have bought cheap abroad — and dis- 
tress overspreads our land ! She bought dear for a while at home, 
and is repaid ten fold for the temporary sacrifice ! 

It is but just to state her policy in Chaptal's own words ; — 
We hope thev will sink deep into the minds of the statesmen 
and politicians of this country. 

" Our casimers cost twenty-five francs per ell, to the manu- 
^^ facturer^ at the commencement of our operations The English 
*' offered them at half price, to the consumer. Our cambrics and 
" calicoes, ill manufactured, cost us seven to eight francs. The 
" English delivered theirs at three. 

*' Ought we, therefore, to have renounced this project of ma- 
" nufacturing conquest? No. It was our duty to persist and im- 
*' prove. This therefore is the course we pursued. And we 
*' have arrived at such a degree of perfection, that our industry 
" excites the jealousy of those from whom we have borrowed it. 

" If, during twelve or fifteen years, in which we pursued our 
" essays, our researches, our experiments, we had not excluded 
*' the competition of foreign rival articles by prohibitions.^ I ask 
** of the partisans of fifteen per cent, duty, what would have be- 
*' come of this admirable industry, which constitutes the orna- 
" ment, the glory, and the riches of France ?"* 

Smuggling. 

While ruin was successively swallowing up various manufac- 
tories, and reducing to bankruptcy their owners, who were shut 
out of the markets of foreign nations by the wisdom of those 
nations — and deprived of their own by the want of protection, 
their prayers and supplications were met by a clamour against 
the danger of smuggling that would arise from high duties. On 
this real or supposed danger, the changes have been rung from 
New Hampshire to Georgia, and from the Atlantic to the Mis- 
sissippi. Whatev^er might be the sufferings of the manufacturers, 
the assumed danger of smuggling was regarded as a conclusive 

* " Nos casimirs coutoient 25fr. I'aune au fabricant, dans le principe ; et les 
" AngloisofFi-oient les levu's au consommateur, a moitie piix ; les percalles, les ca- 
" licots, mal fabriques, nous revenoient a 7 a 8fr. I'aune ; les Anglois les livroient 
« a 3fr. 

" Falloit-il renoncer a ce projet de conquete man\ifacturiere ? Non, ilfalloit 
" persister et se perfectionner. Cest aussi la marche qu'oji a suivie : et nous 
*' sommes airives a un tel degre de perfection, que notre Industrie excite 
« aujourd'luii la jalousie de la nation qui nous I'a transmise. 

" Si, pendant douze a qainze ans qu'ont dur^ nos essais, nos rechercbes, nos 
" tatonnemens, on n'avoitpas ecart^ du concours, par la prohibition, lesproduits 
*' etrang-ers, je demande aux pailisans des 15 pour cent, ce que seroit devenue 
« cette belle Industrie qui fait I'ornement, la gloire et la richesse de la France ?" 
-^De I'Industrie Francoise, torn. II. p. 431. 



ADDRESSES. 219 

and unanswerable argument, and as forming an insuperable bar 
against making such a radical change in the tariff as would af- 
fo)d them protection. 

An objection which is regarded as so powerful, and which 
closes the ears of the national legislature to the cries, and shuts 
their eves against a view of the distresses, of so large a body of 
their fellow citizens, ought to he founded on an impregnable ba- 
sis — and demands the most rigorous scrutiny before it be ad- 
mitted as orthodox. An error on such a point is liable to pro- 
duce deleterious consequences. 

We shall therefore once more investigate the ground on which 
it rests, although we have already discussed the subject. Re- 
duced to plain English, it is — 

1. Smuggling is a dreadful and demoralizing evil that ought 
to be avoided. 

2. High duties encourage smuggling. 

3. Therefore high duties ought to be avoided. 

To render this reasoning applicable to the case in hand, two 
things are necessary to be proved. If either fail, it fails to the 
ground :— 

1. That the duties requested by, or necessary to afford ade- 
quate protection to, our manufacturers, would be so immode- 
rately high as to encourage smuggling. 

2. That our duties, in general, are calculated on a moderate 
scale, predicated on a dread of the danger of encouraging smug- 
gling by high duties. 

Neither of these positions is founded. 

We will specify a few out of a great variety of manufactures, 
which have been either wholly ruined, or greatly impaired in 
their progress, since the peace, by the inundation of rival arti- 
cles, and hope it will appear to our readers, that the duties might 
have been raised to double their present amount — so as to pre- 
serve the manufactories, without danger of smuggling — and with- 
out impairing the revenue. 

Gold Leaf; Slates, 

Linens, Sealing wax, &c. &c 

Manui'actiires of flax, 

are subject to fifteen per cent. — 

Manufactures of Steel, Earthen ware. 

Brass, Japanned ware. 

Glass, Pottery, 
Iron, Stone ware. 

Lead, Woollen stockings, 

are subject to twenty per cent. — And 

Fine cottons, and ^ Woollens^ 

are subject to twenty-five per cent. 



220 



ADDRESSES. 



Of these manufactures, several, which, in consequence of the 
exclusion of foreign rivalship, were in a flourishing state during 
the war, have since been laid prostrate A duty of 30 per 
cent, on some, and 35 on others, would have effectually secured 
them. 

Novt^, we freely appeal to men of candour and fairness, wheth- 
er those duties would have been more likely to produce smug- 
gling than the duties we have stated, on snuff, tobacco, rum or 
gin at sixty or eiglity or one hundred per cent. ? or those which 
we shall produce in the next table ? 

Will it be asserted, that if pottery, for instance, had been sub- 
ject to a dutv of 60 or 80 per cent it would have been more like- 
ly to be smuggled than any of those articles ? Surely not. The 
idea is inad-oissible. 

On the second head, the objection still more completely falls 
to the ground. Our tariff imposes duties on various articles ex- 
travagantly high. — We have already stated the cases of cheese, 
manufactured tobacco, snuff, rum, and Geneva. We proceed to 
wines, teas, and salt. 





Price.* 


Duty. 


Duty. 




cents. 


cents. 


n.;r cent. 


Sherry wine, per gallon, 


IJO 


60 


68 


Lisbon wine 


125 


60 


48 ^ 


Imperial tea, per lb. . 


65 


50 


78 


Hyson .... 


40 


40 


100 


Young- Hyson 


40 


40 


100 , 


Hyson Skin 


24 


28 


116 


Souchong 


27 


25 


98 


Bohea .... 


13 


12 


90 


Salt, per bushel, 


16 


20 


125 



Thus it appears that there are no terrors felt on the subject of 
smuggling, when those articles are in question which do not in- 
terfere with the national industry ! On these 50, 60, 70, 80, 90 
and 125 per cent, are unhesitatingly imposed. But when those 
manufactures are to be dutied, of which we have the raw mate- 
rial to the utmost extent of our wants (as, for instance, cottons, 
and, with some qualification as to present supply, we might add 
woollensj water power to manufacture them without limitation 
— and industry and enterprise never exceeded in the world — 
then the appalling spectre of smuggling arises, at the mention 
of 35,40,45, or 50 percent, to blunt the feelings of our legislators 
— to ruin a large and valuable portion of our citizens — to make 
us tributaries to foreign nations, on whom our treasures are wan- 
tonly and prodigally lavished — and to tear up by the roots a 
large portion of the productive industry, the wealth, power and re- 
sources of our country ! ! 

* Cost at the places of shipment respectively. 



ADDRESSES. 221 

To these facts we most earnestly invite the attention of those 
who have anv thing at stake on the welfare of th' ir country. In 
five years, we repeat, without war, pestilence, or famine, we have 
fallen from a towering eminence into an abyss, where we find 
bankruptcy ; character impaired at home and abroad ; forced 
idleness, misery, and distress, among thousands able and wil- 
ling to work ; demoralization ; emigration of our citizens in 
quest of an asylum which their own country does not afford 
them ; and ^n^XXy legislative suspermions of payment. We believe 
the great mass of those evils due to the policy we have pursued, 
the antipodes of that of all the wise nations of Europe — but the 
counterpart of that of Spain and Portugal. Nothing can save 
us but a full and complete protection of the domestic industry, 
which we fervently pray, may take place without delay, for the 
happiness of our citizens, and for the honour of our republican 
form of government. 



AMERICAN MANUFACTURES. 

An adjourned meeting of the citizens of the city and county of 
Philadelphia, friendly to American manufactures, was held in 
the county court house, on Saturday, the 2d of October, 1819. 

Matthew Lawler, Esq. Chairman. 
C. Raguet, Esq. Secretary. £ . 

The committee appointed for the purpose, presented the fol- 
lowing 

REPORT. 

The committee appointed by a meeting of the citizens of the 
city and county of Philadelphia, held on the 21st August, at the 
county court house, to make enquiry into the situation of the 
manufactures of the city of Philadelphia and its vicinity, in 1814, 
1816, and 1819, beg leave to report — 

That they have performed the duty assigned them with as 
much attention as in their power; and regret that notwithstand- 
ing all their diligence, they have been able to procure the neces- 
sarv information from only thirty branches of manufactures, of 
which they annex the result. 

Although they made report in part, on the 4th ult. containing 
a statement of the situation of seventeen branches, they judge 



222 



REPORT OP A 



it proper to present their fellow-citizens with a connected view 
of the whole together; so as to enable them to form a correct 
estimate on a subject of immense importance not merely to the 
welfare of this community, but to the wealth, power, and resour- 
ces of our common country ; which never can be really indepen- 
dent, while it continues to buv more than it sells — paralizes the 
industry of its citizens, neglects its domestic manufactures, and 
supports those of foreign nations. 





Cotton 
Hosiery 
Hiread 

i^ilver Plating 
"^niithery 
Coach making 
Chemicals 
Fiatting 

Carving and Gilding 
f'otterv 

T'obacco Pipes 
Printing Ink 
Book Printing 
T^ypeFoundery 
Brass Foimdery 
•'j'ire Factory 
F'oor Cloth manufactory 
Woollen 
ron Castings 
Paper making, 95 vats 
Copper smith and tin ware 
Giinsmithery 
Cabinet making 
Brush making 
Plaster and Stucco 
Bricklaying 
Patent Lamp making 
Morocco Leather, &c. 
Rope making 
Paper hanging and playing cards 


Branches 

of 

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* These lists were eollected, and this table compiled, by Dr. John Harrison. 



PHILADELPHIA COMMITTEE. 



22^ 



The following is a list of the branches of business, on which 
the committee found it impracticable to procure the necessary in- 
formation : 



Shotmakers 

Plumbers 

Coopers 

Umbrella makers 

Bookbinders 

Sugar bakers 

Chocolate makers 

SnufTand tobacco manufacturers 

Carpenters 

Painters and glaziers 

Manufacturers of gunpowder 

Shoemakers 

Engravers 



Stone cutters 
Glass manufactiu-ers 
Brewers ■> 

Tanners 
Curriers 
Dyers 

Brick makers 
Chair makers 
Glovers 
Embroiderers 
Calico printers 
Turners 
WheelwTights, &c. &c. 



It is obvious that these branches must have partaken of the 
general decay of business — but it is impossible to ascertain in 
what proportion. 

We do not pretend that the above statements are critically 
exact. It is obvious, that it would be hardly possible to render 
them so, unless they were collected officially by public authority. 
But from the characters of the citizens who have furnished our 
data, we can confidentlv assert, that if there be any errors, they 
are neither numerous nor important ; and that any slight excess 
in some is amply counterbalanced by deficiencies in others ; of 
the latter description some have already fallen within our know- 
led j2;e. 

The preceding table demands the most serious reflection of 
our citizens. It is fraught with instruction. 

The following is an analysis .* 



Average of 
1814, and 1816. 



1819. 



Diminution. 



Persons employed, 
Weekly Wages, 
W'ages per annum. 



9,425 

§58,340 

§3,033,779 



2,137 

S12,822 

§666,844 



7,288 

§45,518 

§2,366,935 



Thus in the articles of wages alone, there is in thirty branches 
of manufacture, an actual aimualloss of §2,366,935 00 

Supposing the materials only equal to the wages, 
they amount to 2,366,935,00 

Annual amount of productive industry smothered 

by our present system, 4,733,870 00 

In this city and vicinity, there are, it appears, 7,288 persons 
thrown idle. And it is far from unreasonable to presume, that 
on every person thus deprived of employment, at least two oth- 
er persons depend. Hence it follows that no less than 21,864 
persons are bereft of maintenance in thirty branches of business, 
in one single district of no great extent, not forty miles in di- 
ameter. 



224 HEtORT QS" A 

The pecuniary loss arising from this state of things may be 
calculated with tolerable certainty. But who can calculate the 
injuries of another description that flow from it I The demoral- 
ization that necessarily results from want of employment, and 
its attendant, dissipation ? the heart-rending pangs felt by pa- 
rents, whose prospects of supporting their families are blighted 
and blasted ? the numerous estimable females accustomed to 
earn a subsistence by spinning, and other employments adapted 
to their sex, and whose wants and distresses may force them to 
a life of guilt and wretchedness ? the vice and immorality, to 
which children are exposed by a career of idleness ? in a word, 
the flood of evils, moral and political, which are let loose on so- 
ciety, by the existing state of things ? 

It would far exceed the bounds of this report, to enter into de- 
tails on those various branches of business. This must be left to 
the reflection of our citizens, and of the legislature of the united 
states, who alone are competent to apply a remedy to the exist- 
ing evils. But we cannot forbear casting a glance at one partic- 
ular branch, in order to establish the impolicy of our system. 

The basis of the paper manufacture is a raw material, com- 
pletely worthless for any other purpose. All the produce of it, 
therefore, is clear gain to the community, and a solid substantial 
addition to the wealth of the countrj^. We exhibit a compara- 
tive view of the state of this branch in 1816, and ISIQ*. 

1816. 1819. Diminution. 

Workmen employed 950 175 775 

Annual wages, ^247,000 §45,000 !S202,000 

Annual production ^760,000 !S136,000 g624,000 

Tons of rags worked up 2,600 472 2.128 

Thus in one single branch, of little comparative importance, 
an annual loss of 624,0(;0 dollars is incurred in the vicinity of 
the city ; and 775 persons are rendered destitute of employment, 
many of them men and women with large families. This is inde- 
pendent of the sacrifice of the capital of the employers, which in 
many cases is reduced to one half of its former value. 

Our policy is in direct hostility with that of all the wise na- 
tions in the world for four or five hundred years past. They have 
always held out inducements to the migration of artists, mechan- 
ics, and manufacturers, whom they have received with open 
arms, and fostered and cherished, frequently by bounties and 
immunities. In some countries the emigration of such persons is 
made penal. But alas ! with us the same ruinous policy that depres- 
ses the industry of our native citizens, discourages the migration 
to our shores of foreigners devoted to manufactures. Alku'ed 
by the advantages of our excellent form of government, hundreds 
and thousands of them come to enrich us with their capital, their 
talents, and their industry ; but on their arrival they find no room 
for the employment of either industry, talents, or capital. Many 



PHILADELPHIA COMMITTEE. 225 

»f those who seek support here in their respective trades and 
professions, are obliged to earn a maintenance by low and servile 
occupations, in which their skill and talents are literally thrown 
away ; many, to our knowledge, have been reduced to mendicity; 
and hundreds are driven to Canada or Nova Scotia, or obliged 
to return to their native countries, where they hold out a beacon 
to others, not to try their fortunes in this new world. To En- 
gland no less than one hundred lately returned in one vessel. 

We beg leave to repeat, what we stated in our former report, 
that most of these manufactures are prostrated not for want ol 
protecting duties, but in consequence of the general impoverish- 
ment of the country, arising principally from the want of protec- 
tion to the great leading branches of cotton, wool, and iron. A 
large portion of our inanufactures, including the chief of those 
depending on manual labour, have succeeded completely : and it 
is a singular and striking fact, notwithstanding the high price of 
labour is so often urged against the encouragement and against 
the chance of success of manufactures here, that we yield the 
palm chiefly in those branches depending on machinery, in which 
from our numerous mill-seats, we have cdvantages beyond any 
nation in Europe. 

A trite observation is used to palliate our suiFerings, which, as 
it diverts public attention from their real sources, and thus may 
prevent the application of an adequate remedy, deserves to be 
met and refuted. We invite your attention. 

It is asserted that the present is a season of general stagnation 
and embarrassment ; that the commercial world is every where 
involved in distress, the necessary consequence of the transition 
from a state of war to a state of peace ; and that we only partici- 
pate in the general suflJering, from which we have no right to 
claim an exemption. 

These views, however plausible, are destitute of foundation, 
and are wholly unsupported by facts. That there is great dis- 
tress in certain parts of Europe, we admit ; but it is far from be- 
ing as general as is asserted. Manufactures and trade are in a 
flourishing state in France, Russia, a«d~th©^^thei-lands, in con- 
sequence of the wise system of protecting national industry, 
pursued in those countries. The first, it is stated by travellers 
of undoubted veracity, was never in a more prosperous situa- 
tion. 

But admitting for a moment, that distress and embarrassment 
were not only general, but universal in Europe, it by no means 
follows that they should extend to this countrj'. The nations of 
that quarter, with hardly any exception, were for twenty years 
wasted and consumed by a devouring war Most of them were 
subjected to the often-repeated rapine and depredation of count- 
less hordes of licentious and rapacious armies, which levied on 

29 



229 KEPORT OF A 

them most exorbitant and ruinous contributions. Their people 
are generally subject to grinding taxes, rack-rents, and oppres- 
sive tyth«^s. Their national debts are enormous, and their gov- 
ernments expensive — supported by numerous standing armies, a 
burc 1 en to the rest of the comii! vusity . 

We ask our fellow citizens, what analogy can be found between 
their situation and ours ? None. — As well might we compare 
the decay and decrepitude of seventy, to the vigour and alacrity 
of thirty, as compare some of the European nations with the 
united states. 

For nineteen successive years we enjoyed as numerous and as 
important advantages as any nation ever did. We carried on a 
most extensive and lucrative commerce with all the world, and 
•were the carriers for a large portion of the commercial nations. 
We were at war only about two years and a half, during which 
time our manufactures made a progress not often equalled, and 
perhaps never, under similar circumstances, exceeded. We 
closed the war with honour and glory, and in a state of high 
prosperity ; our debt is moderate ; our public contributions light; 
our government unexpensive ; direct taxes are hardly known. — 
We pay no tythes ; as the support of the clergy is wholly volun- 
tary; — ninety-nine out of a hundred of our farmers and planters 
own the soil they cultivate ; our people are ingenious, industri- 
cvts, and persevering : yet notwithstanding all these, and various 
other advantages, in three years, without war, famine or pesti- 
lence, we have fallen from a high grade of prosperity. Distress 
in a greater or less degree pervades the nation ; property of al- 
most every description has fallen 10, 20, 30, 40, 50. or even 60 
per cent. Industry is generally paralized, and every class of 
our citizens is embarrassed, except public officers, whose salar- 
ies remain unaltered, notwithstanding the rise in the value of 
money, and likewise great capitalists, who are enabled to possess 
themselves of the property of the distressed at one half or two- 
thirds of its value, and in some cases at one-third. 

But with our system it could not be otherwise. It never has 
been otherwise with nations whose industry has not been protect- 
ed. Had we, like the Spaniards, the mines of Potosi, we should, 
like them, be impoverished, under a system which opens our 
ports to the manufactures of all the world, while most of its markets 
are shut, not only against our manufactures, but in some cases 
against the most important produce of our soil; a system where- 
by we are deluged with immoderate quantities of luxuries, which 
we do not want, and of necessaries and conveniences, with 
which we could supply ourselves ; a system which prodigally la- 
vishes the wealth and resources of our countiy, to support the 
ag iculture, manufactures, trade, and commerce, of foreign na- 
tions, and stints and starves our own — consigning our fellow citi- 



PHILABELPHIA COMMITTEE, 22?" 

zens to distress and wretchedness : And thus, under the best 
fori;; of government in the world, we wantonly inflict on our- 
sel\ es many of the most serious and oppressive evils of the 
wor^t ; for it is an awful truth, winch we wish to be sounded in 
the ears of all the constituted authorities of the united and indi- 
vidual states, that there is no country in the civihzed zuorld^ in 
Ziihich the clas.s cj maniifa(:tiirers\ -who have at all times been most 
zenloKslu cherished bu al I wi>--e governments, are in a more unprotect- 
ed i.itu< it ion, than in the wiited states. There is not a greater dif- 
ference between light and darkness, virtue and vice, than be- 
tween the fostering care bestowed on manufactures in England, 
France, Austria and RusTia — and the cold and chilling neglect 
which the successive applications for relief, made to Congress, 
by our manufacturers in 1816, 1817, 1818, and 1819, have expe- 
rienced. They produced no more effect, and were treated with 
no more respect, than the applications of the congress of 1774, 
to the ministers of his Britannic majesty. And in fact, it is 
a melancholy truth, that the manufacturers of the united states 
are almost as completely unrepresented in Congress, as this coun- 
try, when in its colonial state, was in the British parliament : and 
history is replete with proofs that when the power of a country 
is exclusively vested in one portion of its people, the others 
rarely experience the beneficent consequences resulting from 
that " even-handed justice" which " does as it would be done 
by." 

The committee believe that one of the chief ends of govern- 
ment is the protection of property acquired, and protection in 
the acquisition ot property ; that so far as respects the latter ob- 
ject, a laige portion of the manufacturers are debarred of this 
right ; that it is impossible for one large class of citizens to suf- 
fer without the others participating in the distress ; and finally 
that although the manufacturers are the first and greatest suf- 
ferers by this baleful policy, which sacrifices their industry to 
that of foreign nations, yet, that the impoverishment of the coun- 
trv, arising from that sacrifice, has spread itself over the whole 
of the united states with the two exceptions already specified. 

Although not exactly within the duty enjoined on your com- 
mittee, they judged it not improper to exhibit a statement of the 
depreciation of the value and income of real estate in the city of 
Philadelphia, in order more fully to corroborate the view they 
have given of the existing distress. 

Of 85 houses in six continuous squares in Market street, which were 

in 1818 rented for - jg88,260 

There were, one month since, only 49 occupied, which rent for 35,205 



Dimininution of annual income in part of a single street - 53,055 

And there were n« less than 36 houses wholly unoccupied. 



228 REPORT OF A 

In those squares, many of the houses are under lease, and 
therefore have undergone no change in the rent ; and many are 
occupied by the owners, Of both descriptions no notice is taken. 
This view is wholly confined to houses of which the rent has 
been lowered, or which are unoccupied. 

And on an examination of sundry streets, being about three- 
fourths of the whole city, there were found, a fortnight since, 
not less than about 400 houses unoccupied. 

On a careful examination of the subject, your committee re- 
spectfully submit for consideration the following resolutions : 

Resolved^ That it is clearly established, on a careful examina- 
tion, that the industry of a very large portion of the inhabitants 
ol this city and its vicinity is completely destroyed, whereby 
thousands of useful citizens and their families are deprived of 
employment, and reduced to distress and difficulty. 

Resolved^ That the great difference between our situation, and 
that of those countries in Europe, which at present suffer distress 
and embarrassment, together with the solid advantages we pos- 
sess, forbid the idea that our embarrassments are owing to the 
transition from a state of war to a state of peace. — ^(2 dissenting 
voices.) 

Resolved^ That the grand and primary cause of the prostrate 
state of our manufactures, is the extravagant inundation of fo- 
reign goods poured into our country, in consequence of the want 
of adequate protection for the national industry ; which goods 
are sold at such reduced rates as to deprive our citizens of a chance 
of sale of their manufactures ; whereby our country is plunged 
in debt, our wealth drained away to support the industry of fo- 
reign nations — and a heavy permanent annual tax imposed on us, 
to pay the interest of the government and bank stock, remitted 
in payment for those goods. — (1 dissenting voice.) 

Resolved^ That the intercourse between the united states and most 
of the countries of Europe, is carried on without adequate reci- 
procity ; as our chief manufactures, and even some of our agri- 
cultural productions, are there excluded by positive prohibitions, 
or by extravagant duties, while our government prohibits no ar- 
ticle whatever, and imposes on foreign manufactures duties com- 
paratively light, and wholly inadequate for protection. 

Resolved^ That it be earnestly recommended to the friends of 
the welfare of their country, to unite their exertions to induce 
congress, at its next session, to remove the source of the evils 
under which the nation labours, by such a modification of the 
tariff, as will afford protection to the industry of the citizens of 
the united states, equal to what is afforded by the monarchies of 
Europe to the industry of their subjects. 

Resolved^ That the committee of correspondence appointed on 
the 4th ult. be a standing committee to correspond with such ci- 



PHILADELPHIA COMMITTEE. 229 

tizens of this and the other states, as may be disposed to co-ope- 
rate in the support of the national industry. 

Resolved^ tliat it be earnestly recommended to the citizens of 
Boston, New- York, Baltimore, Wilmington, Pittsburg, and all 
other places, where industry is paralized, to appoint committees 
to make enquiry into the rise, progress and decline of their ma- 
nufactures respecti'. eiy, in order to lay the result before congress, 
at their next session, so as to enable that body fully to appre- 
ciate the ruinous consequences of the existing policy, and to ap- 
ply an adequate remedy. 

Resolved^ That the memorial adopted at the meeting on the 
4th ult. together with the proceedings of this meeting, be trans- 
mitted by the committee of correspondence to the members of 
the general and state governments, and to all the post-masiers in 
the united states. 

Resolved^ That Thomas Leiper, M. Richards, James Ronald- 
son, Z. Phillips, and Thomas F. Gordon, be a committee of 
finance, for the purpose of raising subscriptions to defray the 
expenses of the publication of these documents. 

A letter from the secretary of a society formed in Boston, 
for the purpose of encouraging domestic manufactures, to a ci- 
tizen, was read — whereupon it was 

Renolved^ That the committee of correspondence open a com- 
munication with the said society upon the objects for which they 
have mutually been established. 

The question being severally put on those resolutions, they 
were duly agreed to. 

Adjourned to meet at this place on the last Monday in No*- 
vember next. 

MATTHEW LAWLER, Chairman. 

CoNDY Raguet, Secretary. 
October 2, 1819. 



Circular letter from the committee appointed at a meeting of the 
citizens of Philadelphia^ held October 2, 1819. 

CITIZENS, 

Having been appointed, by a large and respectable meeting 
of the citizens of the city and county of Philadelphia, a com- 
mittee to correspond with persons throughout the united states, 
friendly to the protection of national industry ; and also to circu- 
late the proceedings of that meeting, with their memorial to con- 
gress; we take the libertv to address you on those subjects. 

That distress and embarrassment pervade our country, to an 
extent probably never before felt here, except during the period 



230 CIRCULAR LETTER. 

that elapsed between the close of the revolutionary war, and the 
adoption of the federal constitution, cannot be denied. A large 
proportion of our manufacturing establishments are suspended, 
and nine-tenths of those that are in operation have greatly curtail- 
ed their business. Of the proprietors, many are ruined, and 
those whom strength of capital, or other advantages, have ena- 
bled to maintain the struggle, are encouraged to persevere, mere- 
ly by the hope of a favourable change in the policy of our govern- 
ment. The situation of a large portion of the workmen is truly 
deplorable. Numbers of them, with their families, are destitute 
of the means of subsistence ; hundreds are working at laborious 
employments, for little more than their bare food ; and many es- 
timable men and women, with large families, are absolutely dri- 
ven to beggary. Numerous emigrants, who, under many incon- 
veniences, have come to this country, in the flattering expecta- 
tion of having full employment in their various arts and trades, 
and enjoying the benefits of a free government, have been placed 
in the melancholy alternative of begging or starving. No small 
proportion of those who had the means, have returned to Eu- 
rope, with disappointed hopes and broken spirits. Real estate 
has _every where fallen one-third, one-half, and in many cases 
three-fifths ; our bread-stuffs are greatly reduced in price, chiefly 
in consequence of their exclusion from the markets of that coun- 
try which has maintained with us as lucrative a commerce as 
ever existed ; a country which purchases our cotton at twenty, 
twenty-five, or thirty cents per pound, and returns it to us, im- 
proved by machinery, at two, three, and four dollars per pound. 
Our towns and cities, instead of being peopled with an active 
population, whose productive industry would add to the power 
and resources of their country, and promote their own happi- 
ness, are crowded with hucksters and retailers of the products 
of the industry of foreign nations, who are so numerous that 
the business affords them but a sorry subsistence. Of the mer- 
chants, who, a few years since, carried on an extensive com- 
merce, some for twenty, thirty, and forty years, one-third, or 
one-half, are ruined. Our ships are a burden to their owners, 
whose utmost sagacity can hardly find out profitable employ- 
ment for one-fourth of them ; they are rotting at our wharves, 
and are often sold for thirty, twenty-five and even twenty per 
cent, of their cost. The farmers have not escaped the general 
distress ; as thousands of farms, throughout the united states, 
are under execution ; and, whenever brought to auction, are sa- 
crificed, on an average, at half what they would have sold for 
two or three years since. 

In this appalling state of affairs, indifference would be crimi- 
nal. The sacred duty every citizen owes to his country, im- 
periously requires exertion. It behoves every man, who ha^ 



CIRCULAR LETTER. 231 

acquired property by honest industry, and finds it, without any 
fault of his own, melting in his hands, like snow before the sun; 
wh<; has goods which he cannot sell ; real estate which he cannot 
mortgage or dispose of, to relieve himselt ; debts due, which his ho- 
nest debtors are unable to pay, in consequence of the general stag- 
nation ; who has industry or talents of any kind, on which he relies 
for a decent support, but is unable to find employment for them ; 
in a word, it behoves every man, who has a spark of pi-.blic 
spirit, or any stake in the general welfare, to probe the festering 
ulcer of public distress to the bottom, in order to ascertain its 
real source, and whether a cure is hopeless. If not, to discover 
what is the remedy, and how, when, and by whom, it ought to 
be applied. 

We are persuaded that it may be laid down as a general rule, 
which will scarcely admit an exception, that a nation like ours, 
whose citizens are ingenious, enterprising and industrious ; 
which possesses almost every variety of soil and climate, as well 
as of vegetable, animal, and mineral productions ; enjoys a free 
and unexpensive government ; is unburdened by tithes or grind- 
ing taxes ; and whose agriculturists generally own the fee sim- 
ple of the lands they cultivate — cannot, unless by war, famine, 
or pestilence, suffer such general distress as we experience, with- 
out some enormous and radical error in its political economy. 

Our vital error, to sum the whole in a few words, is, wasting 
our wealth and resources to foster and promote the agriculture, 
arts, manufactures, trade and commerce of other nations, and 
neglecting to protect those of our own country. Decay, de- 
crepitude, and ruin, have uniformly attended such a system, in 
all past ages ; and, by the eternal laws of the moral world, can- 
not fail to produce the same effect to the end of time. We have 
added our experience to that of Spain and Portugal, to prove 
this theory, and the deplorable state to which nations are reduc- 
ed by a neglect to protect domestic industry. 

Many of our citizens ascribe the whole of our distress to the 
misconduct of the banks, which, they assert, first by extravagant 
emissions, and then by pressing on their debtors, have produced 
the present stagnation. 

We do not pretend to defend the banks. There are, in various 
parts of the country, three or four times more than are necessa- 
ry. Many of them have been very ill-managed, and have done 
much mischief. But when the great mass of distress existing in 
this country, is charged to the account of those institutions, the 
effect is mistaken for the cause. The support and stay of banks 
is specie ; and, being drained of this in immense quantities, to 
pay for foreign luxuries, they must, in their own defence, curtail 
their business, press on their debtors, and produce stagnation 
and distress. As well may we expect a human being to retain 



232 CIRCULAR LETTER. 

his elasticity and energy, when from a wide orifice In one of his 
arteries, his life's blood is gushing out, as that banks can accom- 
modate the public, and by loans promote trade and commerce^ 
when they are drained of what may be styled their life's blood, 
and themselves brought to the verge of ruin 

The first step requisite towards a cure, in every case of mala- 
dy, physical or political, is to ascertam the nature and extent of 
the evil. The best mode to accomplish this object, in the pre- 
sent instance, is to appoint suitable committees to investigate the 
real state of the agriculture, manufactures, trade and commerce 
of the united states; how far they have advanced, maintained 
their ground, or declined j and if they have declined, to what 
cause it is owing. 

We therefore earnestly request you will, as early as may be, 
convene the citizens of your district, in order to appoint com- 
mittees for the above purpose, and to take their sense on the all- 
important question, whether we are to continue to lavish the 
treasures of our country on the manufacturers of Europe and 
Hindostan, while our own are consigned to ruin, and while the 
nation is, in consequence, impoverished, to procure articles 
abroad which we either do not want, or can produce ourselves. 

When this nation was in its colonial state, it complained most 
grievously of the oppression it suffered by the restrictions and 
prohibitions of the mother country, whereby its industry was re- 
strained and paralized, and its resources drained away. This 
was one of the most serious evils of its dependent situation. 
And it cannot be denied, that our present system, which equal- 
ly paralizes our industry and impoverishes our country, entails 
on us some of the worst consequences of the colonial state. 

The party distinctions that have heretofore so long divided 
our citizens, distracted our country, and, during the war, endan- 
gered its safety, have, in a great degree, subsided. We hope 
and trust, that henceforward they will assume a new form ; and 
that the question will be between those who, by destroying the 
productive industry of the country, are disposed virtually to co- 
lonize us ; and those who are for securing us a real independence. 
Unless our citizens be wanting to themselves, the friends of the 
colonial policy will in future, look in vain, on the day of elec- 
tion, for the support of an enlightened body of electors, and 
have leave to retire to the shades of private life. 

The syren song of " buying cheap goods abroad^'' has beea 
re-echoed in our ears with unceasing industry. We have fatal- 
ly been seduced by it, and led to the brink of destruction. What 
are the facts of the case ? 

A few short years have elapsed, since the productions of our 
soil and our manufactures commanded high prices. Cotton was 
thirty cents per pound ; wheat, two dollars and a half and three 



eiRCULAR LETTER. 28S 

dollars per bushel ; flour eleven and twelve dollars per barrel ; 
prime beef, eighteen cents per pound ; oak wood, seven dollars 
per cora ; merino wool three dollars per pound ; superfine cloth, 
ten or twelve dollars per yard ; and all other articles in the same 
proportion. What was the result ? Was the nation miserable 
or wretched, in consequence of paying these high prices ? No : 
far from it. We enjoyed as high a degree of prosperity as any 
nation ever did. To this strong and important fact, we hope 
you will pay due attention. All our labouring people were ful- 
ly employed. Our capitalists derived liberal profits from their 
wealth. Splendid manufacturing establishments arose, as it were 
by magic. The farmers and planters had high prices and ready 
markets for their produce. And, for a large portion of the 
time, commerce likewise throve, under those high prices. In a 
word, the face of the country exhibited an appearance cheering 
to our friends, and appalling to our enemies. 

But now we have fallen on those ' cheap times^'' w^hich have 
been so much wished for, and so highly extolled, by those poli- 
tical economists, whose councils have unfortunately prevailed 
over the wise and profound system of Alexander Hamilton and 
Thomas Jefferson.* And what is the result ? Has '' cheap- 
ness" shed those blessings on the nation, that we were led to ex- 
pect ? Can those who have enabled us to buy cheap, congratu- 
late themselves on the result of their plausible but destructive 
system of political economy ? Can we find safety or happiness, 
in taking them for guides in our future career ? No : it is fatal- 
ly the reverse. Our country exhibits a scene which excites our 
friends to mourning, and affords matter of exultation and triumph 
to our enemies. 

Wheat is one dollar and ten cents per bushel ; flour is six 
dollars per barrel ; cotton eighteen cents, and beef six to ten 
cents per pound ; oak wood, five dollars per cord ; merino wool, 
one dollar per pound ; superfine cloth, six or eight dollars per 
yard. And has this state of things produced the millennium 
with which its patrons flattered us ? Is the house owner, whose 
rents have fallen from two thousand dollars per annum to twelve 
hundred or a thousand, compensated by the saving of four dol- 
lars per barrel in eight or ten barrels of flour, and three dollars 
per yard in 2 or 3 suits of clothes, in the year ? Where, we ask, 
and earnestly request a reply from those citizens who, with Adam 
Smith for their guide, advocate the purchase of goods abroad 
where they can be had cheap, is the advantage to the work- 
man whose labour was worth five, six, or eight dollars per week, 



* " We must place the manufacturer beside the agTiculturist." Jefferson. 
This single line embraces an abstract of political economy, of incalculable iiTj» 
portance. 

30 



234 CIRCULAR LETTER. 

and who is totally bereft of employment, that the price of a barrel 
of flour is only six dollars, whereas he does not now earn six doilurs 
per month, and has not wherewith to purchase, if it were reduced 
to three ? Is it any consolation to the farmer, who expended a 
fortune on merino sheep, which the prostration of our woollen 
manufactures has condemned to the butcher's knife, and who sold 
his wool for three dollars per pound, of which the price is novr 
one dollar, that he can buy broad cloth at six or eight dollars per 
yard, instead of ten or twelve ? The loss on the fleeces of a 
dozen sheep, outweighs all the advantages he derives from the 
destruction of the capital, the prospects, and the happiness of his 
manufacturing fellow-citizens. What are the mighty benefits 
derived by the cotton planter, who saves from fifty to a hundred 
dollars per annmn in his clothing and that of his slaves, when, 
in consequence of the want of a domestic market, he loses ten 
cents per pound, or a thousand dollars in the year, on his crop of 
cotton of ten thousand pounds ? He saves by cents, and loses by 
dollars. 

While all the energies of the hviman mind are called into ac- 
tivity, on the question who shall be president, governor, mem- 
ber of congress, representative in the state legislature, sheriff, 
and even county commissioner, so comparatively uninteresting 
to the major part of the community, it is lamentable to see what 
torpor and indiff'erence prevail on this vital topic, which decides 
the important question, whether Washington, Greene, Montgo- 
mery, Warren, Mercer, Laurens, Clinton, Wayne, Stark, Pulas- 
ki, and Fayette, fought and bled — whether Franklin, Adams, 
Hancock, Jefferson, Otis, Randolph, Jay, Lee, Livingston, and 
Henry, pleaded — in vain. We have no hesitation in saying, 
this is the real state of the question : for the man whose capital 
is destroyed, whose talents are rendered useless, whose means 
of supporting himself are torn up by the roots by a false policy, 
looks in vain for the boasted blessings of the revolution. He 
compares his situation with that of the manufacturers of En- 
gland, France, Austria, and Russia, and envies the fostering 
care bestowed on them by their monarchs, which forms such a 
contrast with the destruction to which he is consigned by his 
fellow-citizens. So far as property is concerned, there is little 
difference between the citizen of the united states, who is ruin- 
ed for want of protection, as so many of our manufacturers have 
been, and the cringing slave, whom the despotism of the dey of 
Algiers, or the emperor of Morocco plunders of his substance. 
*' Disguise it as we will," it is the same destruction, that robs 
existence of its charms, although differently administered : for, 
without property to render life comfortable, life itself is of little 
value. In one respect, the case of the American citizen appears 
worse than that of the Algerine slave. The former had every 



CIRCULAR LETTER. 235 

right to calculate on an exemption from the ruin that has blasted 
his prospects of happiness ; whereas, the latter inherited from his 
ancestors the cruel destiny of holding not merely his property, 
but his life itself, on the precarious tenure of the mercy of a bar- 
barous tyrant. 

On the subject of " taxing the many for the benefit of the few," 
prolix essays and pamphlets without number have been written, 
and frothy speeches delivered. This has been adduced as an 
unanswerable argument against extending any pi-otettion to ma- 
nufactures, further than Avhat is afforded by the duties laid for 
the purpose of raising a revenue. It is a fertile subject, and 
would require rnuch detail : but the limits of a letter are already 
transcended, and we must be brief. We will state a few cases, 
in which one part of the community is heavily taxed for the be- 
nefit of another, without murmur. The beneficial coasting trade 
has been secured to our merchants, by a total prohibition of fo- 
reign rivalship, under penalty of confiscation ; whereas there is 
no manufactured article whatever prohibited. The protection 
of commerce has probably cost the nation one hundred millions 
of dollars, for foreign embassies,* fleets, and a wasting war, 
which commerce aione has rendered necessary. Of all this im- 
mense sum, not one cent has been levied for the benefit of man- 
ufactures. Foreign spirits are subject to duties from eighty- 
six to one hundred and twenty per cent., and cheese to about se- 
venty per cent., for the protection of agriculture : while woollen 
and cotton goods pay only twenty-seven and a half per cent, (ex- 
cept the latter, when below twenty-five cents per yard) manufac- 
tures of brass, steel, tin, lead, glass, earthen-ware, pottery, sail- 
cloth, &c. pay only twenty-two ; and linens only sixteen and a half. 
We do not censure, on the contrary we approve, the protection 
these duties afford to agriculture. We only deplore the lamenta- 
ble difference between one hundred and twenty per cent on gin, 
to protect domestic peach brandy and whiskey, and twentj^-seven 
and a half per cent, on cottons and woollens ! 

Should you pursue the plan herein recommended, we respect- 
fully advise that you communicate the result of your enquiries, 
in the form of a memorial, to the members of your state legisia- 

* Some idea may be formed of tlie enormous expenses incurred for the pro- 
tection of commerce, from a statement of two facts : — The expenses of foreign 
intercourse, that is, for ambassadors, charges des aiiaires, consuls, agents, bearers 
of despatches, &c. &c. Jkc. for twenty four years, have been 10,872,494 dollars, or 
above 450,000 dollars per annum, (Seybei-t, 713 ;) and for the Barbary powers, 
in twenty years, 2,457,278 dollars, or above 120,000 dollars per annum. (Ibid.) 
Thus, in these two items, there is a positive dislmrsementf for the protection of com- 
merce, of above half a million of dollars annually : whereas, the government has 
never paid one dollar, as bounty or premium, to foster, protect, or promote the 
productive industrj^ employed in manufactures ; and has rarely imposed any du- 
, ties, beyond what were called for by the exigencies ©f the H'easiny. 



236 CIRCULAR LETTER. 

ture, and to your members of congress. Should the former bod; 
bedmpressed with an idea of the correctness of the views wt 
have taken on this mighty subject, they will doubtless use their 
constitutional right to request your representatives, and instruct 
your senators, in congress, to exert their influence to have the 
tariff so far modified, that it shall be no longer possible to say, as, 
alas ! we can now say with perfect truth, that the manufacturers 
in the most arbitrary governments in Europe are fostered, cher- 
ished, and protected from foreign competition ; while, under this 
free government, ours are exposed, by their fellow-citizens 
in congress, to the competition of the whole world ! The ap- 
pointment of a committee, to correspond with the different 
towns in your state, would be a highly beneficial measure ; and 
is most earnestly recommended to your attention. 

It is to be presumed, that our representatives in congress are dis- 
posed to do their duty, and only require to be well informed on 
the subject, to induce them to pursue a correct course. We 
therefore respectfully suggest to you to take into serious con- 
sideiation the propriety of an application to congress, from the 
manufacturers of the united states, to be heard by counsel at 
their bar. The most salutary consequences have resulted from 
this procedure in Great Britain ; and it could not fail to produce 
consequences equally salutary here ; as it must elicit such a 
mass of information as would destroy the deleterious prejudices, 
whose operation our country has so much reason to deplore. 

There is one point to which we invite your serious attention, as 
of paramount importance. Notwithstanding the ruin that has 
overtaken so large a portion of our manufactures and manufac- 
turers, there are some citizens, with immense capitals, engaged 
in the cotton branch particularly, who deprecate the idea of any 
further protection, and have impressed on the minds of the con- 
stituted authorities, that the present duties are amply adequate. 
This phenomenon in trade — a renunciation of further aid from 
government, of which the world has never hitherto had a paral- 
lel case — must arise from such a pure spirit of patriotism, as 
would reflect honour on Greece and Rome, in the most brilliant 
period of their history, or from some motive of a very opposite 
character. It has been successfully used by the friends of the 
existing system, as an irresistible argument against the host of 
petitioners, who have besought additional protection. As it has 
been thus employed, it becomes a duty to investigate it tho- 
roughly, and ascertain, as far as may be practicable, the source 
from whence it springs. It is asserted, that the proprietors of 
those establishments prefer, as the least of two evils, encountering 
the desultory competition of foreigners, whose goods are often 
of iiiferior quality, to the steady and unceasing rivalship of si 
vast number of their fellow-citizens, who, in the event of a full 
protection to manufactures, would enter the lists, and divide the 



MEMORIAL. ^37 

market with them. On this delicate point we cannot pretend 
to d^-cide : we merely present it to view lor public consideiation. 
We annex a few c^ueries, which we request you will circulate, 
for the purpose of collecting the necessery information for form- 
ing your memorial. 

To Farmers and Planters, 

If manufacturing establishments have been erected in your 
Deighbourhood, what consequences have they had upon agricul- 
ture ? 

What number of merino sheep were imported into your dis- 
trict — their first cost — the number killed — the causes of their 
being killed — their present value — the price of wool, before, du- 
ring, and since the war ? 

To MaJwfacturers. 

How many workmen did you employ in 1816? How many 
do you employ at present ? What was and is the average of the 
wages at each period ? 

What number of manufacturing establishments were in oper- 
ation, in your neighbourhood in 1816? How many of them are 
wholly suspended ? What have they cost ? What is the loss 
sustained on them ? 

What is the cause of the decay of manufactures in your vici- 
aity? 

WILLIAM DUANE,-j committee ot Cor- 
MATHEW CAREY, respondence, ap, 
SETH CRAIGE, [ PO'^ted by a town 

HENRY HORN, ^^fXl c'traS 

JOSIAH RANDALL, County of PhUkd.- 

WILLIAM YOUNG.J Oct. 4. I8i9. 
Philadelphia^ Oct. 13, 1819. 



MEMORIAL. 

To the senate and house of representatives of the united states : the 
memorial oj the Pennsylvania society for the encouragement of 
American manufactures^ 

Respectfully sheweth — 

That your memorialists have read with the deepest regret, 

two remonstrances presented to your honourable houses, from 

agricultural societies in the state of Virginia, deprecating your 



2'3& MBMORIAL. 

interposition in favour of the manufacturing part of the com^ 
munity. 

These documents, containing sundry allegations injurious to 
your memorialists, and resting, as shall be made to appear, on an 
unsound basis, require a detailed investigation, to which we res- 
pectfully request your attention. 

We must premise, that we should have hoped that the ruin oi 
so many of the manufacturers — the depressed state of those who 
have hitherto escaped the situation in which their brethren have 
been involved — and the distresses of that class whose sole de- 
pendence is on their labour — would have prevented this unkind 
interference, calculated to continue their sufferings ; that the gen- 
erous sympathy which their situation ought to have excited in 
the breasts of their fellow-citizens — embarked in one common 
cause, would have averted this hostility, even had all the alle- 
gations of the remonstrances been irrefragable ; whereas, we 
hope to prove, that such as are of any importance, are easily sus- 
ceptible of refutation. The disappointment fills us with sur- 
prize and regret — and Ts ill calculated to foster those kind regards 
and attachments which ought to subsist among members of the 
same community, and which we have always cherished towards 
our agricultural fellow citizens. 

But our appeal and that of our brethren has not been made 
to the generosity or compassion of our fellow citizens. We ap- 
peal to their honour — to their justice. We ask, at length, after 
a lapse of thirty years, in which the government has existed, for 
a share of that protection so bountifully bestowed upon com- 
merce, and which agriculture, as will appear, has abundantly 
enjoyed. 

The allegations of the agricultural societies are principally 
confined to three points — 

1 . The extortions said to have been committed by manufac- 
turers during the war. 

2. The danger and oppression of monopolies, exclusive privi- 
leges, &c. 

3. The injustice of aifording protection to manufactures, when 
agriculture disclaims all protection. 

There are sundry minor points, which we shall pass over, in 
•rder to avoid prolixity. 

The charge of extortion is couched in these words : — 

" We submit respectfully to your wisdom, the impolicy of 
" subjecting so large a portion of your fellow citizens to suck 
" unreasonable cupidity — of laying them at the mercy of an as- 
" sociation, who, competition being removed, ruill no longer 
" consider the intrinsic value of an article^ or what price would 
" aj^ord a fair profit to the manufacturer^ hut how much the 



MEMORIAL. 2o9 

^-^ necessities of the consumer would enable them to extort. Of 

" this spirit we had a sufjiLient specimen.^ during our late con- 

♦' text 7vith Great Britain.'''' 

This uncharitable accusation we hope to prove wholly desti- 
tute of foundation. The article on which it chiefly rests is su- 
perfine broadcloth, which was raised from eight or nine dollars, 
the price before the war, to twelve, thirteen, and fourteen, dur- 
ing the war. The reasoning applicable to this case, applies with 
equal force to all the others.. 

All doubt of the injustice of this allegation will be laid at rest 
forever by the simple fact, that merino wool, the raw material 
oithat cloth, which, before and shortly after the commencement 
of the war, was sold at seventy-five cents per lb. was raised 
during the war to three dollars, an advance of three hun- 
dred per cent. ; so that there was less profit per cent, on the ca- 
pital employed by the manufacturer at the high prices of the cloth, 
so much the subject of complaint, than at the former moderate 
prices. 

We trust that this strong fact, which can be judicially proved 
at the bar of your houses, will prevent any man of honour or 
candour, as he values his reputation, from ever again repeating 
so unfounded an accusation. 

But if we have never retorted this charge against our accus- 
ers — if we have forborne recrimination — it has not been for want 
of materials, but from an unwillingness to cherish an unkind and 
unfriendly spirit towards our fellow citizens. And now, not- 
withstanding the repeated and wanton provocations we have re- 
ceived, we resort to the measure with pain. We should gladly 
have buried in oblivion all our causes of complaint, and cherished 
a kind and fraternal spirit, in the hope of exciting a suitable re- 
ciprocation. But the style and manner of the accusations 
against us, their unceasing repetition, the hostile disposition 
they display, and the ruinous consequences they are calculated 
to produce on the general welfare of the nation, render it a duty 
to ourselves, to our country, and to the cause of truth, to prove 
that our accusers are far from invulnerable in this point, and are 
under high obligations to us for past forbearance. 

In the year 1788, flour was four dollars per barrel in our sea 
ports ; which was regarded as a fair and liberal price. In the 
next year the demand for the supply of France took place, and 
this article was raised to five and six dollars ; from year to year 
afterwards, it rose to ten, twelve, and fourteen dollars ; and prob- 
ably it averaged during the whole of the French revolution, 
above ten. We submit to a candid world, whether this fact does 
not more completely establish the charge of " extortion,''^ than 
the rise of broad cloth from eight or nine to fourteen dollars, (or 
even to thirty, had it taken place,) when the raw. material rose 



240 MtMOAiAL. 

from seventy-five cents to three dollars per pound ? And whe- 
ther the rise on the wool itself is not incomparably more ' extor- 
tionate^^ than that on the broad cloth ?. The latter was not only 
justifiable, but imperioasly necessary, by the rise which we have 
stated on the raw material. But, for the rise on wool or flour, no 
such reason existed. It did not proceed from any advance 
" in the intrinsic value of the article^"* to borrow the words of the 
Petersburg remonstrance, " nor from a consideration of xvhat 
price would afford a fair profit to the^'' farmers : " but how much 
the necessities of the consumers enabled them to extort.^'' 

At the same period, 1788 butter was ten cents per lb. — beef 
and pork, five cents ; tobacco, three or four ; and all other agri- 
cultural articles in the same proportion. They have since been 
raised from one to two hundred per cent, above those prices. — 
Yet we have never alleged against the farmers or planters the 
odious charge oi '■'• extortion ^^^ at which they would have revolted. 
Have they, we ask, a right to raise their prices one or two hun- 
dred per cent, at pleasure, when the demand warrants it, without 
" extortion^'' — and yet to wound the feelings, and injure the cha- 
racters of their fellow citizens, by the odious imputation of '* eX' 
tortion^"* when the advance of the raw material by themselves 
renders a rise of manufactures necessary ? If this be a charter- 
ed privilege, we wish to know whence it is derived, and by what 
tenure it is held. Seriously, we presume this to be the strongest 
illustration of the parable of the beam and the mote that the va- 
riegated history of mankind presents. 

Flour is now four dollars and seventy-five cents per barrel on 
the sea board. Should war or famine take place in Europe, 
the price would be immediately raised, one, two, three, four, or 
five dollars per barrel. And in proportion to the intensity of 
the distress would be the tax levied on the consumers in this 
country. There are about three millions of white people in the 
united states not engaged in agriculture, who consume on an 
average two barrels of flour per annum. A rise of three dol- 
lars, which might take place immediately, in case of a very ex- 
traordinary demand, would amount on this article to a gain of 
18,000,000 of dollars, levied by the farmers on the rest of the 
community during the ensuing year, exclusive of probably an 
equal amount on all other agricultural productions, liable to a 
proportionate advance of price. And this is not a mere hypothe- 
sis of what may occur. It is the history of the last thirty years, 
and of the immense prices, again to borrow the vituperant lan- 

j guage of the remonstrance, which " the necessities of the consu- 

j mers have enabled'''' the farmers '' to extort^ 

! Nothing but the endless, the irritating misrepresentations we 
have experienced, Would induce us to retort this strong language 
upon our accusers. 



MKMGRIAL. '241 

The United Agricultural Societies of Virginia prefer acla'm 
to a high degree of superiority over the other classes of the com- 
nity, which calls for observation. They state that — 

" In every nation with whose internal affairs we are famili- 
*' arly acquainted, the landed interest has been proverbial for 
*' their liheralitif in comparison with any other class. ^^ 
It is unfortunate that this assumption of liberality appears in 
an instrument, the direct object of which is to bar the door to 
the relief of their fellow citizens, and to consign them and their 
families to that wretchedness and ruin which has befallen so 
many of their brethren ! Before this claim to '"• prozierbial liber- 
ality^^ can be admitted, proofs must be adduced different from 
the document in which it is asserted. The contrast between this 
strong assumption and the object of the remonstrance, though 
very striking, is not uncommon. Every day's experience so 
strongly proves the extreme discrepancy between profession and 
practice, that no illustration can be necessary. 

The Societies distinctly hold forth to the world, that agricul- 
ture neither has been, nor is, secured by "• protecting- duties.^'' — 
They state — 

" We solicit not the fostering care or patronage of the leg- 
" islature to alleviate by bounties, tnonopolies^ or protecting 
*' duties.^ calamities in their nature as inevitable, as they are 
*' incurable by legislative interposition." 
The Fredericsburg Society also states — 

*' We ask no tax upon manufacturers for our benefit. Neither 
** do we ask any thing of government to enable us to cultivate 
*' the soil as we could wish." 

The high character of the members of those societies forbids 
the supposition, that this was an intentional misstatement. We 
are therefore inexpressibly astonished at the utter unacquain- 
tance with the real state of the case, betrayed in these quotations, 
which evinces how superficially these gentlemen studied the 
subject on which they undertook to interpose to prevent the 
success of our applications for relief. 

The view they present is so far from fact, that it is the re- 
verse of fact. The average of duties on such agricultural pro- 
ductions as are usually imported into this country, has been, 
from the commencement of the government, far higher than 
those on manufactures. 

We will state the case at two periods, remote from each oth- 
er, viz. 1789 and 1820. The intermediate space exhibits the 
same features. 

In the former period, cheese was subject to a duty equal to 
fifty-seven per cent.; xxidXgo^ sixteen; snuff, ninety; manufactur- 

•31 



242 aiEMOkiAr. 

ed tobacco, one hundred;* coals, fifteen ; hem|5 ahd cotton, twelve^ 
whereas seven-eighths of all the manufactures imported, includ- 
ing cottons, woollens, and iron, were subject to only five per 
cent. This, we presume, is full proof of the inequality of the 
system of legislation with which the government commenced, 
and of the care with which the agriculturists, who formed the 
great mass of the national legislature, guarded their own in- 
interests. 

Hemp at present is subject to a duty equivalent to twenty-six 
per cent.,- cotton, thirty^.; chetse., ninetif ; spirits, eighty ; snuff, 
seventy -jive ; manufactured tobacco, one hundred ; coals., thirty- 
tight and a half; sugar, thirty-seven and a half; and potatoes, 
fifteen ; averaging fifty-efght per cent. Few other articles, 
the product of the ^arth, are imported. But they are all, except 
three or four, subject to fifteen per cent. 

Of the manufactures imported in the year 1818, oiie twenty- 
fifth part paid a duty of seven and a half T^er cent.; one-third 
Jiftren ; one-sixth, tiventy ; two-fifth^ twenty -five ; and one- 
twenty-fifth part, thirty per cent.f 

On this striking contrast, which affords no proof of " the pro- 
verbial liberality" of the landed interest, we offer but a single 
comment. It adds one to the numerous melancholy instances 
with which history abounds, that where one particular interest 
predominates in a legislative body, the others rarely experience 
impartial justice. We will notice only one article, which places 
in a strong point of light the different degrees of protection expe- 
rienced by agriculture and manufactures. Cotton, a raw mate- 
rial, is subject to a duty of thirty per cent.:}: — and the freight is about 
the same. The cotton planter has therefore a protection of sixty 
per cent.; whereas fine muslins and cambrics pay but twenty-sev- 

* The prohibitory duties on snuff and manufactured tobacco, were imposed in 
1789, with a view to secure the exchisive market of the united states for our to- 
bacco planters. This object was expressly avowed in Congress, and they com- 
pletely answered this purpose. To suppose that a duty of one hund'-ed per cent. 
was imposed on manufactured tobacco, and ninety per eent. on snuff, for the ben- 
efit of the manufacturers of these articles, while manufactures of cotton, wool, 
iron, lead, brass and tin were dutied at five per cent, without any regard to the 
manufacturers of those articles, is really too gross for the most Boeotian capacity. 

•j- This is an error. Cotton, in the East Indies, I las been sold for years at six cents 
per lb. and even lower. It therefore appeai-s the cotton planters were secured by 
a, protecting duty of fifty per cent. 

* At ri . . - . . . . ig2,387,693 

15 ...... . 19,455,525 

20 9,524,531 

25 ...... . •24,804,188 

30 . . . . . . . 2,633,637 

!g58,805,574 



jyiEMORIAL. 24l3 

•n and a half per cent, duty — and the freight is not more than 
one or two per cent. Thus the planter, who disclaims the idea 
of " protection," has an advantage over his manufacturing fel 
low-citizens, oif above thirty per cent., independent of the im- 
mense difference between the protection necessary for articles 
produced b}- agriculture and those by machinery. It may be as- 
sumed without danger of contradiction, that cotton would be bet- 
ter protected by a duty of twenty per cent., than cambrics or mus- 
lins by sixty or seventy. We do not find that the tariff of 
any other country whatever presents such an extraordinary fea- 
ture. 

Great emphasis is laid by the agricultural societies on the 
danger of " monopolies granted to one class or order, at the ex- 
pense of another." 

This forms a fertile theme, on which they descant very freely 
—1 hey remonstrate against 

" Unequal and partial taxes — awarding exclusive privileges 

*' — or sustaining the manufacturers in the enjoyment of op- 

*'■ preixive monopehes^ which are ultimately to grind us and our 

" children after us to dust and ashesy 

*' In this way alone, can the benefits of good government be 

** equalized among the various orders and classes of society, 

*' the prosperity and happiness of which depend not upon im- 

^^ nijtriitJts^ privilege^., and monopolies^ granted to one class or 

" order at the expense of another," &c. 

We are constrained to state, that the want of due consideration 
which prevails throughout the remonstrances, is here very con- 
spicuous. Monopoly, according to Johnson, means " the exclu- 
sive privilege of selling any thing." And a monopolist, accor- 
ding to the same authority, is *■' one who by engi-ossing or by 
patent, obtains the sole power or privilege of vending any com- 
modity." There is not, therefore, such a thing or person, in 
this country, as a monopoly or monopolist : nor, while our pre- 
sent constitution exists, can there be a monopoly. For suppose 
manufactures of wool, cotton, iron, and leather were altogether 
prohibited, those branches would be open to the admission, and 
consequently to the competition, of any part of the community 
—to farmers, as well as others, and even to the capitalists from 
any and ev^ery part of Europe, if they judged proper to embark 
in them. Where then is the monopoly ? 

While the agricultural societies were thus denouncing what 
they thought proper to brand with the odious term," monopolii^^ 
they did not reflect that they were themselves far more liable to 
the accusation, than those against whom they preferred it. The 
great mass of the manufactured articles purchased by the far- 
mers and planters of the southern states, and probably one-half 



344 



MEMORIAL. 



of what are purchased by those in the others, are imported.—^ 
Whereas, the manuiactarers of the united states have not consu- 
med of foreign articles of food and drink, since the organization 
oi the general government, two per cent. 

Thus while tiiere has been an incessant clamour against " the 
inonopolu'''' of the rnanutacturers, whose mar.ket is open to, and 
engrossed by, rivals irom half the nations of Europe, it appears 
that the farmers and planters have what they term "• a mon.'jpolijp'* 
w ich, however, is only an exclusive supply of the home market. 
^ :. a^ be doubted whether a more extraordinary case is on 
record. 

We si-,all conclude our observations on those memorials with 
one iurtner extract — 

" To guard," the Fredericsburg Society observes, " against 
" the possibility of misapprehension, we take this occasion to 
" say, that vje are incapable oj feeling any thing like enmity 
*' against munufacturers or any other useful description of citi'^ 
'^ zens : but heartily wish them all the success to which their 
"skill and industry may entitle them, in whatever way ap- 
" plied." 

This declaration would have been more acceptable, and claim- 
ed our gratitude, had it not accompanied an attempt on the part 
of those who make it, to do us ail the injury in their power to 
inflict — to prevent a compliance with our just claims — and to 
perpetuate our present intolerable sufferings. 



Your memorialists regret to find that the same adverse spirit 
towards them that prevails among these small bodies ot their ag- 
ricultural fellow-citizens, has been excited among a portion of the 
mercantile class. They request your favourable hearing of a few 
remarks on the memorial of the merchants of Salem on this sub- 
ject. It 

"• Calls the attention of congress, to measures that have 

"been recently proposed and apparently approved, for the 

" purpose oi prohibiting the importation of foreign woollen and 

" cotton goods."'' 

Your memorialists are constrained to state that this view is 
very uncandid. 1 hey never did contemplate " a prohibition of 
foreign cotton and woollen goods" generally. There is not a 
sane man in the country, who, if he had the power, would enact 
a total exclusion. A large portion of those goods is not, and, 
for a long time to come, cannot be, manufactured in this country, 
and therefore must be imported. Your memorialists deprecate 
and solemnly protest against the influence of a system which has 
been heretofore too successfully pursued, that is, defeating their 



MEMORIAL. 245 

fair and legitimate objects, by ascribing to them views, which 
they wholly disclaim. Of this unfair system, their dearest in- 
terests have been frequently the victims. Were it necessary, 
they could produce numerous instances, of early and recent 
date. 

" If we are not willing to receive foreign manufactures, we 

" cannot reasonably suj^pose that foreign nations will receive 

" our raw materials." 

" We cannot force them to become buyers, when they are 

" not i-elltri) — or to consume our cottons, when they cannot 

" pay the price in their own iabrics." 

" We cannot expect them to carry on a ruinous trade, when 

*' the ptopt is all on our i>ide.'''* 

These paragraphs are liable to the exceptions urged against 
the preceding one. They assume the extraordinary idea, which 
insanity alone could harbour, that importation is expected to be 
wholly prohibited. All that is necessary for the restoration of 
the countiy, and for the prosperity of the manufacturers, is such 
a modification of the tariff, as will reduce our imports within the 
limits of our exports — and prevent our manufactures and manu- 
facturers from being overwhelmed by the inordinate inundation 
of foreign fabrics. 

" While the manufacturers are left free to engage in their 

*'own peculiar pursuits, enjoying, in common with others, a 

*' reasonable protection from the government, the memorialists 

*' trust it is no undue claim on their part to plead for the free- 

" dom of commerce also, as the natural ally of agriculture and 

*' naval greatness." 

There is an assumption here, of '■'■ freedom for the manufactu- 
rers^^'' which is not warranted by the fact. When their busi- 
ness is annihilated, and themselves ruined by the immoderate 
introduction oi foreign merchandize, as has occurred to too 
many of them, can it be said that they '' are free to engage 
in their own jjeculiar pursuits .^" We will render this plain by 
applying it to the case of the merchants. The vessels empioy- 
eu in the coasting trade for thirty years, have averaged about 
400,000 tons annually. Were foreign vessels allowed to engage 
in that trade, to the amount of 300,000 tons, would it not be a 
mockery, were the merchants informed, while their ships were 
rotting at the wharves, and themselves reduced to bankruptcy, 
that '■"• they werejree to engage in their oxvn peculiar pursuits ?" 
And is it not a perfectly analogous case, when the manufactu- 
rers are ruined, and their machinery rotting and rusting, through 
the extravagant influx of foreign articles, to be gravely told, that 
they are " free to engage in their own peculiar pursuits V 

" It is a sound political maxim, that the more free trade is^ 



246 MEMORIAL. 

" and the more widely it circulates, the more sure will be its 
*' prosperity. Every restriction which is not indispen.sahle 
'■''Jbr the purposes oj revenue, is a shoal, which will impede its 
*' progress^ a?id not unfreqitently jeopard its security.'''' 
The doctrine here advanced, on the broad and unqualified 
scale on which it is predicated, is unsound, and contrary to the 
practice of the most prosperous states, and to the principles of 
the wisest statesmen. Can the prosperity of trade be promoted 
by the free introduction of foreign luxuries which destroy the 
industry of our own citizens ? Has it been promoted by the im- 
moderate quantities of goods imported into this country, where- 
by its circulating medium has been exhausted, and an enormous 
debt contracted for articles which our own citizens could have 
supplied ? 

To test this plausible maxim, which has done infinite injury 
to this country, we will, as in the former case, apply it to th': 
merchants themselves. The use of foreign vessels is almost 
virtuady prohibited in this country, by " restrictions not indiS' 
pensable for the purposes of revenue^ Suppose these " restric- 
tions" were removed, and that foreign vessels were entitled to 
the same privileges as our own, what would be the consequence? 
They would be employed here in large numbers, to the ruin of 
the merchants and ship-builders. Would they not, in that case, 
as zealously contend against the maxim as they now uphold it ? 
And can there be any just reason why the manufacturer, entitled 
to equal rights with the merchant, should be ruined by foreign 
rivals, and the merchant secured against this rivalship ? In the 
scales of impartial justice, the rights of each ought to have equal 
weight. 

Although the merchants of Salem invoice congress in such em- 
phatical terms, to support that "freedom of trade" which im- 
poverishes the nation, and, by exposing their manufacturing fel- 
low citizens to the competition of rivals in every quarter of the 
world, has ruined so large a portion of them, there is scarcely a 
session in which the mercantile interest does not memorialize 
congress for protection against foreign competition. On this 
eonduct, so partial to themselves, and so excessively unkind to us, 
Ave dare not trust ourselves to comment. 

It would extend this memorial to an unreasonable length, if 
we particularized one-half of the '■'•restrictions'"' of foreign com- 
merce in favour of our merchants. We shall confine ourselves 
to a few prominent cases, to prove that this maxim, now so zeal- 
ously urged, has had no weight when the interests of that class 
we; eat stake ; and that the "restrictions" on foreign commerce 
which they succeeded in obtaining, were not only " not indis- 
pensable for the purposes of revenue," but in many cases perni- 
cious to it. 

W^hen the competition of foreign merchants in the coasting 



MEMORIAL. 247 

tf ade was wisely destroyed in the very outset of the government 
bv ;i heavy prohibitory tonnage duty, and afterwards by positive 
prohibition, was this measure '' indispensable for the purposes of 
revt'iiiie ?"' Was it not, according to the Salem memorial, "• a shoal 
to impede the progress of trade ?" 

When, in the first session of congress, foreign merchants 
were excluded from the China trade, by extra duties on teas im- 
ported in foreign vessels, averaging one hundred and se\ en per 
cent., were they '■'• necessary f.r the purposes of revenue P"* Did 
thty not rather impair the revenue ? 

When, more recently, an extra tonnage duty of two dollars 
per ton was imposed on foreign vessels arriving from ports which 
American vessels were not allowed to enter, was this " necessary 
for the purposes oj revenue?'''' Where then was the alarm about 
" shoah to impede the progress of trade?'''' 

Was the act prohibiting the introduction of plaster of Paris, in 
foreign vessels, " necessary far the purposes of revenue ?'''' or was 
it net rather " a shoal to impede the progress of trade .?" 

Was thei^ct passed in a late session of congress, of which the 
object was to coerce the British nation to abandon the chief fea- 
ture of their navigation act, which they prize so highly. '^ neces- 
sary Jor the purposes oJ revenue?''^ Has it not, on the contrary, 
injuriousl}- affected revenue and agi-iculture ? 

And in fine, we ask, and hope for a fair and explicit answer, 
whether tl(e strong " restrictions^'' now contemplated against 
both Great Britain and France, are '-'•necessary for the purposes 
of revenue?'''' Whether they are not, like the former, '-'■ shoals to 
jeopard'''' agriculture and" revenue?'''' 

The acts above alluded to, and a great variety of others which 
abound in our statute book, do not require much comment. — 
They speak a language not to be misunderstood. It appears, and 
cannot fail to astonish your honourable houses, that while the 
merchants have, from the commencement of the government, ap- 
plied for, and been favoured with, '•'- restrictions," not only '' not 
necessary Jor the purposes of revenue'''' h\xt'\x\ many cases pernici- 
ous to it, a portion ol them now use all their energies to defeat 
the reasonable objects of your memorialists, and consign them to 
destruction, on the ground that the " restrictions" contemplated 
are '•'■not necessary for the pU' poses of revenue?'' 

" One sacrifice is to be dt-manded after another — one prohi- 

" bition heaped upon another, until all the sources of foreign 
" commerce are dried up ; and d<^)mestic manufactures, sus- 
"tained by enormous bounties^ absorb the whole monied capi- 
"tal of the nation." 

It ill becomes the advocates of a commerce, " sustained by 
encni.cus bounties^"in the shape of tributes to Barbary powers; 
foreign intercourse ; a most oppressive naval expenditure. 



248 MEMORIAL. 

amounting for the current year, to 3,500,000 dollars ; ia tona- 
merce which has entailed or the nation a -war delt of nearly 
80,000,000 of dollars ; to hold this language, respecting manu- 
factures on which the government has never expended a single 
cent in thirty years. And what, we ask, has called forth this em- 
phatical denunciation of manufactures? Merely a request, on 
the part of the manufacturers, of a duty of forty or fifty per cent.* 
on cottons, woollens, iron, and some other articles, in order to 
enable our citizens to compete with the half-starved and half- 
clothed workmen of foreign nations. This is the tremendous 
danger which is '' to dnj up all the sources of foreign commerce^ 
and " absorb all the monied capital of the nation .'" 

We cannot forbear to state, that it is no proof of the intrinsic 
goodness of a cause, when its advocates are reduced to the neces- 
sity of drawing high-coloured and extravagant portraits of dan- 
gers, which have no existence but in their own heated imagina- 
tions. 

" It is not a little remarkable, that these attempts are not 
*' only repugnant to those maxims of free trade, which the uni- 
*' ted states have hitherto so forcibly and perseveringly con- 
" tended for, as the sure foundation of national prosperity, but 
" they are pressed upon us at a moment, when the statesmen 
" of the old world^ in admiration of the success of our policy^ 
" are relaxing the rigour of their onm systems / and yielding 
** themselves to the rational doctrine, that national wealth is 
*' best promoted by a free interchange of commodities^ upon 
** principles^ of perfect reciprocity P 

It is painful to us to state, that this entire paragraph rests on 
untenable ground. We look in vain for the evidences oi'-'-the 
national prosperity!^'* on which the merchants predicate their 
reasonings. Where are those evidences to be found ? Is it in 
the decay and destruction of so large a portion of the national 
industry ? If this be a sign of " national prosperity^'' then is 
this nation prosperous to a degree unexampled in its annals, ex- 
cept in the interval between the close of the revolutionary war 
and the establishment of the present form of government. Is it 
in the decline of commerce and navigation ? Is it in the bank- 
ruptcy of so large a portion of the merchants, traders, and 
manufacturers of the country ? Is it in the violent measure 
which the legislatures of four or five of the states have adopted 
for arresting the course of justice, and?suspending the collection 
of debts ? Is it in the augmentation of poor rates — the increase 
of mendicants and soup houses ? Is it in the failure of revenue 
to the enormous amount of five millions of dollars for the pre- 
sent year ? Is it in the exclusion of one of our chief staples from 

* This was a great error. The duty contemplated on woollens and fine cottons 
was only thirty-three per cent. 



MEMORIAL. 249 

the British markets, and the very great depreciation of the price 
of the rest ? Is it, in a word, in that state of affairs, justly cha- 
racterised in a recent report, by the secretary of state, in these 
strong terms : — 

" But few exapiples have occurred, of distress so general, 

" and so severe, as that which has been exhibited in the united 

" states.'' 

These, alas! are no symptoms of" national prosperHif' — and 
of '■'•the succefis of our policy^'' which, we are told, and with a 
grave and sober air, as if the assertion were irrefragable, excites 
'•'•the admiration of the statesmen of the old-world !! !'''' 

We look around in vain, we repeat, for this " national pros- 
ferity^'' which sounds so captivatingly. And we look equally in 
vain for " the admiration of the statesmen of the old tuorld^'' of 
'•'•the success of our policy^''' which is brought forward to tickle 
our national vanity. It would be in vain to seek for the " success 
of a policy," which, after twenty years of a most extensive com- 
merce, in which we received exorbitant prices for all our staples, 
has, in five years of profound peace, with abundant harvests, and 
wholly free from any natural calamity, reduced an intelligent, 
industrious, active population, possessed of almost every possi- 
ble advantage of soil and climate, with water power unequalled 
in the world, from a towering state of prosperity, to its present 
lamentable situation — a situation, which, notwithstanding " the 
admiration oj the statesmen of the old world^'''' empha.tica\\y warns 
us to change a policy, which built our prosperity not on the solid 
basis of national industry, but on the wretched foundation of 
foreign wars and famines, and which has rendered us dependent 
on foreign nations even for the chief part of the clothes we wear, 
although possessed of the most valuable raw material in the 
world, to an extent commensurate with the demand of nearly 
half the globe. 

But if we look in vain for this " national prosperity^''^ for " the 
success of our policy,'''' and for '■^ the admiration of the states?nen 
oftheoldworld^'"-we look equally in vain for ^^ the relaxation 
of the rigour oJ their systems'"' When this memorial was draft- 
ed, early in January last, and likewise when it was presented to 
congress, on the thirty-first of that month, there was not before 
the American nation a trace of such relaxation in any part of Eu- 
rope whatever. The assumption, therefore, on which so much 
of the argument of the memorial is predicated, was unvv arranted 
by fact. 

The countries with which the chief part of our intercourse is 
carried on, are Great Britain and France. In the three last 
years, of our domestic exports, amounting to I92,000,000of dol- 
lars, there were 141,000 000 exported to these two countries; 
whereas, to Russia, Sweden, Denmark, Norwav, Prussia, the 

32 



250 MEMORIAL. 



1 



Hanse towns, and all the ports of Germany, we only exported 
11,000,000 of dollars. Of course, we are little interested in the 
commercial arrangements of those nations. 

The signers of the Salem memorial are called upon to produce 
any symptom in Great Britain or France, of this very extraordi- 
nary " admiration^'' or its effects. Our policy is truly a subject 
of "• admiration'''' for the desolation it has produced, as hurricanes 
and tornadoes are — but not of imitation to any wise nation. No 
symptoms of such imitation can be found. On the contrary, the 
cords are every day drawn tighter. So far as respects France, 
the Edinburgh Review, for July, 1819, informs us that — 

" The anti-commercial system of the ex-emperor, instead of 
" being modified or repealed, has, in fact, been adopted in all 
" its extent, by his legitimate successors ; and in their hands 
" has become doubly ejffic'ient.'''' 

No alteration has taken place since that period. Weiire there- 
fore warranted to state that the " admiration*'' and imitation of 
" the success oj our policy'''' which form so capital an item in the 
Salem memorial, cannot be substantiated in France. And the 
rigorous acts recently passed, and now contemplated by this gov- 
ernment, to counteract the British restrictive commercial policy, 
prove that that nation in like manner does not fall within the des- 
cription of the Salem memorial, as excited to " admiration''' or 
imitation of " our policy^'' by its wonderful " success J'"' 

When the Salem merchants laid down the maxim that *' na- 
tional wealth is best promoted by Si free interchange of commodi- 
ties^ upon principles of perfect reciprocrity ^'' did they mean to con- 
vey the idea, that the united states enjoy such a " free inter' 
change .^" It cannot be. There is no nation in the world which 
carries on commerce more completely destitute of " perfect re- 
ciprocity.'''' 

Our ports are open to the manufactures of all the world. — 
Whereas most of the ports of Europe, and all those of the co- 
lonies of that quarter of the globe, are shut against ours. This 
is a practical commentary on the ^'^ perfect reciprocity'''' which the 
Salem memorial insinuates we enjoy. Again : 

We exchange necessaries of life and raw materials in the 
most rude state, for manufactures elaborated with the last finish 
of human industry and skill : thus in every case, we exchange 
the labour of two or three, and in many that of ten, twenty, and 
thirty persons for one. Our cotton is returned to us in a man- 
ufactured state, at an average of five fold its original cost. 

It is this species of one-sided " perfect reciprocrity" which has, 
according to the secretary of the treasury, produced " a distress 
so general and severe^'' that '■'•few examples'''' of equal intensity 
" have occurred^'' and which has rendered the situation of the 
united states an object of regret and Sympathy forotir friends. 



MEMORIAL. 251 

and of exultation for our enemies. It is full time for the guar- 
dians of the nation's rights to secure it something like " re- 
ciprocity'''' in its intercourse with the rest of the world. 

We cannot close this memorial, without expressing our as- 
tonishment and regret, that an idea could ever have prevailed, of 
the existence of hostility between the interests of agriculture and 
manufactures ; whereas, the great mass of the productions of the 
former derive their chief value from the market afforded bv the 
latter. The hides, the skins, the furs, the wool, a large portion 
of the cotton, the timber, the coals, the lead, the iron, the pitch, 
the tar, the turpentine, the tallow, the indigo, the flax, of the far- 
mer, find a ready sale among the manufacturers, who likewise 
consume of provisions one thousand per cent more than the 
amount exported to all the world in the most flourishing period 
of our history. 

Your memorialists are gratified to find that the opposition to 
their just requests has been confined to a small portion of the 
two great classes of their fellow citizens. 

In submitting the premises to the most serious attention of 
your honourable houses, your memorialists hope that ) ou will 
make such a modification of the tariff, as will secure to all per- 
sons interested in agriculture, manufactures, and commerce, a 
full and equal share of protection. 

Philadelphia, April 3(/, 1820. 



THE 

OR, 

AN ATTEMPT TO ESTABLISH AN IDENTITY OF INTEREST 

BETWEEir 

AGRICULTURE, MANUFACTURES, AND COMMERCE; 

AND TO PBOVE, 

THAT A t,ARGE PORTION OP THI MANrFACTtrHIirG IWDTTSTKT OP THIS KATION HAS 

BBEN SACRIFICED TO COMMERCE ; AND THAT COJOIERCE HAS SUFFERED 

BT THIS FOLICT NEARLY AS MUCH AS UANUFACTUBES. 



% 



BY M. CAREY, 

A^HOB OF THE FOUTICAI. OLITE BRANCH, TINDICIiB HIBEBNICX, ScC. &C. 



SECOND EDITION. 



" Butfeto examples have occurred of distress so general and so severe as that 
« tohich has been exhibited in the united states." — Report of the Secretary of the 
Treasurj'. 

"If any thing can prevent the consummation of pubUc niin, it can only be new 
" C07incils f a sincere chajige, from a sincere conviction of past errors." — Chatham. 

*' JWe/i will sooner live prosperously under the -worst government, than starve under 
« tfie best." — Postlethwait's Dictionary. 

" A merchant may have a distinct interest from tliat of his coimtry. He may 
" thrive by a trade that will prove her ruin." — British Merchant. 

" Manufactures are now as necessary to our independence as to our comfort." 

Jefferson. 

" It is the interest of the community, ^vith a view to eventual and permanent 
" economy, to ejicourage the gro-wth ef manufactures." — Hamilton. 



PHILADELPHIA : 

M. CAREY & SONS. 
1821. 



TO THOSE 
CITIZENS OF THE UNITED STATES, 

WHOSE EXPANDED VIEWS 

EMBRACE THE KINDRED INTERESTS 

OF 

AGRICULTURE, MANUFACTURES, AND COMMERCE; 

■WHO BF.I.IBTE THAT 

NATIONAL INDUSTRY 
IS THE ONLY LEGITIMATE SOURCE OF 

NATIONAL WEALTH AND PROSPERITY; 

WITH DR. FRANKLIN, 

'• THAT INDUSTRY IN ALL SHAPES, IN ALL INSTANCES, AND BT ALL 
/' " MEANS, SHOULD BE PROMOTED j" 

WITH THOMAS JEFFERSON, 

" THAT MANUFACTURES ARE NOW AS NECESSARY TO OUR INDEPENDENSE 
" AS OUR COMFORT ;" 

WITH ALEXANDER HAMILTON, 

'• THAT THE INDEPENDENCE AND SECURITY OF A COUNTRY ARE 

" MATERIALLY CONNECTED WITH THE PROSPERITY OF 

ITS MANUFACTURES;" 

WHO AHE OPPOSED TO THE POUCT OB 

LAVISHING THE WEALTH OF THE NATION TO SUPPORT FOREIGN 
GOVERNMENTS AND FOREIGN MANUFACTURERS, 

Aim IMPOTERISHIira 

OUR OWN COUNTRY AND OUR FELLOW CITIZENS ; 

WHO HOLS THE SOUm) DOCTBIITE, 

THATNATIONS, LIKE INDIVIDUALS, MUST SUFFER DISTRESS AND MISBRV 
WHEN THEIR EXPENSES EXCEED THEIR INCOME; 



AND THAT A POLICY 

Vhich converts a large portion of ous citizens into hucksters 
and retailers of foreign productions, 

IWSTEAD OF 

PRODUCERS FOR HOME CONSUMPTION 

IS RADICALLY UNSOUND 

AarB FifTAixr, that 

THE RUINOUS EXPERIMENT WE HAVE MADE OF OUR PRESENT 
SYSTEM OPOR FIVE YEARS, 

POINTS ©CT, "WITH A PENCIL OF LIGHT," 

THE IMPORTANT TRUTH, PUT ON RECORD BY LORD CHATHAM, 

« THAT IF ANY THING CAN PREVENT THE CONSUMMATION OF 

« PUBLIC RUIN, IT CAN ONLY BE NEW COUNCILS ; 

« A SINCERE CHANGE, FROM A SINCERE 

^ CONVICTION OF ERROR," 

THIS WORK 

IS RESPECTFULLY DEDICATE©, 

BY THE AUTHOR. 

March 17, 1820. 



CONTENTS. 



CHAP. I. — Preliminary ob-<>en>ations. State of the nation. Whence 
it arises. Short-sighted poiicy. Decline of commerce inevitable. 

CHAP. II. — Sketch of the state of the nation from the fieace of Paris 
till the organization of ihe present federal government. Analogy 
•with our present state. Unlimited freedom of commerce fairly tested. 

CHAP III — Adoption of the federal constitution. Its happy effects. 
Uutr impolicy of the tariff. Manufactures and manufacturers not 
protected. Hamilton's celebrated report. Glaring inconsistency. 
Excise system. Its unproductiveness. - - - - 

CHAP. IV. — Memorials to congress. Deceptions report. List of ex- 
ports. Tariff of \Bb4:. Wonderful oml-ision. Immense importations 
of cotton and wooilm goods. Ex port ations of cotton. Various causes 
ivhich prevented the ruinous operation of the early tariffs. 

CHAP' V- — Declaration of ivar. Blankets for the Indians. Dis- 
graceful situation oj thi^ united states Governor Gei-ry. Sufferings 
of the army. Rapid progress of national industry. - _ _ 

CHAP. VI. — State of the country at the close of the ivar. Pernicious ^ 
conseyutiices to the manufacturers. Mr. Dallas's tariff. Pates re- 
duced ten, twenty, and thirty per cent. - _ . _ 

CHAP. VII. — Ruin of the manufacturers, and decay of their estab- 
lishments. Pathetic and eloquent appeals to congress. Their con- 
tumelious and unfeeling neglect. Memorials neither read no? report- 
ed on Revolting contrast between the fostering care bestowed bxj 
Russia on its manufacturers, and the unheeded sufferings of that 
class of citizens in the united states. - _ _ ^ _ 

CHAP. VIII. — Dilatory mode of proceeding in congress. Lamentable 
waste of time. Statement oJ the progress cf bills, highty-two sign- 
ed in one day I and four hundred and twenty in elrven I Unfeeling 
tr atmtnt of Gen. Stark Culpable attention to punctilio. Rapid 
movement of compensation bill. - - -. _ 

33 



258 CONTENTS. 

CHAP. IX — Attempts to firove the state of affairs prosperous. Their 
fallacy established. Destruction of industry in Philadelphia and 
Pittshurs^. Awful situation of Pennsylvania. 14,537 suits for drbt, 
and 10,326 jud,s!'Tnents confessed in the year 1819. Depreciation of 
real estate 115;544,629 dollars, . _ _ . _ 

CHAP. X — Causes assigned for the existing distress. Extravagant 
banking Transition to a state of peace. Fallacy of these reasons^. 
True cause, destruction of industry . Comparison of exports for six 
years. -------- 

CHAP. XI. — The everlasting complaint of " taxing- the many for the. 
benefit of the few." Fallacy and injustice of it. Amount of impost 
for fourteen years. For the year 1818. _ _ _ - 

CHAP. XIT. — Bnmense adva7itages enjoyed by the farmers and plant- 
ers for nearly thirty years. Flxorbitant prices of the necessaries of 
life. Great extent of the domestic market. Internal trade ef the 
united states. --------- 

CHAP. XIII.~ Calumnious clamour against the manufacturers on the 
ground of extortion. Destitute of the shadotv of foundation. Rise 
ojf merino wool 300 per cent. _ _ _ . . 

CHAP^ XIV. — The agricultural the predominant interest in the united 
states. Great advantages to agriculture from the vicinity of manu- 
facturing establishme ts. Case of Aberdeen. Of Harmony. Of 
Providence. Fall of lands the result of the decay of manufactures . 

CHAP. XV. — General reflections on commerce. Conducted on terms 
oj reciprocity, highly advantageous. Commerce of the united states 
carried on upon very unequal terms Has produced most injurious 
consequences. Tables of exports. Estimates of the profits of com- 
Tnerce __--__.- 

CHAP. XVI. — Fostering care of commerce by congress. The coasting 
and China trade secured to our merchants exclusively from the year 
1789. Revolting partiality. Wonderful increase of tonnage. Acton 
the subject of plaster of Paris. Law levelled against the British navi- 
gation act. Rapidity of legislation. - - _ . _ 

CHAP XVII — Erroneous views of the tariff. Protection of agricul- 
ture in 1789 Prostrate state of the staples of South Carolina and 
Georgia. JVinety per cent, on snuff, and one hundred on tobacco. 
Striking contrast. Abandonment of manufactures. 

CHAP. XVI II. — An awful contrast. Distress in Great Britain, be- 
cause she cannot engross the supply of the world. Distress in the 
united states, because the home market is inundated with rival manu- 
factures. ----------- 

CHAP. XIX — Encouragement and patronage of immigrants by En- 
gland and France Advantages of the united states. Great num- 
bers oj immigrants. Their sufferings. Return of many of them. 
Interesting table. -------- 



INTRODUCTION. 



This work may be considered as a second edition, much en- 
larged and improved, of the Three Letters to Mr Garnett, re- 
cently published ; as it contains nearly the whole of the matter 
of those letters. 

It has been written with a thorough conviction, that there is 
a complete identity of interest between agriculture, manufac- 
tures, and commerce ; that when any one of them suffers mate- 
rial injur)?, the others largely partake of it ; and that a great pro- 
portion of the distress of this country has arisen from the er- 
roneous views of our statesmen on the subject of manufactures, 
which have been cramped and stunted, and finally in part anni- 
hilated in the most important branches, for want of that foster- 
ing care bestowed on them in England for ages, and recently in 
France in the most exemplary manner, and with the most bene- 
ficial effect. 

I have, therefore, endeavoured to prove — 

1. That the policy pursued by this nation in its tariff, from 
the commencement of its career, has been radically wrong. 

2. That this tariff has sacrificed a large portion of the nation- 
al industry ; to the incalculable injury of the united states, and 
to the immense advantage of the manufacturing nations of Eu- 
rope. 

3. That its tendency has been to render us tributary to those 
nations — converting a large portion of our population into 
hucksters and retailers of their productions, instead of produ- 
cers for our own consumption ; and rendering the great mass 
of the remainder consumers of those productions — thus prodi- 
gally lavishing our wealth to support foreign manufacturers and 
foreign governments — and impoverishing the nation to an alarm- 
ing degree. 

4. That this system has had the obvious and pernicious effect of 
narrowing the field for the exercise of native industry and tal- 
ent — and consequently of crouding immoderately those profes- 
sions that were open to the national enterprize. From this 
source has arisen the great number of merchants, so far beyond 
what was required by the commerce of the country. 

5. 1 have hence deduced the ruin of so large a proportion of 
that class. It was a necessary consequence of the over-driven 



260 INTRODUCTION. 

spirit of competition. This maybe exemplified in every depart- 
ment of human industry. In a town which would support two 
lawyers, doctors, or storekeepers genteely, three would barely 
make a living, and four be ruined. And finally — 

6. I have endeavoured to shew, that a due degree of protec- 
tion to manufactures would have been highly serviceable to ag- 
riculture and commerce. 

These views of our affairs are presented to the public with a 
sincere belief of their soundness. But, like other theorists, I 
may have deluded myself. However, whether right or wrong, 
the discussion cannot fail to prove useful — as it will shed light 
on the most important subject that can occupy the public atten- 
tion — the means of promoting individual happiness, and nation- 
al " wealth, power, and resources" — of removing the present in- 
tolerable evils, of which the secretary of the treasury, in his re- 
port of the 21st ultimo, has justly declared, that '-''fezu examples 
have occurred^ of distress so general, and so severe^ as that which 
has been exhibhedin the united states.^'' This important subject 
is worthy of the undivided attention of every man interested for 
the public welfare. 

If my views be incorrect, I shall rejoice to have the errors 
pointed out, and shall cheerfully recant them. Any suggestions 
on the subject will be received with thankfulness, and attended 
to. But if the ground I have taken be correct, 1 hope and trust 
the investigation may lead to a different course of policy, calcu- 
lated to enable us to realize the blessings promised to us by our 
constitution and our natural advantages, which at present so 
provokingly elude our grasp. 

Philadelphia. March 17th ^\^20. 



THE 

NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 



CHAPTER I. 

Preliminary observations. State oj" the nation. Whence it arises . 
Short-sighted policy. Decline of commerce inevitable. Substi- 
tutes ought to have been provided for the superjiuous mercantile 
capital.^ talent and industry. 

It is impossible for any one who can say with Terence — " I 
am a man — interested in whatever concerns my fellow men" — 
to take a calm and dispassionate view of the existing state of 
affairs, in this heaven-favoured land, without feeling deep dis- 
tress, and a melancholy conviction, that we have made a most 
lamentable waste of the immense advantages, moral, physical, 
and political, we enjoy — advantages rarely equalled, scarcely 
ever exceeded ; and that our erroneous policy has, in five years, 
produced more havoc of national wealth, power, and resources, 
and more individual distress, than, in a period of profound 
peace* has taken place in the same space of time, within two 
hundred years, in any nation in Europe, except Portugal. 

That governments are instituted for the protection, support, 
and benefit of the governed, is a maxim as old as the dawn of 
liberty in the world. The administrators are the mere agents of 
their constituents, hired to perform certain duties, for which 
they are here paid liberal salaries. 

The grand objects of their care are — the security of person — 
security of property acquired, and in the acquisition of. property 
— with the right of worshipping God as each man's conscience 
dictates. And government, by whatever name it may be called, 
is only estimable in proportion as it guards those sacred depo- 
sits. Our dear-bought experience proves, that the happiness of 
individuals and the prosperity of nations are by no means pro- 
portioned to the excellence of their forms of government. Did 
that excellence necessarily produce its natural results, we should 
rank among the happiest of nations, ancient or modern ; where- 
as, unfortunately, at present we occupy a low grade in point of 
prosperity. 

* Other nations usually and natiu-ally recover in peace from the injuries inflict- 
ed by war. We rose in war — and alas ! are sinking in peace ! ! ! What an awful 
view ! 



262 THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH- 

It is a melancholy feature in human affairs, that no institu- 
tions, however perfect — no administration, however upright or 
wise, can guard the whole of a nation against distress and em- 
barrassment. Accidents, not to be foreseen, or, if foreseen, not 
to be guarded against — imprudence, extravagance, and various 
other causes will frequently, in the most prosperous communities, 
produce a large portion of distress. This state of things is no 
impeachment to the goodness of the form of government, or the 
wisdom of its administrators. 

But when, as is our case, considerable bodies of people, whole 
sections of a nation, are involved in distress and embarrassment 
— when a large portion of the productive industry of the coun- 
try is laid prostrate — when most useful establishments, the pride, 
the glory, the main spring of the wealth, power, and resources 
of nations, are allowed to fall to ruins, without the slightest ef- 
fort to save them on the part of the legislative power, whose pa- 
ramount duty it is to interfere in their defence — when constitu- 
ents, writhing in distress and misery, call in vain on their re- 
presentatives for relief, which is within their power to afford — 
there must be something radically wrong in the people, or in the 
form of government, or radically vicious and pernicious in its 
legislation. 

The policy of a free government, good or bad, emanates from 
the legislative body, which has the destinies of the nation in its 
hands. The executive officers in such nations, who are gene- 
rally stiled the administration, have little power to avert the 
evils of a vicious, or to prevent the beneficent consequences of 
a wise legislation. This is peculiarly the case in our country. 

That the decay of our prosperity — the sufferings of our citi- 
zens — could not exist in a time of profound peace, without some 
great natural calamity---some radical defects in the people — great 
vice in the form of government — or an unsound system of policy, 
will not be controverted. 

Our distresses do not arise from any natural calamity. None 
has befallen us. 

Nor from the people. They are shrewd, intelligent, indus- 
trious, active, and enterprizing to a high degree. A wise legis- 
lator or statesman could not desire sounder materials to form 
the structure of a happy and prosperous society, and render his 
name immortal. 

Nor from the form of government. That, like every work of 
man, it has defects, must be conceded. But that it is the best the 
world ever witnessed, is susceptible of full proof on fair compa- 
rison with any that at present exist — or that ever existed. 

Our sufferings, therefore, are chargeable to our policy, which, 
I repeat, emanates from our general legislature, to whom, if our 
evils are not irremediable, we must apply for relief. 



vTHE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 263 

This declaration, as to the source of our distresses, requires 
qualification, so far as regards the diminution of our commerce, 
and the depreciation of the prices of our staples generally, nei- 
ther of which congress could have prevented. 

Cotton is an exception. For the ruinous reduction that has 
taken place in that article, they are answerable to their countiy. 
They might have readily made a domestic market, which would 
have preserved the price from any material depreciation, and 
:>aved the cotton planters above 7,0( 0,000 of dollars, and the 
merchants who purchased before the reduction, nearly 4,000.000. 
It required but a slender view of the state of our affairs, and 
of our future prospects, to have enabled our statesmen to 
foresee that the new state of affairs throughout the world re- 
quired a total change of policy. As we could no longer hope 
to be the carriers for Europe ; and as the immense armies dis- 
banded by the different belligerents, would be devoted partly to 
the labours of the field, and partly to work-shops and manufac- 
tories, whereby not only the markets for our staples, bread-stuffs 
particularly, would be diminished, but the quantity of manufac- 
tures there would be greatl) increased ; it required but little sa- 
gacity to see that a large portion of the talents, the capital, and 
the industry of our merchants, would be bereft of their usual 
employment : and therefore, every motive of policy, and regard 
for the public and private welfare, required thsit some other chan- 
nel should be opened to give them activity. But these were views 
beyond the grasp of most of our statesmen ; and, far from hold- 
ing out any new inducements to enter on manufacturing pur- 
suits, which would have absorbed the superfluous mercantile 
capital, they unwisely diminished those that existed, by repeal- 
ing the double duties in June, 1816, whereby the revenue lost 
millions of dollars, and the manufacturing industry of the 
country received a severe wound. 

The goal to which the policy we pursued after the late war, 
tended, was early foreseen and distinctly pointed out. The do- 
mestic exports of the country, the grand legitimate fund for the 
payment of our imports, for twenty years, from 1796 to 1815, 
inclusively, ainounted to only 698,676,879 dollars, or an average 
of nearly 35,000,000. Whereas our imports in the year 1815, 
exclusive of re-exportations, amounted to above 118,000,000. 
Lives there a man who could for a moment doubt where such a 
course of proceeding would land us ? Or, that our exports, 
which, under the immense advantages we enjoyed during the 
French revolution, only rose to the above average, would never, 
in a time of peace, enable us to pay for such extravagant impor- 
tations ? It was impossible to take the most superficial view of the 
subject, without being satisfied that we were as completely in 
the high road to destrwiction as a young man who has attained 



264 THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 

to the possession of a large estate, and who expends more than 
double his income. 

A wonderful feature in the affair is, that the net impost which 
accrued in 1815, was 36,306,022 dollars, being one million more 
than the annual average of the whole of our exports for twenty 
years ! ! 

Independent, therefore, of all concern for our manufacturers, 
some decisive efforts ought to have been made to diminish our 
imports, in order to arrest the career of national impoverish- 
ment. But the flourishing state of the revenue, which, with too 
many of our statesmen, absorbed all other considerations, ap- 
peared to promise a new fiscal millenium.=*= And hence the fatal 
repeal of the internal duties, which was carried by the over- 
whelming majority, in the house of representatives, of 161 to 5, 
in December, 1817 — than which a more wild and injudicious 
measure could hardly have been devised. We have lived to see 
its folly, and to deplore its consequences. 

What would be thought of the skill of a physician, who, while 
bleeding his patient to a state of inanition, was congratulating 
himself on the quantity and excellence of the blood pouring out 
of his veins! — such is the case precisely of those statesmen, who 
form their ideas of national prosperity from the great extent of 
the customs, more frequently, as it has proved with us, an uner- 
ring sign of decay. Ustariz, a celebrated Spanish political econ- 
omist, gives an admirable lesson on this subject ! — how deserv- 
ing of attention ! but how little attended to! 

" It aggravates the calamity of our country that the customs 
*' have improved and yielded more by the increase of imports ; 
" since it is so unfortunate a circumstance for us, that in order to 
" advance them a million of dollars^ estimating one duty -with ano- 
" ther at the rate of eight per cent. ^ after an alloxvance for frauds 
" and indidgences .^ there must be drawn out of the kingdom twelve 
" millions of dollars,''''] 



It cannot be too deeply lamented, that in placing before con- 
gress the calamitous situation of our manufactures and manu- 
facturers, (which, by the way is, but very lightly touched on) 
both the president and the secretary of the treasury, the former 
in his message, and the latter in his annual report, in recom- 
mending attention to the relief of this suffering class of citizens, 
express some hesitation on the subject, and speak hypothetical- 
ly, particularly the secretary. 

* It is a fact, that some of our great statesmen, in 1817, were sanguine enough 
to believe that the treasury would continue to overflow so fast, that the national 
debt would be paid off in a very few years ! 

\ Ustariz on the theory and practice of commerce and maritime affairs, vol. i. p. 6, 



THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 265 

The president states : — 

" It is deemed of importance to encourage our domestic 
" manufactures. In what manner the evils which have been ad- 
" verted to may be remedied, and how it ma}' be practicable in 
*' other respects, to afford them further encouragement, paying 
'''■due regard to the other great interests of the nation^ is submit- 
" ted to the wisdom of congress." 

The observation of the secretaiy is — ^ 

*' It is believed that the present is a favourable moment foraf- 
" fording efficient protection to that increasing and important in- 
" terest, ij it can be done consistently xvith the general interest 
" of the nation f 

Good heavens ! what an appalling if! Was there ever such 
an unlucky word introduced into a public document ! *■' -^it 
'' can be done consistently with the general interest of the na- 
" tion !" As if a statesman could for an instant doubt whether 
protecting and fostering this all-important portion of the nation- 
al industry — reducing our imports or expenses, within our ex- 
ports or income — and arresting the progress of distress and de- 
cay, could, in any possible case, be otherwise than " consistent 
'■'■with the general interest of the nation P'' As if it could be a 
matter of doubt, whether the contingency of our citizens paying 
a few dollars more per annum, for American manufactures than 
for foreign ones, (supposing that to be the case, which I shall 
prove wholly destitute of foundation,) is to be put into compe- 
tition with the bankruptcy of our manufacturing capitalists — 
the beggary of our working people — and the impoverishment of 
the nation ! 



Some of my friends have endeavoured to dissuade me from 
using the freedom of style, which prevails in this work. They 
declare it imprudent, as likely to prevent attention to the ap- 
plications of the manufacturers. I have duly weighed this 
very prudent advice, and cannot persuade myself to adopt 
it. The manufacturers require no favours. They only seek 
justice — they only seek that protection which has been so 
liberally accorded to commerce. Believing the system, pur- 
sued radically vicious and pernicious, it is the right and the 
duty of every man who suffers by it, to enter his protest 
against the ruinous course pursued — to trace it to its causes — 
and to display its consequences. I have used the language of a 
freeman. If the conduct I denounce, betray a manifest derelic- 
tion of duty, can there be any impropriety in marking the dere- 
liction ? In countries less free than the united states, far great- 
er severity is used in discussing the conduct of government. 

34 



266 THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 

Why then should it be criminal or improper here ? If any ot 
my statements be incorrect, or my inductions illogical, I shall 
freely retract and apologize for them. But till then, I throw 
myself on the good sense of the community, and dare the con- 
sequences. 



CHAPTER. II 

Sketch of the state of the nationfrom the peace of Paris till the or- 
ganization of the present federal government. Analogy with 
our present state. Unlimited freedom of commerce fairly tes- 
ted 

At the close of the revolutionary war, the trade of America 
was almost absolutely free and unrestrained in the fullest sense 
of the word, according to the theory of Adam Smith, Say, Ri- 
cardo, the Edinburgh Reviewers, and the authors of the Evicy- 
clopgedia. Her ports were open, with scarcely any duties, to 
the vessels atid merchandize of all other nations. In Pennsyl- 
vania, they were only about two and a half per cent. Even 
these were nugatory : because there was a free port established 
at Burlington, by the state of New Jersey, where a very large 
portion of the goods intended for Philadelphia were entered, 
ar.d conveyed over to this city clandestinely. The same fraudu- 
lent scenes were acted in other states, and thus trade was, as I 
have stated, almost wholly free. 

If enthusiasts did not too generally scorn to trammel them- 
selves by attention to facts, this case would settle the question 
of unrestrained commerce for ever — and prove, that the system 
ought to be postponed till the millennium, when it is possible it 
may stand a chance of promoting the welfare of mankind. But 
till then, woe to the nation that adopts it. Her destruction is 
sealed. 

But unfortunately theorists carefully avoid the facts that 
endanger their systems, how strong or convincing soever they 
may be. This saves an immensity of trouble. Hence in some 
of the grand systems of political economy, which have acquired 
great celebrity, you may travel through fifty or a hundred pages 
together, of most harmonious prose, all derived from a luxuriant 
imagination, without your career being arrested by a single fact. 
But on a little reflection or examination, you may as readily find 
a single fact, recorded elsewhere in ten lines, which demolishes 
the whole. 

From almost every nation in Europe, large shipments were 
made to this country— -many of them of the most ludicrous kind, 



THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 267 

which implied an utter ignorance of the wants, the situation and 
the resources of the united states. Among the re^t, the re- 
cesses of Monmouth street, in London, and Plunket street, in 
Dublin, the receptacles of the cast-ofF clothes of these two capi- 
tals, were emptied of a portion of their contents ; for it was sup- 
posed that the war had rendered the nation destitute of every 
thing, even of covering. Happy was the man who could send 
" a veriture^'' as it was called, to this country, which the mis- 
guided Europeans supposed an El Dorado, where every thing 
was to be converted into gold with a cent per cent, profit at least. 
Goods often lay on the wharves for many days for want of store 
room. House rent rose to double and treble the former rates. 
The importers and consignees at first sold at great advances — 
and believed they were rapidly indemnifying themselves for the 
deprivations and sufferings of the war. "" 

But these glorious times soon came to a close like those of 
1815. From "day dreams" and delusive scenes of boundless 
wealth, the citizens awoke to pinching misery and distress. The 
nation had no mines to pay her debts. And industry, the only 
legitimate and permanent source of individual happiness, and 
national wealth, power, and resources, was destroyed, as it has re- 
cently been by the influx, and finally by the depreciation of the 
price, of the imported articles : for the quantity on hands being 
equal to the consumption of two or three years, of course the 
great mass of goods fell below cost — often to half and one-third. 
All our citizens were at once converted into disciples of Adam 
Smith. They purchased every species of goods "cheaper than 
they could be manufactured at home." Accordingly domestic 
manufactures were arrested in their career. The weaver, the 
shoemaker, the hatter, the saddler, the sugar baker, the brewer, 
the rope maker, the paper maker, &c. were reduced to bankrupt- 
cy. Their establishments were suspended. Their workmen 
were consigned to idleness and all its long train of evils. The 
payment for the foreign rubbish exhausted the country of near- 
ly the whole of its specie, immense quantitiesof which had been 
introduced to pay the French and British armies, and likewise 
from the Spanish colonies. Two thirds probably of the specie 
then in the country were composed of French crowns. 

However calamitous the present state of affairs, we have not 
yet sunk to so low an ebb, as at that period. I have in 1786 
seen sixteen houses to let in two squares, of about 800 feet, in 
one of the best sites for business in Philadelphia. Real pro- 
perty could hardly find a market. The number of persons re- 
duced to distress, and forced to sell their merchandize, was so 
great, and those who had money to invest, were so very few, 
that the sacrifices were immense. Debtors were ruined, with- 
out paying a fourth of the demands of their creditors. There 



268 THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 

were most unprecedented transfers of property. Men worth 
large estates, who had unfortunately entered into business with 
a view of increasing their fortunes, were in a year or two total- 
ly ruined — and those who had a command of ready money, 
quadrupled or quintupled their estates in an equally short space. 
Confidence was so wholly destroyed, that interest rose to two, 
two and a half, and three per cent, per month. And bonds, and 
judgments, and mortgages were sold at a discount of twenty, 
thirty, forty, and fifty per cent. In a word, few countries have 
experienced a more awful state of distress and wretchedness. 

To corroborate these views, I annex historical statements of 
the situation of the country. 

" In every part of these states, the scarcity of money has be- 
*' come a common subject of complaint. This does not seem 
*' to be an imaginary grievance, like that of hard times, of which 
*' men have complained in all ages of the world. The misfor- 
" tune is general, and in many cases it is severely felt. The 
*' scarcity of money is so great, or the difficulty of paying debts 
*' has been so common, that riots and combinations have been 
^'•formed in many places^ and the operations of civil government 
" have been suspended.'^'''' 

" Goods -were imported to a much greater amount than could be 
" consumed or paidJor?''\ 

" Thus was the usual means of remittance by articles the 
*' growth of the country, almost annihilated, and little else than 
*' specie remained, to answer the demands incurred by importa- 
*'tions. The ^noney^ of course^ xvas draivn off; and this being 
" inadequate to the purpose of discharging the whole amount of 
^'•foreign contracts^ the residue was chiefly sunk by the bankrupt- 
*' cies of the importers. The scarcity of specie, arising principal- 
*' ly from this cause, was attended with evident consequences ; 
" It checked commercial intercourse throughout the community, 
" and furnished reluctant debtors with an apology for withhold- 
" ing their dues both from individuals and the public.":}: 

" On opening their ports, an immense quantity of foreign mer- 
^^ chandize xvas introduced into the country ^and they were tempt- 
" edby the sudden cheapness of imported goods .^ and by their own 
"wants, to purchase beyond their capacities for payment. Into 
" this indiscretion they were in some measure beguiled by their 
*' own sanguine calculations of the value which a free trade 
" would bestow on the produce of their soil, and. by a reliance 
" on those evidences of the public debt which werenn the hands 
" of most of them. So extravagantly too did many estimate the 
*' temptation which equal liberty and vacant lands would hold 
" out to emigrants from the old world, as to entertain the opin- 

* Dr. Hugh Williamson. 

I Minot's history of the Insurrection in Massachusetts, p. 2. 

% fdeiD, p. 13, 



THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 269 

" ion that Europe was about to empty itself into America, and 
*'tbat the united states would derive from that source such an 
" increase of population, as would enhance their lands to a price 
" heretofore not even conjectured."* 

*' The bonds of men, whose competency to pay their debts 
"was unquestionable, could not be negociated but at a discount 
'■'■oi thirty ^ forty ^ and Jiffy per centum : real property was scarce- 
*■'■ ly vendible; and sales of any articles for ready money could 
*' be made only at a ruinous loss. The prospect of extricating 
*' the country from those embarrassments was by no means flat- 
" tering. Whilst every thing else fluctuated, some of the causes 
*' which produced this calamitous state of things were perma- 
" nent. The hope and fear still remained, that the debtor party 
" would obtain the victory at the elections ; and instead of ma- 
" king the painful effort to obtam relief by industry and 
*' economy, many rested all their hopes on legislative interfe- 
" rence. The mass of notional labour and national wealth was 
" consequently diminished ''''\ 

" Property^ when brought to sale under execution^ sold at so low 
u d price as frequently milled the debtor without paying the credi- 
*' tor. A disposition to resist the laws became common : assem- 
**• blies were called oftener and earlier than the constitution or 
"laws required."! 

*' Laws were passed by which property of every kind was 
" made a legal tender in the payment of debts.^ though payable 
*' according to contract in gold or silver. Other laws installed 
*' the debt, so that of sums already due, only a third, and after- 
" wards only a fifth, was annually recoverable in the courts of 
" law."§ 

'-'■ Silver and gold^ which had circulated largely in the latter 
" years of the rvar, were returning by the usual course of trade to 
*' those countries^ xvhence large quantities of necessary and un- 
" necessary commodities had been imported. Had any general 
*' system of impost been adopted, some part of this money might 
" have been retained, and some part of the public debt discharg- 
" ed ; but the power of congress did not extend to this object ; 
*' and the states were not united in the expediency of delegating 
*'new and sufficient powers to that body. The partial imposts, 
*' laid by some of the states, were ineffectual, as long as others 
*' found their interest in omitting them."|| 

" The people of New Hampshire petitioned ; and to gratify 
" them the legislature enacted, that when any debtor shall tender 
" to his creditor., in satisfaction oj an execution for debt., either 

* Marshall's Life of Washington, V. p. 7S. \ Idem p. 88. 

t Ramsay's S. Carohna. II. p. 428. 

§ Belknap's History ot New Harasplure,II. p. 352. 

B Idem, p. 356. 



270 THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 

« real or personal estate siifficient^ the body of the debtor shall 
*' be exempt from imprisonment, and the debt shall carry an in- 
*' terest of six per cent. ; the creditor being at liberty either to 
" receive the estate, so tendered, at a value estimated by three 
*' appraisers, or to keep alive the demand by making out an ali- 
" as, within one year after the return of any former execution, 
" and levying it on any estate of the debtor which he can find."* 

While our citizens were writhing under these evils, destitute 
of a circulating medium, industry universally paralized, thou- 
sands every where deprived of the means of supporting their fa- 
milies, bankruptcy daily swallowing up in its vortex our mer- 
chants, tradesmen, manufacturers, and artisans — it is not won- 
derful thatrecourse was had to various indefensible means, to pal- 
liate the evils. The real source, that is, the want of an adequate 
tariff to protect national industry by high duties and prohibi- 
tions, was not explored — and even if it had been, there existed 
no authority competent to apply a remedy. 

Among the expedients employed, emissions of paper money, 
legal tenders, appraisement acts, and suspensions of the opera- 
tion of courts of justice in regard to the collection of debts, 
were the most prominent. These were but miserable palliatives 
of a disordor arising solely, I repeat, from the destruction of 
the national industry, and which nothing but its resuscitation 
could remove. 

In Massachusetts, the suffering rose higher than in any other 
part of the united states. Riotous collections of people assembled 
in various parts at the periods for convening the courts of com- 
mon pleas, to prevent their proceedings ; and actually in every 
instance but one, according to judge Marshal, carried their pur- 
poses into execution. In fact, so severe was the distress, and 
so numerous were the debtors, that they more than once had a 
majority in the legislature. The evil under the existing form of 
government was incurable. It ended in an open insurrection, 
under Shays, a revolutionary officer, which was crushed by the 
energy of governor Bowdoin and his council — and the decision 
of generals Lincoln and Sheppard. 

Some idea may be entertained of the state of public affairs, 
quite as deplorable as those of individuals, from the circum- 
stance that governor Bowdoin having laised four thousand mili- 
tia against the insurgents, there was not money enough in the 
treasury to support that small army for one week ; and they could 
not have been marched but for the patriotism of a number of 
public-spirited individuals, who subscribed the sum necessary 
for the purpose. 

* Belknap's history of New Hampslure vol. II. p. 429. 



THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 271 

" The public treasury did not afford the means of keeping this 
" force in the field a single week : and the legislature not being 
" in session, the constituted authorities were incapable of put- 
" ting the troops in motion. This difficulty w^as removed by in- 
" dividual patriotism !"* 

The insurrection produced a salutary effect, by spreading a 
conviction of the utter inefficacy of the existing form of govern- 
ment, and of the imperious necessity of adopting a new one. — 
The difficulty under which the federal constitution laboured in 
its progress, notwithstanding the impetus it received from this 
alarming event, shews that it would have probably failed of suc- 
cess, had not the public distress arrived at its highest pitch. 

Those of our citizens who ascribe the existing calamities to 
the baleful career of the banks, are advised to consider this 
parallel case, wherein banks had no agency. When the war 
closed, there was but one bank in the united states, that of North 
America, located in the city of Philadelphia, with a capital of 
400,000 dollars. And in 1785, when embarrassment and 
distress pervaded the state, many of the citizens in casting 
round to discover the source, believed, or affected to believe, 
that they sprang from the operation of this institution. Accord- 
ingly petitions were presented to the legislature to repeal its 
charter. Counsel were heard at the bar of the house for and 
against the bank — the late respected Judge Wilson in defence, 
and Jonathan Dickinson Sargeant, father of the present member 
of congress from Philadelphia, in opposition. The state, let it be 
observed, was then divided into two parties, very violently em- 
bittered against each other. The repeal was quite a party ques- 
tion, and decided by party views. The majority in the legisla- 
ture were hostile to the institution, and repealed the charter, 
which measure they regarded as a sovereign remedy for all the 
existing evils. Had the repeal been effectual, it would have mul- 
tiplied instead of diminishing them. But having a charter from 
congress, the bank set the legislature at defiance, and pursued 
" the even tenor of its way," unruffled by *' the peltings of the 
pitiless storm." 

It may gratify curiosity to see the view given of the tremen- 
dous influence which was conjured up for this institution, in or- 
der to alarm the citizens, and justify the repeal. 

The committee to whom the petitions were referred, in their 
report stated — 

I " That foreigners will doubtless be more and more induced tc» 
" become stockholders, until the time may arrive when this en- 
" ormous engine of power may become subject to foreign infiu- 
" ence. This country may be agita'ted with the politics of Euro- 
*' pean courts ; and the good people of America reduced once more 

♦ Marshall's Life of Washin^on, vol. V. p. 121. 



272 THE NEW OTIVE BRANCH. 

*' into a atate of subordination and dependence upon some one or 
" other of the European powers /"* 

On the 17th of Feb. in the year 1784, the Massachusetts 
Bank was incorporated, with power to hold in real estate 50,000/. 
and to raise a capital stock of 500,000/. The subscription did 
not, I have reason to believe, exceed at that time 400,000 dol- 
lars. 

In the same year the state of New York incorporated the 
bank of that name, with the extent of whose capital I am unac- 
quainted. 

These were the only banks in existence in the united states, 
previous to the adoption of the federal constitution. And as 
distress and embarrassment equally pervaded those states where 
there were none, it is absurd to ascribe the evil to those institu- 
tutions where they existed. 

In North Carolina there were two emissions of paper money, 
with a legal tender, from 1783, to 1787. They depreciated fif- 
ty per cent, in a short time. 

The state of affairs described in tlie preceding pages accounts 
for a fact which has always excited deep regret, and which, I 
believe, has never been traced to its source. I mean the de- 
preciation of the public securities, which the holders were obli- 
ged to part with at ten, twelve and fifteen cents in the dollar, 
whereby a large portion of the warmest friends of the re volution, 
who had risked their lives and embarked their entire property 
in its support, were wholly ruined, and many of its deadly ene- 
mies most immoderately enriched. Never was Virgil's celebra- 
ted line more applicable — 

Sic vos — non vobis, mellificatis, ape«. 

The reader is requested to bear these pictures of distress in 
mind, during the perusal of the chapter in which I propose to 
investigate the causes assigned for the evils under which the 
community labours at present. They shed strong light on the 
subject. 

Well as I am aware of the pertinacious adherence of mankind 
to theory, and the difficulty of breaking the intellectual chains 
by which it holds the mind, I cannot refrain from again urging 
the strong case of this country at that period on the most seri- 
ous consideration of the disciples of Adam Smith, Say, Ricardo, 
and the other political economists of that school. It ought to 
dispel forever the mists, on the subject of unrestrained com- 
merce, which that abstruse work, the Wealth of Nations, has 
spread abroad. Here the system had fair scope for operation. 

* Journal of the house of representatives, March 28, 1785. 



THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 273 

The ports of this country, I repeat, were open to the commerce 
of the whole world, with an impost so light as not even to meet 
the wants of the treasury. We had none of those " rcntrictions-^^'' 
^^ prohibitions^^ or" prohibitory duties^^'' to which the new school of 
political economists ascribe the sufferings of England and of this 
country. We " bought our tnerchundize xvhere it could be had 
" cheapest^'' and the consequences followed, which have never 
failed to follow such a state of things. Our markets were glut- 
ted. Prices fell. Competition on the part of our manufactur- 
ers was at an end. They were beggared and bankrupted. The 
merchants, whose importations had ruined them, were them- 
selves involved in the calamity. And the farmers who had fe- 
licitated themselves on the grand advantage of " buying foreign 
*' merchandize cheap," sunk likewise into the vortex of general 
destruction. 

Would to heaven that the precious and invaluable lessons 
these facts afford may not in future be thrown away on our 
statesmen and the nation at large ! Had they been duly attend- 
ed to, at the close of the late war, the united states, instead of 
the afflicting scenes they now exhibit, would present a picture 
of prosperity, public and private, v/hich would have realized the 
fondest anticipations of the philosophers of both hemispheres — 
anticipations which have been most lamentably disappointed — 
and " like the baseless fabric of a vision^^ scarcely " left a trace 
" behind:^ 



CHAPTER III. 

Adoption of the federal constitution. Its happy effects. Utter 
impolicy of the tariff. Manufactures and manufacturers not 
protected. Hamiltoii's celebratedreport. Glari7ig inconsisten- 
cy. Excise systetn. Its unproductiveness. 

The adoption of the federal constitution operated like magic ; 
produced a total change in the state of affairs ; and actually re- 
moved no small portion of the public suffering, by the confidence 
it inspired, even before the measures of the government could 
be carried into effect. 

The united states began their career in 1789, with advantages 
never exceeded, rarely equalled. The early administrators of 
the government had a high degree of responsibility. They were 
laying the foundations of an empire whic h may be the most ex- 

Z5 



274 THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 

tensive and powerful the world ever knew, and whose destinies 
they held in their hands, 

1 he tariff was fraught with errors of the most grievous kind. 
Disregarding the examples and the systems of the wisest na- 
tions of Europe, it was calculated to sacrifice the resources of 
the country for the benefit of foreign manufacturing nations. And 
indeed had it been framed by an agent of any of those nations, it 
could not have answered the purpose better. It afforded them 
nearly all the benefits usually derived from colonies, without the 
expense of their support. It deprived our manufacturing citizens 
of all the advantages of reciprocity in their intercourse with the 
rest of the world. 

The era is not long passed over, when any man who dared to 
arraign the conduct of the early congresses under the federal 
constitution, and accuse them of having established tariffs which 
sacrificed the dearest interests of their country, and clipped its 
wings in its flight towards the high destinies to which its extent, 
its government, the energies of the people, and the great variety 
of other advantages which it possessed, bid it aspire, would be 
regarded with jealousy, and covered with obloquy. The voice 
of reaoon, of truth, and of history, would have been smothered 
amidst the loud clamours of prejudice and party. But I trust 
the fatal results of the system have prepared the public mind to 
hear with patience, and judge with candour, the facts on which I 
ground these opinions, and the inductions I draw from them. 

To those who consider the mode in which the members of 
congress are elected — the various quarters from which they 
come — the different degrees of illumination that prevail in the 
districts they respectively represent — how many neglect to pre- 
pare themselves fully for the stations they occupy-^ — it will not 
appear wonderful that the views of a portion of them are con- 
tracted, and do not embrace on a broad and comprehensive scale 
the interests of the nation as one grand whole. 

The want of adequate protection to the productive industry of 
the manufacturers, conspicuous in the first and the succeeding ta- 
riffs, may be accounted for from the concurrence in one object 
of four descriptions of citizens, whose particular views, however, 
were entirely different. 

I. The most influential members of the mercantile class have 
appeared at all times jealous of the manufacturers, and been dis- 
posed to regard adequate protection to them as injurious to the 
prosperity of commerce. Hence they have too generally and too 
successfully opposed prohibitions and prohibitory duties as li- 
miting their importations of foreign goods. Although there are 
many gentlemen of this class whose views are expanded and li- 
beral, there is a large proportion whose opposition remains una- 
bated. 



THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 275 

II. Many of the agriculturalists too have been equally jealous 
of the ji;anufa(turers — opposed the Imposition of duties ade- 
quate to the protection of their fellow citizens — and not allowed 
a single article to be prohibited. They dreaded an extravagant rise 
of price as a necessarv result of securing the home market to our 
own citizens. It does not appear to have ever entered into 
their calculations, that, in a country like the United States, where 
monopolies are excluded, and where industry and enterprize so 
generally prevail, and are so wholly uncontrolled, the competi- 
tion would, to use the words of Alexander Hamilton, assuredly 
*' bring prices to their proper level.'''' 

III. The third description comprised the disciples of Adam 
Smith, who contended that trade ought to be allowed to regulate 
itself — that commerce should be left unrestrained — that all na- 
tions ought to buy wherever they could procure articles cheap- 
est, &c. &c. 

IV. The fourth class considered themselves, and were regard- 
ed by others, as of a higher order. The whole of their political 
economy was, however, confined within veiy narrow limits. It 
never travelled beyond the collection of revenue. The ways and 
means were their alpha and omega, their sine qua non. Provi- 
ded the treasury was overflowing, they had neither eyes, nor 
ears, nor tongue for any other object. We have for years 
past seen that with statesmen of this description the spread of bank- 
ruptcy throughout our cities — the dt cay of splendid manufacturing- 
establishments — the distress of thousands of useful men — the 
wailings of helpless women and children, never excited any alarm. 
The importation of foreign goods, to the amount of 60,000,000 
dollars, which exhausted the country of its specie, produced al- 
most universal distress, and devoted thousands of workmen to 
idleness, and part of them to beggary, was a subject of rejoicing 
— for it brought 15,000,000 of cloliars into the treasury ! This 
was the salve for every sore — the panacea, which, like the wa- 
ters of the Jordan, cleansed off all the ulcers and foulnesses of 
the body politic. 

This statement may appeartoo severe. But I beg the reader 
will not decide on the correctness or incorrectness of it, till he 
has read the chapter on the contumelious and unfeeling neglect 
of the pathetic applications of* the manufacturers to congress for 
relief in 1816, 1817, and 1818. 

The views of these four descriptions of citizens were aided 
by the extensive prevalence of a host of prejudices, which were 
sedulouslj' inculcated by foreign agents, whose wealth and pros- 
perity' depended on keeping this market open to their fabrics, and 
repressing the growth of our manufactures. 

1 . The idea of the immense superiority of agricultural pur- 
suits and agriculturists over manufactures and manufacturers, was 
almost universally prevalent. It had been fondly cherished by 



•276 THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 

Great Britain and her friends here during the colonial state of the 
country, and long. afterwards : and no small portion of the citizens 
of the united states were unable to divest their minds of the colo- 
nial trammels, when the country assumed its independent rank 
among nations. 

2. The same keen sensibility on the subject of smuggling was 
manifested, as we have so often witnessed more recently. This 
was assigned as a reason for admitting three-fovirths of all the 
manufactured merchandize under a duty of five per cent. ! ! 

3. The miserable outcry on the subject of" taxing the many 
^^for the benefit of thefexv^'' which is still used as a sort of war 
whoop against the manufacturers, was then in full force. 

4. The back lands, it was asserted, ought to be cultivated be- 
fore the labour of our citizens was diverted off to manufactures. 

5. The high price of labour in this country was by many re- 
garded as an insuperable bar, and a proof that " we were not yet 
ripe for manufactures." 

6. The demoralization asserted to be inseparable from manu- 
facturing establishments, was among the prominent objections. 



There is a magic in great names which renders their errors 
highly pernicious. That Mr. Jefferson is a truly great man, is 
now, I believe, universally admitted, since the baleful passions, 
excited by party, have subsided, and the atrocious calumnies 
with which, in the days of faction and delusion, he was over- 
whelmed, have sunk into deserved oblivion. But that he has 
had no small degree of instrumentality in giving currency to 
the system we have pursued, it would be vain to deny. He has 
drawn a contrast between manufactures and agriculture, so im- 
mensely advantageous to the latter, as to have fostered the old, 
and excited new prejudices against the former, many of which 
still maintain their influence. Mr. Jefferson was born, brought 
up, and lived in a slave-holding state, a large portion of the in- 
dustry of which is devoted to the culture of tobacco, one of the 
most pernicious kinds of employment in the world. It more 
completely exhausts the soil, and debases and wears out the 
wretched labourer, tlian any other species of cultivation. How, 
under such circumstances, he could have drawn such a captiva- 
ting picture of the labours of the field, it is difficult to say. His 
Arcadia must have been sought, not in Virginia or Maryland, 
but in Virgil's or Pope's pastorals, or Thomson's seasons. 

This is not a place to enter into a comparison of these occu- 
pations, otherwise the boasted superiority might be found not 
to rest on so stable a basis as is generally supposed. 



THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 



277 



Mr. Jefferson lately retracted his opinions on those subjects. 
In a letter to B. Austin, Esq, of Boston, he distinctly states : — 

" To be independent for thecomjorts of life ^ toe must fabricate 
" them ourselves. We must now place the manufacturer by the 
^'' side of the agricidturistJ'^ 

*' Experience has taught me, that manufactures are norv as ne- 
cessary to our independe7ice^ as to our comfort.'''' 

In order to justify the character I have given of the tariff of 
1789, I annex a description of two tariffs, one calculated to pro- 
tect and promote individual industry and national prosperity, 
and the other to destroy both. 

FEATURES. 



A sound tariff 

1. Renders revenue subsement to 
the promotion of individual industry 
and national prosperity. 

2. Prohibits such articles as can be 
fully supphed at home on reasonable 
terms. 

3. Imposes heavy duties on articles 
interfering- with the rising manufac- 
tures of the country. 

4. Admits on light duties articles 
that do not interfere with the industry 
of the nation. 



A pernicious tariff 

1. Regards revenue as the grand ob- 
ject of solicitude. 

2. Prohibits no article whatever, how- 
e^er competent the country may be to 
supply itself. 

3. Imposes such low duties on manu- 
factures, as, wliile they serve the pur- 
poses of revenue, cannot promote na- 
tional industry, or prevent or materially 
check impoi-tation. 

4. Raises as large a portion of the 
revenue as possible on articles not in- 
terfering with the industry of the na- 
tion. 



CONSEQUENCES. 



A sound tariff" 

Secures emplojinent to industrj', 
capita], talent, and enterprize. 

Preserves the circulating medium, 
and dai'y adds to the wealth, power, 
and resoiucesof the nation. 

Extends prosperity and happiness in 
every direction. 



A pernicious tariff 

Deprives a large poi-tion of the in- 
dustry, capita], talent, and enterprize 
of tlie citizens of employment. 

Drains away the circulating medium, 
and exliausts the national resources. 

Spreads misery and distress througli 
the country, as we find by dear bought 
experience. 



If the tariff in question be tried by this standard, which, I 
trust, will be found a correct one, and by its results, I shall be 
exonerated from censure. It was extremely simple. It enume- 
rated about thirty manufactured articles, subject to seven and a 
half and ten per cent, duty — Coaches, chaises, &c. to fifteen — and 
about eight or ten to specific duties. All the remainder were 
thrown together, as non-enumerated, and subject to five per cent.!! 
Its protection of agriculture is reserved as the subject of another 
chapter. 



278 



Blank books. 

Paper, 

Paper hangings 

Cabinet wares. 

Buttons, 

Saddles, 

Tanned leather, 

Anchors, 

Wrought iron. 

Gloves, 

Millenery, 



THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 

At 7^ per cent. 



Tin and pewter warej 
Canes, 
Whips, 

Ready made clothing. 
Brushes, 

Gold, silver, and plated ware. 
Jewelry, 
^Paste work. 
Manufactures of leather. 
Hats. 



At to per cent. 



Looking glasses. 

Window and other glass. 

Gunpowder, 

China, stone, and earthen ware. 



Buckles, 

Gold and silver laeo^ 

Gold and silver leaf. 

Paints. 



At 15 per cent. 
Goaehes, chariottfj chaises, solos, &c. 

Subject to specific duties. 



Boots, per pair, - 
Leather shoes. 
Silk shoes or slippers, - 
Cables, per cwt. - 
Tarred cordage, do. 
Unwrought steel, per lb. 



Cents. 
50 
7 
10 
75 
75 
56 



Untarred cordage and yam, 
per cwt 

Twine or pack thread, per 
cwt. 

Wool and cotton cards, per 
dozen, . - - . 



Cents. 

90 

200 

50 



Non-enumerated articles^ subject to 5 percent. 



Bricks, 

Brass in sheets. 

Brazing copper. 

Combs, 

Clocks, 

Copper bottoms, 

Hah' powder, 

Inkpowder, 

Linens and other manvfactures ofjlaz 

Maps and charts, 

Paints, 

Printed books. 

Paintings, 

Silks, 

Slates, 

Starch, 

SeaUng wax. 

Worsted shoes. 

Brass manufactiu'es., 

China ware. 



Cannon, 

Cutlery, 

Cotton goods of all kinds. 

Fire arms. 

Gilt wares. 

Hempen cloth. 

Iron mamifactures, 

Japanned WM-es, 

Lead manufactm-es, 

Muskets, 

Printing types. 

Pottery, 

Pins, 

Steel manufactures. 

Stone ware. 

Side arms. 

Sail cloth. 

Tin wares. 

Wood manufactures, 

Woollen goods of every kind f ! &c. &c 



THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 279 

In order to form a correct estimate of the effect of those du- 
ties as protection, it is necessary to take a view of the situation 
of this country and of those with which our citizens were to com- 
pete — which were principally, Great Britain, France, Germany, 
and the East Indies. 

The united states had recently emerged from a desolating war 
of seven years duration : and a peace of six years had been as 
destructive to their resources. Their manufacturers were pos- 
sessed of slender capitals, and as slender credit. Workmen were 
inexperienced — and wages high. All the expenses, moreover, 
of incipient undertakings were to be encountered. The chief 
counterbalance for all these disadvantages, was the freight and 
commission on the rival articles. 

Great Britain possessed every possible advantage in the conflict. 
Her manufacturers had the secure possession of their domestic 
market — and had only to send their surplus productions to this 
country — their machinery was excellent — they had drawbacks, 
in general equal to, and often greater than, the expenses of trans- 
portation — skilful workmen — and wages comparatively low — 
Her merchants were possessed of immense capitals, and gave 
most liberal credits. 

The cheapness of living and labour in France, Germany, and 
more particularly in the East Indies, afforded the people of those 
countries advantages over our manufacturers, only inferior to 
those enjoyed by Great Britain. 

Under these circumstances, I trust it will be admitted by eve- 
ry man of candour that it would be a mere mockery and insult 
to common sense, to pretend that live per cent., which, as ap- 
pears above, was the duty on seven-eighths of all the manufac- 
tured articles imported into this country, was imposed with a 
view to protection. Revenue alone was the object. 

Having to struggle with such a lamentably impolitic system, 
it is wonderful that our manufactures made any progress. It re- 
flects great credit on our citizens, that they were able to emerge 
from such an overwhelming mass of difficulties, as they had to 
encounter. 

While the grand leading manufactures of cotton, wool, iron, 
steel, lead, flax, and pottery, were thus subject to only five per 
cent, duty, lest smuggling should be encouraged, it may afford 
some gratification to curiosity to exhibit a statement of the very 
high duties on tea, coffee, rum. Sec. which were wholly unres- 
trained by any fear of smuggling. 



280 



THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 



1789. 

Souchong, per lb. - 
Hyson, do. - - 

Bohea, do. - - 

Madeira, per gallon, - 
Jamaica rum, do. - 
Coffee, per lb. - - - 
Sugar, do. - - - 
Salt, per bushel, - - 



Price. 


Duty. 


Per cent. 




39 


10 


25 


49 


20 


40 




15 


6 


40 




100 


18 


18 




40 


10 


25 




12* 


n 


20 




5 


H 


30 




12 


6 


50 





Thus a yard of broad cloth or muslin, value four dollars, paid 
no more duty than a pound of hyson tea, value 49 cents ! 

The amount of goods subject to ad valorem duties, imported 
in 1789, 1790, and 1791, was as follows — 



Per cent. 


1789. 


1790. 


1791. 


5 

n 

10 
15 


§7,136,578 

520,182 

305,248 

5 

2,700 


§14,605,713 

1,067,143 

699,14? 

4,876 


§11,036,477 

7,708,337 

1,114,463 

314,206 

5,654 




§7,969,731 


§16,376,881 


§19,179,137* 



The duties on the above were about 2,600,000 dollars : and the 
whole amount of the impost for those three years, was 6,494,225 
dollars. f 

The residue, about 3,900,000 dollars, was collected principal- 
ly from teas, wines, sugar, salt, spirits, spices, and coffee ! This 
completely justifies the character of the tariff, that as large a por- 
tion as possible of the impost was levied on articles not interfer- 
ing with national industry ; and that the duties on manufactur- 
ed merchandize were as light as the exigencies of the govern- 
ment would admit. 

The manufacturers at this period, as they have done so often 
since, besought the protection and threw themselves on the lib- 
erality of congress. On the eleventh of April, 1789, Samuel 
Smith, Esq. of Maryland, presented to congress a memorial 
from the manufacturers of Baltimore, stating — 

" That since the close of the late war, and the completion of 
" the revolution, they have observed with serious regret theman- 
*' ulacturing and trading interest of the country rapidly declining, 
" and the attempts of the state legislatures to remedy the evil, 
" failing of their object ; that in the present melancholy state of 
" our country, the number of poor increasing for want of em- 
" ployment, foreign debts accumulating, houses and lands depre- 
" dating in value, and trade and manufactures languishing and 



■ Seybert, 158. 



t Idem, 395- 



THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH, 281 

'* expiring ; they look up to the supreme legislature of the united 
" states, as the guardians of the whole empire, and from their 
" united wisdom and patriotism, and ardent love of their country, 
" expect to derive that aid and assistance, which alone can dissi- 
" pate their just apprehensions and animate them with hopes of 
*' success in future ; by imposing on all Joretgn articles which can 
**■ be made in America^ such duties as will give a just and decided 
*'^ preference to their labours ; discountenancing that trade which 
*' tends so materially to injure them and impoverish their coun- 
" try : measures which in their consequences may contribute to 
" the discharge of the national debt, and the due support of gov- 
*' ernment; that they have annexed a list of such articles as are, 
*' or can be manufactured amongst them, and humbly trust in the 
" wisdom of the legislature to grant them, in common with oth- 
" er mechanics and manufacturers of the united states, that relief 
*' that may appear proper.''* 

This application met with the same fate, as more recent ones 
have experienced from the successors of that congress. 

It would require a long chapter to develope the utter impolicy 
of this tariff, and its inauspicious effects on the industry and hap- 
piness of a large portion of our citizens, and on the national 
prosperity. My limits forbid me to display the whole of its de- 
formity. I annex one further view of it : 

In 1793, the amount of merchandize imported at 

1h and 8 per cent, was about - - Sl5,328,000f 

On which the net duty was about - - gl, 200,000 



This included all articles of clothing, whether cotton, woollen, 
or silk, (except India goods, subject to twelve and a half per 
cent.) 
The net duty on coffee for the same year was - Sl,226,724| 



Being more than on the whole of the clothing of the nation. 

Let us examine how this might have been arranged for the 
promotion of the prosperity of the country. 

Suppose that the duty on coffee had been reduced 

so as to raise only v - - ^700,000 

* Debates of Congress, I. 29. f Seybert, 158. % Idem 438. 

36 



'ZB^- THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH, 

And that the duty on cotton and woollen goods 
had been raised to 20 per cent,, which might 
have reduced the importation to ^^8,500,000, and 
produced ^ , - - - 1,700,000 

S2,4OO,0OO 



which is nearly the aggregate of the duties stated. 

Or, suppose that the duty on coffee had remained unaltered, 
and on cottons and woollens been increased to 25 per cent. — and 
that the importations had been diminished to 5,000,000 of dol- 
lars, the revenue would have been unimpaired. 

What an immense difference ! In one case, nearly 7,000,000 
and in the other 10,000,000 of dollars saved to the country ! — 
Three or four hundred thousand people rendered happy ! A 
market for the farmers for probably 6,000,000 lbs. of wool ! and 
for the whole of the cotton then raised by our planters. 

But it is a humiliating truth, that very few of our statesmen 
have ever predicated their measures on national views. They 
are almost all sectional. They do not fall within Rousseau's 
description : — - 

^' Jl belongs to the real statesman to elevate his views in the im- 
^'- position of taxes ^ above the mere object of Ji nance ^ and to trans- 
'■^form them into useful regulations. '''* 

It is a melancholy operation for a real friend to the honour, 
power, resources, and happiness of the united states, to compare 
the tariff of 1789, and the principles on which it is predicated, 
with the preamble to a law of the state of Pennsylvania, passed 
anno 1785, four years before. The sound policy, the fostering 
care of its citizens, and of the resources of the state displayed in 
the latter, form a strong and decisive contrast with the utter im- 
policy of the tariff. 

Sect. i. ^' Whereas divers useful and beneficial arts and manufac- 
" tures h ive been gradually introduced into Pennsylvania, and the 
" same have at len£>;th risen to a very considerable extent and perfec- 
" tion, insomuch that during the late war between the united states of 
s' America and Great Britain^ when the imfiortation of Eurofiean guods 
*' was much interrufited, and often very difficult and ujicertain^ the ar- 
" tisans and mechanics of this scctte^ were able to supply in the hours 
." of need, not only large quantities of weapons and other implements^ 
" but also ammu7iition and ctjthing, without which the war could not 
*•« have been carried on, whereby their oppressed country was greatly 
'< assisted a?2d relieved. 

Sect. ii. " And whereas, although the fabrics and manufactures 
" of Europe and other foreign parts, imported into thii. country in 
" times of peace, may be afforded at cheaper rates than they can be 
" made here^ yet good policy and a regard to the well being of divert 



THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. S&S 

^^ useful and industrious citizens, nvko are employed in the making of 
" like goodK in t/iis /itate, demand of un that modefatr duties be laid on 
" certain fahricfi and manufactures imported., which do most interfere 
'^^ nvith^and ivhich (if tio relief be giT en) will undermine and destroy 
" the useful manufactures of the like kind in this country : For this 
*' purpose," &c. &c. 

In December, 1791, Alexander Hamilton, who saw the errors 
of the tariff of the two preceding years, presented congress with 
his celebrated Report on Manufactures, the most perfect and lu- 
minous work ever published on the subject. It embraces all the 
great principles of the science of political economy, respecting 
that portion of the national industry, applied to manufactures, 
and is admirably calculated to advance the happiness of the peo- 
ple, and the wealth, power, and resources of nations. It more 
richly deserves the title of " The Wealth of Nations," than the 
celebrated work that bears the name. 

Tb.e Report swept away, by the strongest arguments, all the 
plausible objections on which the paralizing influence of the ta-^' 
riff rested for support. The lucid reasoning, as level to the 
most common capacity, as to the most profound statesman, is 
not enveloped in those abstractions and metaphysical subtleties 
which abound in most of the books on this subject, and which,- 
like the airy spectres of the dreamer, elude the grasp of the 
mind. 

I annex a few of those grand and sublime truths, with whicT> 
this work abounds, and which bear the strongest testimony 
against, and condemnation of, the course which this country has 
pursued. 

" The substitution of foreign for domestic manufactures, is a 
'-'■ transfer to foreign nations of the advantages of machinery in 
*' the modes in xvhich it is capable of being employed xvith most 
*' utility, and to the greatest extent ^^ 

How many millions of the wealth of this country have been 
thus " transferred to foreign nations" during the thirty years o^ 
our career ! How much of this wealth was used to scourge us 
at Washington, on the frontiers of Canada, and in the Chesa-' 
peake ! What a lamentable use we have made of the advantages 
which heaven has lavished on us ! 

" The establishment of manufactures is calculated not only to 
" increase the general stock of useful and produc'iive labour, buij 
" even to i>7iprove the state of agriculture in particidary^ 

What a lesson is here for the farmers and planters, who have' 
been unhappily excited to view with jealousy and hostility thos*: 
citizens who contribute so largely to their prosperity ' 

* Hamilton's Works, vol. I.- 



284 THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 

" It is the interest of the community, rvtth a view to eventual 
"^ and permanent ecoiiomy^ to encourage the growth of manufac- 
" tures. In a national view, a temporary enhancement of price 
"must be always well compensated by a permanent reduction 
"of it."* 

" The trade of a country, which is both manufacturing and 
"agricultural, will be more lucrative and prosperous than that of 
" a country -which is merely agricultural.''''^ 

" The uniform appearance of an abundance of specie^ as the 
" concomitant of a flourishing state of mamfuctures^ and of the 
" reverse where they do not prevail, afford a strong presumption 
" of their favourable operation upon the wealth of a country."* 

*■*■ Not only the zvealth^ but the indepew.ence and security of a 
" country^ appear to be materially connected -with the prosperity 
" of manufactures. Every nation, with a view to these great 
" objects, ought to endeavour to possess within itself all the es- 
" sentials of national supply. These comprise the means of sub- 
" sistence, habitation, clothing, and defence."* 

" Considering a monopoly of the domestic market to its own 
" manufactures as the reigning policy of manufacturing nations, 
<' a similar policy on the part of the united states., in every proper 
" instance, is dictated, it might almost be said by the principles 
" of distributive justice — certainly by the duty of securing to their 
'■^ own citizens a reciprocity of advantages.''''* 

Mr. Hamilton, however, displayed an extreme degree of in- 
consistency. Notwithstanding the conclusive and irresistible 
arguments of his report, in favour of a decided protection of 
manufactures, and notwithstanding the failure of many promis- 
ing efforts at their establishment, in consequence of the deluge 
of goods poured into the market, instead of recommending an 
adequate enhancement of duties to supply some deficiency of 
revenue in 1790, he submitted a plan for an excise on spirituous 
liquors, which was one of the most universally odious and un- 
popular measures that could be devised. It excited the western 
insurrection ; thereby tarnished the character of the country ; 
and jeopardized the government in its infancy. 

However strong the arguments may be in favour of an excise 
on spirits, in a moral point of view, it was, under existing cir- 
cumstances, extremely impolitic. For the paltry amount raised 
from it for a considerable time after its adoption, it was not 
worth while to incur the disaffection of the citizens. The re- 
ceipts for the first four years were — 

* Hamilton's Works, Vol. I. 



THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH^. 285 

In 1792 - - - - . _ S 208,942 

1793 337,705 

1794 274,089 

1795 337,755 



Four years S 1,158,491* 



Average S289,622 



What a miserable sum as a set-ofF against the oppression and 
vexation of an excise — and the insurrection it excited ! How 
incalculably sounder policy it would have been, to have increas- 
ed the duties on manufactured articles, which would not only 
have answered the purpose of meeting the additional demands 
of the treasury, and given a spring to the industry of our citi- 
zens ; but made an important addition to the wealth, power and 
resources of the nation ! 

The importations subject to five and seven and a half per 
cent, duty — 

In 1792 amounted to ... - g 16,22 l,000f 

1793, at 72 and 8 14,966,000 

1794, at 7i and 10 17,700,000 

1795, at 10 16,447,000 



Four years, $ 65,334,000 



Two per cent, on this sum would have been $ 1,306,620 

Annual average - - _ . _ g 326,655 



which exceeds the net revenue arising from the excise, and with 
scarcely a dollar additional expense in the collection. 

A variety of circumstances combined to rescue the united 
states from the ruinous consequences that would otherwise have 
naturally flowed from the impolicy of the tarifFs-of 1789,1790 
and 1804 ; of which, as I have already stated, the obvious ten- 
dency was to afford the manufacturing nations of Europe, nearly 
all the advantages they could have derived from this countiy in 
its colonial state. 

The provision in 1 790, for funding the debt of the united 
states, threw into circulation an immense capital, which gave life 
and activity to business. The establishment, about the same 

* Seybert, 477. f Idem 159, 



286 THfi NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 

time, of the bank of the united states, afforded additional facili- 
ties to trade and commerce. And the wars of the French re- 
volution opened a market for the productions of our agriculture, 
in many instances at most exorbitant prices ; for instance, occa- 
sionally from fifteen to twenty dollars per barrel for flour in thc 
West Indies, Spain and Portugal, and other articles in propor- 
tion. We were thus enabled to pay for the extravagant quanti- 
ties of manufactures which we consumed, and with which we 
could and ought to have supplied ourselves. 

The dreadful scenes in St. Domingo brought immense wealth 
into this country with the emigrants who purchased safety by 
flight from their paternal estates and their native land. 

For a considerable time, moreover, we were almost the sole 
carriers of the colonial produce of the enemies of Great Britain, 
as her fleets were in full possession of the seas, and there was no 
safety for the vessels of those powers in hostility with her. 

But it was obvious that this system rested the prosperity of the 
nation on the sandy foundation of the wars, desolation and mise- 
ry of our fellow men. And as it was not probable that they 
would continue to cut each other's throats to promotes our wel- 
fare, a close of this dazzling scene was to be expected, for which 
sound policy required provision to be made. But this duty was 
totally neglected. We proceeded as if this state of aflPairs were 
to last for ever. At length we were abruptly cut off from the 
markets of Europe, and then a new order of things arose, to dis- 
pel the lamentable delusion. 



CHAPTER IV. 

Memorials to congress. Deceptions report. List of Ex port fi. 
Tariff f i%04>. Wonderful omission. Immense importations of 
cotton and Tvoollen goods. Exportations of cotton. 

In the years 1802, 3, and 4, memorials were presented to con- 
gress from almost every description of manufacturers, praying 
for further protection. In the two first years they were treated 
with utter slight, and nothing was done whatever. 

In 1 804, the committee on commerce and manufactures made 
a very superficial report, from which I submit the following ex- 
tract, as a specimen of the sagacity of its authors. 

" There may be some danger in refusing to admit the manu- 
*' factures of foreign countries ; for by the adoption of such a 
" measure, we should have no market abroad, and industry 
'^ would lose one of its chief incentives at home." 



THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 



287 



This paragraph is superlatively absurd, and indeed more than 
absurd : it is wicked. In order to defeat the object of the me- 
morialists, it assumes for them requisitions which they did not 
contemplate, and which of course their memorials did not war- 
rant. No sound man in the united states ever contemplated the 
total " exclusion of foreign mauiifitctu7-esy It was merely re- 
quested that the memorialists should not themselves be " exclu- 
ded'''' from the domestic market bv foreign rivals — and that the 
industry of our citizens should be so far protected, that they 
might be enabled to supply a portion of the thirty millions of 
dollars, principally of clothing, imported that year. 

But admitting for a moment, for the sake of argument, that 
foreign manufactures had been excluded, who could persuade 
himself, that we should therefore " have no market abroad for 
our produce V War at that time raged in almost every part of 
Europe, and the West Indies : and those who purchased our pro- 
duce, had at least as powerful reasons to purchase as we had to 
sell. The inhabitants of an island in danger of starvation would 
suffer more from being deprived of supplies, than the producers 
by the privation of a market. 

To evince the futility of the ground assumed in the report, I 
annex a list of some of the great leading articles exported in that 
year : — 



Flour 

Indian corn 

Beef 

Indian meal 

Hams 

Butter - - - 

Cheese 

Lard - . - 

Candles 

Cotton 

Tar - . - 

Turpentine 

Staves and heading 

Boards, plank and scantling- 



barrels 810,000 
bushels 1,944,873 
barrels 134,896 
barrels 111,327 
pounds 1,904,284 
pounds 2,476,550 
pounds 1,299,872 
pounds 2,565,719 
pounds 2,239,356 
pounds 35,034,175 
barrels 58,181 

barrels 77,827 

feet 34,614,000 
feet 76,000,rX)0* 



These, gentle reader, are the kinds of produce, which the fra- 
mers of this very profound report were fearful "• would not have a 
market," if " foreign merchandize was excluded." Such are the 
displays of wisdom and political economy made to the legislature 
of " the most enlightened nation in the world." 

This subject deserves to be further analyzed. To reduce it 



* Seybert, 110. 



288 



THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 



to plain English, it means, that, if the united states laid heavy 
duties, say 10, 15, 20 or 25 per cent, on silks, sattins, shawls, 
broadcloths, linens, &c. or prohibited East India cotton goods, 
the people of the West Indies would refuse to purchase oar lum- 
ber — the Manchester manufacturers our cotton — and the gov- 
ernments of Spain and Portugal, our flour, Indian meal, &c. &c. 
Such views of political economy cannot fail to excite a high de- 
gree of astonishment at their absurdity. 

In the year 1 804, the demands of the treasury had greatly in- 
creased by an augmentation of expenditure, and by the S> 5,000,- 
000 of debt funded for the purchase of Louisiana. This requir- 
ed an incrr-ase of duties. But the same impolicy and neglect of 
affording adequate protection to the productive industry of the 
country that prevailed in the former tariffs, appear in that of 
this vear. 

The old system was continued, of raising as large a portion as 
possible of the impost on articles not interfering with our man- 
ufactures, and laying duties comparatively light on manufac- 
tures. Accordingly the duties on teas, wines, coffee, sugar, &c. 
were raised with an intrepidity that bid defiance to the fear of 
smuggling* 



1804. 


Cost. 
Cents. 


Duty. 
Cents. 


Per cent. 


Bohea tea, perlb. ... 


14 


12 


85 


Souchong' do. - - - 


41 


18 


44 


Hyson do. ... 


56 


32 


57 


Hvsonskin do. ... 


24 


20 


83 


Imperial do. ... 


75 


32 


40 


Lisbon wine per gallon - 


80 


30 


37^ 


London market Madeira, do. 


160 


58 


36 


Cofiee, per lb, ... 


15 


5 


33 



While these articles were dutied thus high, cotton and wool- 
len goods, which formed the great mass of the clothing of the 
country, were subject to only fifteen per cent., which in the im- 
proved state of the machinery of Great Britain, and, so far as 
respects cotton, the low price of labour in the East Indies, was 
so wholly inadequate for protection, that very few attempts 
were made to establish them on an extensive scale, and thus the 
nation was drained of immense sums, for articles of which it 
could have supplied a superabundance. 

It is a remarkable and most extraordinary fact, and scarce- 
Iv credible, that wooiltn goods were never mentioned in the ta- 
rj/, before 1816, when the government had been in opera- 
tion 27 years ! They were passed over, and fell within the 
class of non-enumerated articles. It is impossible to reflect or 



THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 289 

this fact, without astonishment, and a conviction that there ne- 
ver was adequate attention bestowed on the concoction of the ta- 
riff, which, while it was silent respecting those important articles, 
descended to the enumeration of artificial flowers, cosmetics, 
bricks and tiles, dentifrice, dates, dolls, essences, fans, fringes, 
glue, tassels and trimmings, limes and lemons, mittens, gloves, 
powders, pastes, washes, tinctures, plums, prunes, toys, wafers, 
&c. &c. 

As few persons are aware of the extravagant extent of the im- 
portations of clothing, I annex the amount for five years, of ar- 
ticles subject to 15 per cent, duty, of which about nine-tenths 
were cotton and woollen goods. 

1804 . . . . . ^30,285,267 

1805 ..... 37,137,598 

1806 • . . . . 43,115,367 

1807 . . . . . 46,031,742 

1808 ..... 23,780,758 



Sl80,350,732* 



The re-exportation of articles of the same 
description for these years, was — 

1804 . . . . S 000,000 

1805 . . . 1,587,801 

1806 .... 2,075.601 

1807 . . . 2,iy7,.383 

1808 . . . . 755,085 



6,615,8701 

Balance .... 173,737,862 

Deduct for sundries, say ten per cent. . 17,373,786 



Cotton and woollen goods consumed in five 

years, . . . , gl 56,364,076 

Had the duty been twenty-five per cent., and the imports 
100,000,000, the revenue would have gained, and there would 
have been an immense saving to the nation of above 50,000,000 
of dollars in four years ! When will statesmen learn the 
grand secret of " transforming taxes into useful regulations?'''^ 

* Seybert, 164, f Idem, page 222. 

37 



2§0 "THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 

During these five years, we exported of raw cotton— 

1804 lbs. 35,034,175 

1805 - 38,390,087 

1806 35,657,465 

1807 - - - - . - . 63,944,459 

1808 - - 10,630,445 



lbs. 183,656,631 



Although we supplied Great Britain with more than a third 
of the cotton she used, so little protection was afforded to the 
manufacture of the article here, that in the year 1805, our con- 
sumption was only 1000 bags ; whereas, had the fostering care 
of the government been extended to it, we might have used 
100,000. And this all-important manufacture, for which this 
country is so peculiarly fitted by its capacity of producing the 
raw material to any extent ; its boundless water power ; its ad- 
mirable machinery ; and the skill of its citizens, never took root 
here until the non-intercourse and other restrictive measures, 
affording our citizens a fair chance in their own market, they 
were encouraged to turn their attention, and devote their talents 
and capital to this grand object. In five years, that is, in 1810, 
merely through this encouragement, the consumption increased 
tenfold, to 10,000 bales, or 3.000,000 lbs. In five more, in conse- 
quence of the war, it rose to 90,00 • bales, or 27,000,000 lbs. 
This affords a clear and decisive proof that nothing but a sound 
policy was necessary to have brought it early to perfect ma- 
turity. 

There is not perhaps in history a greater instance of utter 
impolicy and disregard of the maxims of all profound statesmen, 
or of the solid and substantial interests of a nation, than this 
most lamentable fact exhibits. An inexhaustible source of na- 
tional wealth, power, and resources, and of individual happiness, 
was bestowed on us by heaven, and prodigally lavished away, 
in favour of foreign nations, who made use of the wealth thus 
absurdly bestowed, to jeopardize our independence ; — under 
the absurd idea, that as we had so many millions of acres of 
back lands uncultivated, we ought not to encourage manufac- 
tures ! ! Ineffable delusion ! As if the thousands of men brought 
up to cotton weaving, who, under proper encouragement, would 
have migrated to this country, could be immediately transform- 
ed into back country farmers, and induced to encounter all the 
horrors of clearing the wilderness ! And as if the vast num- 
bers of old men, of women, and children, who might be most 
advantageously employed for themselves and for the nation, in 



THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 291 

this branch, were in any degree calculated for a country life, 
oven der its most inviting form! 



CHAPTER V. 

Declaration of war. Blankets for Indians, Disgraceful situa^ 
tion of the united states. Governor Gerry. SnJ^e rings of the 
army. Rapid progress of national industry. 

On the 18th of June, 1812, war was declared against Great 
Britain. This event placed the ruinous and deplorable policy 
of our government, on the subject of its manufactures, in a gla- 
ring point of light. With raw materials in abundance, skill, en- 
terprize, industry, water power, and capital to the utmost ex- 
tent, to secure a full supply for nearly all our wants, we had, in 
defiance of the soundest maxims of policy, absurdly depended on 
foreign nations for a great variety of necessary articles, and even^ 
Oh., shame !for our clothings than -which the mind of man caJi hard- 
ly conceive of more utter want of policy. 

In consequence of this miserable system, at the commence- 
ment of the war, the nation suffered the disgrace of a regular 
proposition being offered to congress by the secretary at war, to 
suspend the non-importation act for the purpose of importing a 
supply cf five or six thousand blankets for the Indians.^ for whom 
the department had not been able to make provision ! and" who 
had of course become clamorous at the disappointment ! This 
melancholy tale will hardly find credence. It is, nevertheless, 
sacredly true ; and if dear-bought experience were of any avail 
in the regulation of the affairs of nations, this simple fact would 
be an invaluable lesson to our statesmen, to warn them against 
the rock of depending on foreign nations for supplies of clothing 
and other necessary articles while they have the raw materials 
and talents provided at home. But, alas ! to the incalculable 
injury of the nation, this admonitary lesson was wholly disre- 
garded in 1816, as will appear in the sequel. 

The good old governor of Massachusetts, Elbridge Gerry, 
felt deep distress at the bitter draught of the dregs of the cha- 
lice of humiliation swallowed at this crisis by the government 
of the united states, and brought the affair before the legislature 
of that state. 

" It being officially announced, that the Indians complain they 
" cannot receive the usual supplies of goods, by reason of the 
" non-importation act, and that they were not to be purchased 
" within the united states : 



292 



THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 



" I submit to your consideration, whether it is not incumbent 
" on this state, to use the means in its power for enabling the 
" national government to rise superior to such a humiliating cir^ 
" cumstance ! In the year I7f5, when our war with Great Bri- 
*' tain commenced, and when, immediately preceding it, a non- 
" importation act had been strictly carried into effect, the state 
*'of Massachusetts apportioned on their towns, respectively, to 
*' be manufactured by them, articles of clothing wanted for their 
*' proportion of the army, which besieged Boston; fixed the pri- 
" ces and qualities of those articles ; and they were duly supplied 
" within a short period. 

*' Thus, before we had arrived at the threshold of indepen- 
" dence, and when we were in an exhausted state, by the antece- 
*' dent, voluntary, and patriotic sacrifice of our commerce, he- 
" tiveen thirteen and fourteen thousand cloth coats were vianufac- 
'"'•tured^ made and delivered into our magazine^ -within a few 
*' months from the date of the resolve which first communicated 
*' the requisition. 

" Thirty six years have since elapsed, during twentj^-nine of 
" which we have enjoyed peace and prosperity, and have mcreas- 
" ed in numbers, manufactures, wealth and resources, beyond 
" the most sanguine expectations. 

" All branches of this government have declared their opinion, 
*f and I conceive on the most solid principle, that as a nation we 
*' are independent of any other, for the necessaries, conveniences 
" and for many of the luxuries of life. 

" -Let us not, then, at this critical period, admit any obstruc- 
*' tion which we have power to remove, to discourage or re- 
" tard the national exertions for asserting and maintaining our 
" rights ; and above all, let us convince Great Britain that we 
*' can and will be independent of her for every article of 
*' commerce, whilst she continues to be the ostensible friend, 
" but the implacable foe of our prosperity, government, union, 
" and independence." 

What a melancholy difference between the two epochs, 1 775, 
and 1812 ! Strength and vigour in youth — feebleness and de- 
cay in manhood ! What lamentable havoc of national resources 
in the interim ! 

Mr. Gerry says, " as a nation we are independent of every oth- 
er.'''* This is a most egregious error. " As a tiation" extent 
of resources considered, there was not then, nor is there now, a 
more dependent people, perhaps, in the world. In our towns 
and cities, one-half of our population, males and females, are 
covered with the fabrics and in the fashions of foreign nations. 
He. should have said, "rye may and ought to be independent.^'' — 
Two or three small words make an immense difference. 



THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 293 

If any thing could add to the mortification and regret which 
this circumstance must excite, it is, that the quantity of wool 
sheared in 1810 was estimated at 13 or 14,000,000 lbs., and in 
1812, at 20 or 22,000,000 ;* and that various promising attempts 
to establish the woollen manufacture, had been made at different 
periods, and in various parts of the union, during the preceding 
y6ars, which, for want of protec-tion, had failed of success. 

Next to the waste of the immense advantages we possess for 
the manufacture of cotton, is to be lamented the impolitic and 
irreparable destruction of merino sheep, of which we had to the 
value of about one million of dollars, which government, by an 
increase of duty on woollens, might have easily preserved. The 
contraist between our abandonment of them, and the great pains 
taken, and expense incurred, by different nations to possess 
themselves of this treasure, is strong and striking. 

Hundreds of our ill-fated soldiers, it is said, perished for want 
of comfortable clothing in the early part of the war, when expos- 
ed to the inhospitable climate of Canada. f 

The war found us destitute of the means of supplying our- 
selves, not merely with blankets for our soldiers, but a vast va- 
riety of other articles necessary for our ease and comfort, of 
which the prices were accordingly raised extravagantly by 
the importers. Our citizens, and among them numbers of our 
commercial men, entered on the business of manufactui-es with 
great energy and enterprize ; invested in them many millions of 
capital ; and having, during the thirty months in which the war 
continued, the domestic market secured to them, they succeeded 
wonderfully. 

Never was there a prouder display of the (I had almost said) 
omnipotence of industry, than was afforded on this occasion. It 
furnishes an eternal lesson to statesmen. Our citizens exhibit- 
ed a spectacle perhaps without precedent. Unaided hy the ex- 
penditure of a single dollar by our government^ they attained in 
two or three years, a degree of maturity in manufactures, which 
required centuries in England, France, Prussia, &c., and cost 
their monarchs enormous sums in the shape of bounties, premi- 
ums, drawbacks, with the fostering aid of privileges, and immu- 
nities bestowed on the undertakers. The supply became com- 
mensurate with the demand ; and full confidence was entertained 
that the government and nation, to whose aid they came forward 
in time of need, would not abandon them to destruction, after 
the purposes of the moment were answered. Fatal delusion ! 

* Tench Coxe's Tables, preface, pag'e xiii. 

•J- 1 have heard a stor}', which I have reason to believe to be tnie, but for which" 
however, I do not vouch, that the capture of Amelia Island, by Governor Mitchell, 
was ordered by government with a view to provide blankets for our suffering 
soldiers. 



294 



THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 



Our exports for 1813 and 1814, were only about 8 1,000,000 ot 
dollars, or 15,5U0,000 per annum. Hostile fleets and armies 
desolated those parts of the country to wiiich they had access.— 
Yet the nation made rapid strides in prosperity by the creative 
powers of industry. Every man was employed, and every man 
fully recompensed for his labours. It may, however, be suppos- 
ed that the farmers suffered heavily by the exclusion of their pro- 
ductions from foreign markets. The fact is otherwise. I state 
the prices of three articles, flour, beef, and hemp, in the Phila- 
delphia market, in proof of this assertion. Other articles com- 
manded proportionable prices. 







Flour 


Beef 


Hemp 






per barrel. 


per barrel. 


per ton. 


1813. 


Aug-. 23 - - - 


gS 25 


S15 50 


S210 




Nov. 22 - - - 


10 00 


15 5^ 


210 


1814. 


Jan. 31 - - - 


8 00 


13 50 


275 




July 4* - , - 


6 86 


17 00 


250 




Dec. 5 - - - 


8 ^^7 


19 00 


250 



What a contrast at present ! 
In 1816 

1817 

1818 



We have exported- 



Average 



^64,784,896 
68,338,069 
73,854,437 

g206,997,402 

^68,999,280 



tfift^^ 



That is, above ^ettr Tiundred per cent, more than in 1813 and 
1814 — and a premature decay has nevertheless been rapidly 
gaining ground on the nation by the prostration of its industry ! 
What an important volume of political economy ! How much 
more instructive than Condorcet, Smith, Say, Ricardo, and the 
whole school of economists of this class ! 

I am aware that from local circumstances, cotton and some 
other articles were at reduced prices at the places of production 
during the war, from the difficulty and expense of transportation. 
The fall of cotton was a natural consequence of the impolicy of 
the planters in not having previously secured themselves a do- 
mestic market. 

The following tables exhibit a statement of the great advance- 
ment made ; and prove that our citizens do not require half the 
patronage of government, which is afforded by England, France, 
Austria and Russia, to enable them to enter into competition 
with the whole world. 



* Specie payments were continued till August 1814. 



THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 995 

State of the cotton manufacture within thirty miles of Providence, 
it". /. in 1815, extracted from a memorial to congress. 

" Cotton manufactories .... 140 

" Containing in actual operation - spindles 130,' 00 

" Using annually . . bales of cotton 29,000 

*' Producing yards of the kinds of cotton goods 

usually made .... 27,840,000 

** The weaving of which, at eight cents per yard, 

amounts to ... . §2,227,200 

" Total value of the cloth . . . g6,00 ),u00 

" Persons steadily employed . . . 26,000 

State of the cotton manvfacture throughout the united states in 
18l5,from a report of the Committee of Commerce and Manu- 
factures, 

"Capital . . . . • g4O,O0O,00© 

" Males employed, from the age of seventeen and 

upwards ..... 10,000 

*' Women and female children . . 66,000 

" Boys, under seventeen years of age . . 24,000 

•* Wages of one hundred thousand persons, aver- 
aging $150 each . . . g 15,000,000 
*' Cotton wool manufactured, ninety thousand 

bales, amounting to lbs. . . 27,000,000 

" Number of yards of cotton of various kinds, 81,000,000 
" Cost, per yard, averaging 30 cents . g24,30O,00O 

State of the woollen manufacture throughout the united states, in 
1815, from the same. 

" Amount of capital supposed to be invested in 

buildings, machinery, &c. . . §12,000,000 

" Value of raw material consumed jS 
annually . . . 7,000,000 

" Increase of value by manufac- 
turing . . . 12,000,000 



Value of woollen goods manufactured annu- 
ally ..... §19,000,000 



tt TVT u r 1 J r constantly . 50,000 

Number of persons employed | ^..^gi^^/ny . 50,000 

100,000 
In the city and neighbourhood of Philadelphia, there were 
employed in 1815— 



296 THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 

In the cotton branch _ - . - 2325 persons. 

In the woollen 1226 do. 

In iron castings - - - - -1152 do. 
In paper making _ - _ _ - 950 do. 
In smithery ------ 750 do. 

The value of the manufactures of the city of Pittsburg, which 
in 1815 employed 1960 persons, was 2,617,833 dollars. And 
every part of the country displayed a similar state of prosperity. 
How deplorable a contrast our present situation exhibits ! 



CHAPTER VI. 

State ef the country at the close of the war. Pernicious conse- 
quences to the manufacturers^ of the repeal of the double duties ^ 
and the enormous influx of foreign merchandize. Mr. Dallas'^ s 
tari£. Rates reduced ten^ twenty^ and thirty per cent. 

The war was closed under the most favourable auspices. 
The country was every where prosperous. Inestimable cotton 
and woollen manufacturing establishments, in which above 
50,000,000 of dollars were invested, exclusive of a very great 
variety of other descriptions, were spread over the face of the 
land, and were diffusing happiness among thousands of indus- 
trious people. No man, woman, or child, able and willing to 
work, was unemployed. With almost every possible variety of 
soil and climate — and likewise with the three greatest staples in 
the world — cotton, wool, and iron — the first to an extent com- 
mensurate with our utmost wants, and a capacity to produce the 
other two to the same extent — a sound policy would have ren- 
dered us more independent probably of foreign supplies, for all 
the comforts of life, than any other nation whatever. 

Peace, nevertheless, was fraught with destruction to the hopes 
and happiness of a considerable portion of the manufacturers. 
The double duties had been imposed with a limitation to one year 
after the close of the war. And a tariff as a substitute was pre- 
pared by the secretary of the treasury, with duties fixed at the 
minimum rates which he thought calculated to afford pro- 
tection to our manufacturing establishments. On many articles 
these rates were insufficient. Yet had his tariff been adopted, 
it would probably have saved the country forty or fifty millions 
of dollars — and prevented a large portion of the deep distress 
that pervades the land, and which is driving legislative bodies 



THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 297" 

to the desperate measure of suspending the course of justice.* 
But a deep-rooted jealousy of manufacturers was entertained by 
many of the members of congress, on the ground of imputed 
extortion during the war.f The old hacknied themes of " tax- 
" ing the many for the benefit of the few" — the country not be- 
ing ripe for manufactures — wages being too high — the immen- 
sity of our back iands^ &c. &c- he. were still regarded as un- 
answerable argu:r.ents. In consequence of the combined ope- 
ration of these causes, the rates proposed by Mr. Dallas, were 
reduced on most of the leading articles ten, fifteen, and in some 
cases thirty per cent. Every per cent, reduced was regarded 
by many of the mem]>ers as so much clear gain to the country* 
Some of them appeared to consider manufacturers as a sort of 
common enemy,]: with whom no terms ought to be observed; 
and there was no small nuuiber who were disciples of colonel 
Taylor, of Caroline county, Va.|] who holds the broad, unquali- 
fied doctrine that every dollar paid as duty or bounty to encou- 
rage manufactures, is a dollar '' robbed out of the pockets of the 
" farmers and planters !" Wonderful statesman ! Profound 
policy ! How all the Sullys, and Colberts, and Frederics of 
Europe must ■•' hide their diminished heads" when their practice 
is put in contrast witli this grand system of political economy ! 

To convey a correct idea of the spirit that prevailed in that 
congress towards their manufacturing fellow citizens, I annex a 

* Measures of this description have been adopted, by five or six states. 

-[•The reader is earnestly I'equested to penise the 13th chapter of this smaU 
work, for a thorough examination of this senseless and unjust calumny. 

t Ex-Governor \\ right, of Maryland, was among the most violent of the mem- 
bers. His jealousy and hostility were without the least disguise, and were car- 
ried to an extent hardly credible. A motion for a reduction of the duty on cot- 
tons having failed, he attempted to have it re-considered — on the ground tliat 
some of the members who voted in tlie majoi'ity, were concerned in the cotton 
manufactui'e ! 

II Colonel Taylor is, I believe, a tobacco planter — and has never, in any of his 
plausible works, raised his voice against the extravagant duties on snuff' and 
manufactm-ed tobacco. On this tender topic he is silent as the gi-ave. Yet a 
ehapter on it would have come from him with great propriety. It is a subject 
with wliich he ought to be thoroughly acquainted. I venture to hint, that he 
might with great advantage read the instructive fable of the lawyer's goring bull, 
■which, witli a suitable commentary on snufl" and tobacco duties, might be very 
well prefixed as part of the pi'ologomena to some of the amusing chapters of his 
Arator. It may not be amiss, liivewise, to whisper gently in his ear, that even to- 
bacco in the leaf is subject to fifteen per cent, which is exactly the same duty as 
that imposed on silks, linens, clocks, brazing copper, gold leaf, hair powder, 
printed books, ])i-ints, slates, starch, stuff and worsted shoes, seahng wax, thread 
stockings, &c. &c. Who, then, can reflect without astonishment, that this gen- 
tleman and Mr. Ganiett take a lead in the opposition to the protection of manu- 
factures, although the rude produce of their own state is protected by the same 
duty as the above finislied manufactures ! After this, wo may well ask, with 
amazement, "tvhat next ?" Be it what it mav, it cannot surprise us, 

38 



298 



THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 



Statement of various articles, with the duties as reported by Mr 
Dallas, and as finally adopted : — 



ARTICLES. 



Mr. Dallas's Tariff adopted, 
proposed Tariff. 



Per cent. 
Blank books ...-----35 

Bridles 35 

Britss ware .--- ---22 

Brushes - ..-.- -35 

Cotton manufactures of all sorts - - - - 33 1-3 

(Those below 25 cents per square yard, tobedutiedas 

at 25 cents.) 
Cotton stockings - - - - - - - 33 1-3 

China ware - 30 

Cabinet wai-e - 35 

Carriages of all descriptions ... - 35 

Canes - - .---.-35 

Clothing, ready made 35 

Cutlery - - 22 

Cannon - - 22 

Earthen ware - ------30 

Glass ware - - -" ' ' ' ^^ 

Harness - - .-...- oS 

Iron ware - - -----22 

Leatlierand all manufactures of leather - - - 35 
Linens - - .-. --20 

Manufactures of v/ood - - - - - 35 

Needles -.- -- ---22 

Porcelain .-- . --.-30 

Parchment ... . . . . S5 

Printed books .-- - ---35 

Paper hangings - . . ... 35 

Paper of every description - - . - . 35 

Printing types - .... --35 

Pins - .--...- 22 

SUks - - - 20 

Silk stockings - - . . - . . 20 

Sattins 20 

Stone ware ... .... 30 

Saddles 35 

Thread stockings ... .... 20 

Vellum -- .-.-.-35 

Walking sticks - - . . . - . 35 

Whips ... ... . - 35 

Woollen stockings . . - - . - 28 

Woollen manufactures generally - - - 28 

Boots, - - per pair 200 cts. 

Iron in bars and bolts, per cwt. - - - . . 75 
Shoes and slippers of silk, per pair - - - - 40 

Shoes of leather 30 

Shoes for cliildren 20 



Per cent. 
30 
30 
20 
30 
25 



20 

20 

30 

30 

30 

30 

20 

20 

20 

20 

30 

20 

30 

15 

30 

20 

20 

30 

15 

30 

30 

20 

20 

15 

15 

15 

20 

30 

15 

30 

30 

30 

20 

25 

150 cts. 

45 

30 

25 

15 



The various reductions of two and three per cent, evince the 
huckstering spirit that prevailed, utterly unworthy of the legis- 
lature of a great nation. Mr* Dallas made a difference of five 
and one-thir-d per cent, between the two great articles, cottons 
and woollens, rating the former at thirty-three and a third, and 



THE 'new olive BRANCH. 299 

the latter at twentj^-eight, in consequence of our possessing a 
boundless supply of the raw material of the former, whereas 
that of the latter was rather limited. After an ardent struggle, 
the duties were reduced, and both rated alike at twenty-five per 
cent. All the southern members voted for the reduction, ex- 
cept five, Messrs. Jackson, Marsh, and Newton from Virginia, 
and Messrs. Calhoun and Mayrant, from South Carolina, who 
enjoy the melancholv consolation of having endeavoured to stem 
the storm. The cotton planters who united in the vote for the 
reduction, have dearly expiated their error, in rendering their 
fortunes and the prosperity of their country dependent upon the 
contingencies of foreign markets, instead of securing a large and 
constantly-increasing market at home. This ought to be re- 
sounded in their ears. Rarely has there been much greater impo- 
licy — and rarely has impolicy been more severely and justly pun- 
ished. They fondly and absurdly thought, that thirty cents 
per lb. for cotton would last for ever. 

The committee of commerce and manufactures ; many of the 
most enlightened members of congress ; and the agents of the 
manufacturers, strongly remonstrated against the reduction of 
duty ; and, with a spirit of prophecy, predicted the fatal conse- 
quences, not merely to the manufacturers, but to the nation. 
But they might as well have attempted to arrest the cataracts 
of Niagara with a mound of sand. Prejudice was deep, inve- 
terate, and unassailable. It has never in times past had eyes 
or ears ; and, notwithstanding the elevation of character, and 
the superior illumination to which we fondly lay claim, we are 
not likely to offer to the admiring world an exception to the ge- 
neral rule. Of this unpalatable position our brief history, alas ! 
affords too many irrefragable proofs. 



CHAPTER VII. 

Rutn of the manufacturers and decay of their establishments. Pa- 
thetic and eloquent appeals to congress. Their contumelious 
and unfeeling neglect. Memorials neither read nor reported 
on. Revolting contrast between the fostering care bestowed by 
Russia on its manufacturers., and the unheeded stifferings of 
that class of citizetis in the united states. 

From year to year since that time, ruin spread among the man- 
ufacturers. A large portion of them have been reduced to bank- 
i-uptcy from ease and affluence. Many are now on the brink of 
it. Most of them had entered into the business during the war, 
under an impression, as I have already stated, that, there was a 



300 



THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 



sort of implied engagement on the part of the government, that, 
having been found so liseful in time of need, they would n t af- 
terwards be allowed to be crushed. To what extent there was 
any foundation for this idea, I am unable to decide. Suffice it 
to say, that all the calculations predicated on it were wholly and 
lamentably disappointed. The strong arm of government, which 
alone could save them from the overwhelming influx of foreign 
manufactures, by which they were destroyed, was not interposed 
in their behalf. Noble establishments, the pride and ornament 
of the country, which might have been rendered sources of in- 
calculable public and private wealth, and which Edward III. 
Henry IV. Frederick the Great, and Catharine II. would have 
saved at the expense of millions, if necessary, are mouldering to 
ruins. And, to crown the whole, millions of capital which had 
every claim to the protection of government, has become a dead 
-and heavy loss to the proprietors. 

At every stage of this lamentable progress, the devoted suf- 
ferers not only appealed to the justice, but threw themselves on 
themercyof their representatives. The utmost powers of elo- 
quence were exhausted in those appeals, some of which may be 
ranked among the proudest monuments of human talents. 

In the second session of the fourteenth congress, 1816-17, 
there were above forty memorials presented to the house of rep- 
resentatives from manufacturers in different parts of the united 
states, and some of them, particularly that from Pittsburg, 
fraught with tales of ruin and destruction, that would have soft- 
ened the heart of a Herod. Not one of them was ever read in the 
house! The Pittsburg memorial was, it is true, printed for the 
use of the members. But this measure produced no effect. 

The following is a list of the applications — 



No. 


Memorials. 


Subjects. 


1 1816. Dec. 16 


From New York 


Iron manufactures 


2 16 


New Jersey 


do. 


3 20 


New York 


Umbrellas 


4 27 


Massachusetts 


do. 


5 30 


New Jersey 


Iron manufactures, 


6 1817, Jan. 6 


New Jersey 


do. 


7 8 


New York 


do. 


8 9 


Philadelphia 


do. 


9 10 


Connecticut 


Iron manufactures. 


10 10 


New Jersey 


do. 


11- 13 


Pennsylvania 


do. 


12 13 


New Jersey 


do. 


13 14 


Boston 


do. 


14 16 


Kentucky 


Bar iron. 



THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 301 

Vb. 1818. Memorials. Subject. 

15 Jan. 20 Pennsylvania Bar iron. 

16 22 Pennsylvania Iron manufactures. 

17 27 New Jersey Bar iron 

18 28 Pennsylvania Iron manufactures. 

19 29 Berkshire, Manufactures generally. 

20 29 New York do. 

21 30 New Jersey Iron manufactures. 

22 30 New York Manufactures generally. 

23 30 Oneida county do. 

24 31 New York do. 

25 Feb. 1 Pennsylvania Iron manufactures. 

26 3 New York do. 

27 4 Pennsylvania do 

28 4 New York, Manufactures generally. 

29 4 New York do. 

^0 6 Connecticut Iron manufactures. 

3l 6 New York and Vermont, do, 

^2 8 Pennsylvania do. 

^3 11 New Jersey, Manufactures generally. 

^4 11 New York Iron manufactures. 

^5 13 Rhode Island Cotton and woollen. 

36 13 Connecticut do. 

37 17 Pittsburg, Manufactures generally. 

38 20 Illinois Lead. 

39 24 Baltimore, Manufactures generally. 

40 26 Philadelphia, do. 

41 28 Oneida do. 

42 28 Berkshire do. 

No description could do justice to the force of some of 
these memorials. I shall therefore present a few short speci- 
mens of the facts and reasonings they placed before the eyes of 
congress, to enable the reader to form a correct estimate of the 
extremely culpable neglect of the voice of their constituents, dis- 
played by that body. The applications were as ineffectual as 
those of the congress of 1774, to the ministers of George III, 
and were treated with as little ceremony. 

Froyn a Philadelphia Memorial. 
" We regard 7vith the most serious concern the critical ana dan- 
'■^ gerous situation in which our mauiifactures are placed by 
" the recent and extravagant importations of rival articles ; which, 
" owing to the great surplus of them, and to the pressure for 
" money, are in many cases sold at such reduced prices, as to 
" render it impossible for our manufactures to compete with 
•' them. We believe that with the interests of the manufacturers 



302 THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 

'' are connected the best interests of the nation — and that if the 
" manufactures of the country are deprived of that support from 
" the legislature of the united states, to which we think they are 
" fairly entitled, the evil will be felt not by us merely^ but by the 
''^ "whole nation; as it -will produce the inevitable consequence of an 
*' unfavourable balance of trade^ whereby our country will he im- 
^* poverished^^ and rendered tributary to foreign powers^ ivhose iU' 
"■ terests are in direct hostility with oursP 

From the Pittsburg and other Memorials. 

" The committee have found that the manufacture of cottons^ 
" "woollens^ flint glass, and the finer articles of iron^ has lately 
" '^u.ffered the most alarming depression. Some branches which 
" had been several years in operation, have been destroyed or 
" partially suspended ; and others, of a more recent growth, an- 
" nihilated before they were completely in operation. 

" The tide of importation has inundated our country withfo- 
" reign goods. Some of the most valuable and enter prizing citi- 
" zens have been subjected to enormous losses^ and others over- 
*' whelmed xvith bankruptcy and ruin. The pressure of war was 
" less fatal to the hopes of enterprize and industry.^ than a gene- 
" ral peace ^ -with the calamities arising from the present state of 
" our foreign trade. 

" It was confidently believed, that the destinies of the united 
" states would no longer depend on the jealousy and caprice of 
" foreign governments, and that our national freedom and wel- 
*' fare were fixed on the solid basis of our intrinsic means and 
" energies. But these were 'airy dreams.' A peace was con- 
" eluded with England, and in a few months we were prostrate 
" at her feet. The manufacturers appealed to the general go- 
" vernment for the adoption of measures that might enable them 
" to resist the torrent that was sweeping azvay the fruits of their 
" capital and industry. Their complaints were heard with a 
" concern which seemed a pledge for the return of better days. 
" The tariff of duties., established at the last session of congress^ 
" and the history of the present year^ xvill demonstrate the falsi- 
" ^y °f l^heir expectations . 

" England never suffered a foreign government., or a combina- 
" tion of foreign capitalists^ by glutting her own market., to crush 
" in the cradle^ any branch of her domestic industry. She never 
" regarded., with a cold indifference., the ruin of thousands of her 
" industrious people., by the competition of foreigners. The bare 
" avowal of such an attempt would have incurred the indignant 
'' resistance of the whole body of the nation, and met the frowns, 

* How fatally and literally has this prediction been realized! 



THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 303 

" if not the instant vengeance of the government. The conse- 
" quences of this policy in England are well known ; her manu- 
" factures have become a source of wealth incalculable ; the 
" treasures of Spanish America are poured into her lap ; her 
*' commerce is spread over every ocean, and, with a population 
" comparatively small, she is the terror and the spoiler of Europe. 
" Take from England her manufactures, and the fountains of 
" her wealth would be broken up ; her pre-eminence among na- 
" tions would be lost forever. 

" For a speedy redress of such pressing evils, we look to the 
" government of the union. Will they uphold the sinking ma- 
" niifactures of the country^ or will they not"^ Are their late as- 
" surances of aid and protection forgotten with the crisis that 
" gave them birth ? Let them realize the hopes of the country, 
" and act with decision before it be too late. 

" In the united states we have the knowledge of the labour- 
" saving machinery, and the raw material and provisions cheap- 
" er than in Britain ; but the overgrown capital of the British 
** manufacturer, and the dexterity acquired by long experience, 
" make a considerable time and heavy duties necessary for our 
" protection. — We have beaten England out of our market in 
" hats, shoes, boots, and all manufactures of leather : we are 
" very much her superior in shipbuilding ; these are all works 
" of the hands, where labour-saving machinery gives no aid ; 
" so that her superiority over us in manufuctzires, consists more in 
" the excellence andnicety of the labour-saving- machinery^ than in 
" the wages of labour. With all their jealousy and restrictions upon 
" the emigrations of workmen, the distresses and misfortunes of 
" England will, by due encouragement, send much of her skill 
" and knowledge to our shores ; let us be ready to take full be- 
" nefit of such events, as England herself did, when despotic 
" laws in Germany, and other parts of Europe, drove their ma- 
" nufacturers into Britain, which laid the foundation of her pre- 
^' sent eminence, 

" That the cotton trade and manufacture is a concern of vast 
" importance, and even of leading interest to the country, is a 
" truth, your memorialists conceive, too palpable, to be denied or 
" doubted. Were not our own constant observation and daily ex- 
" perience sufficient to establish it, the prodigious exertions of our 
" ever-vigilant and indefatigable rival, directed against this par- 
" ticular interest, would place the matter beyond a question. 
*' For where a judicious and enterprizing opponent (as England 
" undoubtedly is in this respect) directs her strongest engine of 
" hostility, we have reason to conclude there lies our vital and 
" most important concern. This consideration is coming home 
" to us with more and more force ; and the cotton planter^ as well 
"as the manufacturer^must have^ before this time., discovered the 



304 THE NEW OLIVE RRANCH* 

" alarming fact ^ that our great rival has become possessed of both 
" our plants and seeds of cotton^ which she is employing all her 
" vast means to propagate in the East Indies and other British 
*■'■ possessions^ zvith an energy and success rvhich threaten the 
*' most alarming consequences. When your memorialists consi- 
" der that the article thus jeopardized is the great staple of the 
" country, they cannot but hope the people and their representa- 
" tives will be generally convinced, that it is not the interest of 
" individuals alone that is at stake, but that of the whole com- 
*' munity. 

" An appeal is made to the equity^ to the patriotism of the 
*' southern statesman : his aid and co-operation are invoked for the 
*' relief of the suffering mamfacturers of the northern and middle 
*' states, 

" In the interior of the united states.^ few articles can be raised 
" which will bear a distant transportation ; products much more 
*' valuable when the grower and consumer are near each other ^ 
*' are therefore excluded from cultivation. A dependence on fo- 
" reign markets in the most prosperous times necessarily restricts 
" the labours of agriculture to a very few objects ; a careless., de- 
*' crepit^ and unproptable cultivation is the known result. 

" The propriety of these observations may, in some degree^ 
" be illustrated by the difference in value between the land in 
" the vicinity of a large town, and at a greater distance from it. 
" The labour which produces the greatest quantity of subsistence 
" is bestowed on the culture of articles too cumbrous for trans- 
" portation ; and in general a farm which will subsist fifty per- 
" sons in its vicinity, would not subsist the fifth of that number 
" three hundred miles off. If the value of land be so much en- 
" hanced by the proximity of a market., a7id so rapidly diminished 
" by the distance of transportation^ the introduction of manufac- 
" tories., and the creation of an interior market ^ ought to be re- 
^'- garded as peculiarly auspicious to the interest of agriculturists, 

'' Confning our views to the western country., we might empha-' 
" tically asky with what exportable commodities shall we restore 
'* the balance of trade., noxv fast accumulating against us P How 
" arrest the incessant drain of our capital ? Our manufactures 
*' are perishing around us., and already millions have escaped., ne- 
" ver to returnP 

It will remain an eternal blot on the escutcheon of the four- 
teenth congress, that these pathetic addresses received no more 
attention than if they had been from a party of field negroes to a 
marble-hearted overseer. 

The Oneida Memorial stated., 
" That the above county contains a greater number of manu* 
" facturing establishments, of cotton and woollen, than any 



THE'ilEW OLIVE BRANCH. 305 

** county in the state, there being invested in said establishments 
" at least 600,(!0() dollars. 

" That although the utmost efforts have been made by the pro- 
*' prietors to sustain those establishments, their eflForts have pro- 
" ved fruitless, and more than three-lourths of the factories re- 
" main necessarily closed, some of the proprietors being wholly 
" ruined, and others struggling under the greatest embarrass- 
" ment. 

" In this alarming situation, we beg leave to make a last ap- 
" peal to the congress of the united states. While we make this 
" appeal, our present and extensive embarrassments in most of 
" the great departments of industry, as well as the peculiar dif- 
*' ficulty in affording immediate relief to manufacturers, are ful- 
*' ly seen and appreciated. Yet your petitioners cannot believe 
** that the legislature of the unioii xvill remain an indifferent spec- 
*' tator of the xvidespread ruin of their felloxv citizens, and look 
" o;z, an^ see a great branch of industry, of the utmost impor- 
*' tance iti every coinmunity, prostrated under circumstances fatal 
** to all future attempts at revival, without a further effort for re^ 
*' Inf. We would not magnify the subject, which we now pre- 
*' sent to congress, beyond its just merits, when we state it to 
*' be one of the utmost importance to the future interests and 
*' welfare of the united stated. 

" It is objected that the entire industry of the country may 
" be most profitably exerted in clearing and cultivating our ex- 
'' tended vacant lands. But xvhat does it avail the farmer^ when 
" neither in the nation from xvhich he purchases his goods, or 
*' elsewhere^ can he find a market for his abundant crops ? Be-' 
*' sides, the diversion of labour from agriculture to manufac- 
" tures, is scarcely perceptible. Five or six adults, with the aid 
" of children, will manage a cotton manufactory of two thousand 
" spindles." 

These memorials were all referred to the committee of com- 
merce and manufactures, which was then, so far as regarded 
them, a committee of oblivion. After a lapse of two months, 
that is, about the middle of February, a bill for the relief of the 
iron masters was reported — read twice — and suffered to die a na- 
tural death ; having never been called up for a third reading. The 
other memorials passed wholly unnoticed — and were never, except 
three or four, even reported on by the committee ! What renders 
this procedure the more revolting, is, that some of them were from 
large bodies of men of the first respectability. That from New 
York was signed by the governor of the state, and other emi- 
nent characters. And, moreover, many ol the petitioners had 
agents at Washington to advocate their claims. 

The senate displayed the same culpable disregard of the ap- 
plications, the sufferings, and the distresses of their fellow citi- 

39 



^06 THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 

zens, engaged in manufactures, as the house of representatives^ 
They afforded no relief — nor did they even once consider the 
applications of the petitioners. But they paid somewhat more 
regard to decorum. The petitioners and memorialists had in 
succession leave granted them to •voithuruiv their papers^ on the 
motion of a member of the committee of commerce and manu- 
factures ! ! 

The practice of congress, it appears, is to read the heads of 
petitions ; and then, without further enquiry, to refer thern to 
the committee to which the business properly appertains. It 
cannot fail to excite the astonishment of the citizens of the united 
states to learn, that when they have found it necessary to meet 
ana address their representatives, elected to guard their inte- 
rests, and paid liberally for then* services, those representatives 
do not condescend even to hear or read what are their grievances, 
or the mode of redress proposed ! This is really so very inde- 
corous and so shameful as to be absolutely incredible, if the fact 
were not established on good authority. Many of the most de- 
spotic princes of the East usually read the petitions of the 
meanest of their subjects. But under the free government of 
the united states, the great cities of New York, Philadelphia, 
Baltimore, and Boston, may combine together to seek relief from 
intolerable grievances ; respectfully address their representa- 
tives ; and have their prayers not merely rejected, but not even 
heard ! The annals of legislation may, I am persuaded, be ran- 
sacked in vain for a parallel to this outrageous conduct. 

When we reflect on the waste of time in frothy speeches on 
points of little importance — or on points of great importance, 
after the subject has been completely exhausted — and com- 
pare it with that economy which forbids the spending ten or 
fifteen minutes in reading a petition from a great city, the capi- 
tal of a state, with a population of above a million of people, we 
are lost in astonishment at the introduction of a practice which 
so egregiously violates every rule of duty, decency, and pro- 
priety. 

In the subsequent session, 1817-18, the same pathetic appeals 
to the justice, the humanity, the generosity, the public spirit ot 
congress were made, and with little more effect. 

Two unimportant acts alone on the subject of manufactures 
were passed at this session. One increasing the duties on iron, 
and the other on copper, saddlery, harness, cut glass, tacks, 
brads, sprigs, and Russia sheetings. But on the great and im- 
portant articles of cotton and woollen goods there was no in- 
crease of duty. The additional duties on iron have been inef- 
fectual — as the manufacture is at present in a most prostrate 
state. 



THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 307 

From a full consideration of the premises, it is due to jus- 
tice to rotate, that the manufacturers of the united states, who, 
with their families and persons of eveiy description depend- 
ing on them, amount to 1,500,000 souls* with a capital of 
2150,(^00,000, and producing probably S 350,000,000 per an- 
num, have not had that attention from the government to 
which their numbers and their importance give them so fair a 
claim. 

A large portion of mankind, probably, even in this country, 
three-fourths have no property but in the labour of their hands. 
To so many of them as are divested of this by an erroneous poli- 
cy, one cf the g-rand objects of government is destroyed — And, 
therefore, so far as property is concerned, their situation is no 
better than that of tbe subjects of despotism. 

I go further. The situation of the mamfactiiring' capitalists 
of the united statea is incotrparably rvorse than that of the man- 
vfacturing capitalists and subjects of the monarchs of Europe^ so 
far as regards the protection of property. 

This strong expression will excite the surprize of some super- 
ficial readers. But it is a crisis that demands a bold expression 
of truth. And the assertion need not be retracted or qualified. 
Here is the proof. Let Mr. Garnett, or Mr. Pegram, or any of 
the agricultural delegates refute it. Let us suppose a subject 
of Russia,! to invest a capital of one hundred thousand dollars, 
for instance, in a manufacture of calicoes. He has no foreign 
competitor to dread. The fostering care of the government 
watches over him. -He has loans if necessary. Bounties are al- 
so occasionally afforded. No combination of foreign rivals can 
operate his destruction. The domestic market is secured to 
him, with no other than the fair and legitimate competition of 
his fellow subjects, which always guards the rest of the nation 
against imposition. His plans arrive at maturity. He reaps 
the rich reward of his talents, his time, his industry, his capital. 
He gives support to hundreds, perhaps thousands, and daily 
adds to the wealth, power, resources, and independence of the 
country affording him full protection; and amply repays her 
kindness. 

Let us turn from this delightful picture of fostering care, un- 
der a despotism, to the depressed American capitalist, under a 
government which, in its principles, is really and truly the best 
that ever existed. He invests one hundred thousand dollars in 
a similar establishment ; engages hundreds of people in a useful 

♦ From what has appeared of the recent census, I am persuaded this number is 
far too small. 
i The reasoning applies equally to France, England, and Austria. 



508 THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 

and profitable manufacture ; finally conquers all the various dif- 
ficulties that new undertakings have to encounter; and brings his 
fabrics to market, in the hope of that reward to which industry, 
capital, and talent have so fair a claim. Alas! he has to meet 
not only the competition of his fellow citizens, but of the manu- 
facturing world. While he is excluded absolutely by prohibi- 
tion, or virtually by prohibitory duties, from nearly all the mar- 
kets in Europe, and indeed elsewhere, the East Indies, England, 
France, and Italy divide the home market with him, which is 
crowded with cargoes of similar articles, by the cupidity or the 
distresses, but as often by the stratagems, of foreign manufac- 
turers, in order to overwhelm him, and secure the market ulti- 
mately to themselves. Their goods are sent to vendue, and sa- 
crificed below prime cost in Europe. His cannot find a market, 
but at a sacrifice which ruins him. He implores relief from his 
unfeeling countrymen. But he implores in vain. Their hearts 
are steeled against his sufferings. They meet all his complaints, 
all his prayers, with trite common places about " taxing the ma- 
ny for the benefit of the few, free trade," &c. &c — and he is 
charged with extortion by men Vi^ho for thirty successive years 
received from him and his brethren extravagant prices for all 
their productions ! He becomes bankrupt, and dies of a broken 
heart. His family, born to high expectations, are reduced to a 
state of dependence. His workmen are driven to idleness and 
want, and exposed to the lures of guilt. The state is deprived 
of a useful citizen, who might have added to her " xvealth^poxver 
mid re.source.sy His fate operates as a beacon to others, to be- 
ware of his career. And the wealth of the nation is exhausted 
to pay for foreign articles, substitutes for which he could have 
furnished of fai better qviality, and, though nominally dearer, in 
reality cheaper. 1 his is the policy, and these are its consequen- 
ces, advocated by the disciples of Adam Smith. And this is the^' 
deleterious policy, fraught with destruction to the happiness of 
a large portion of its citizens, that is pursued by the united states 
of America. 

Hundreds of capitalists throughout this country— thousands 
of workmen — millions of destroyed capital — and the general im- 
poverishment of the nation, bear testimony to the. correctness of 
this hideous portrait, so discreditable to our country, such a libel 
on its mistaken policy. 

To such a man what does it signify by what name you call the 
government? It is, you say, a republic. True. But alas ! he 
is ruined by its impolicy. The most despotic government in the 
world coi-ld do no more than ruin him. And some of them, it 
appears, would have protectedhim. Therefore, I repeat, so far 
as property is concerned, the difference, as regards this class of 



THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 309 

citizens, is against the united states. In fact, the better the form 
of government, the more grievous their distress Under a des- 
potism " to suffer and submit" would be their " charter." But 
to be mocked and deluded with the promise of equal rights and 
equal protection under a free government, and unfeelingly con- 
signed to destruction by thtir own fellow citizens and represen- 
tatives, by the men whom they have clothed with the power of 
legislation — barbs the dart with tenfold keenness 

Having submitted this portrait to the citizens of the united 
states, I ask, whether there be a greater contrast between the 
conduct of a fond mother towards her only and darling child — 
and that of a rigorous step-motVier, towards a step-child, which 
interferes with her views in favour of her own offspring than 
there is between the treatment of manufacturers in Russia and 
in the united states ? 

If these views be unpalatable, the fault is not mine. Let those 
answer for them, who have rendered their exposure necessary. 
Their truth can be judicially proved. 

The situation of a very considerable portion of our citizens, 
is far worse than in the colonial state. They had then no com- 
petitors in the markets of their country but their fellow subjects 
of Great Britain. Now they have competitors from almost eve- 
ry part of Europe and from the East Indies. The case of the 
paper makers affords a striking illustration of this position. One 
naif of them in the middle states are ruined — not by the impor- 
tation of British paper, of which little comes to this market — but 
by French and Italian, with enormous quantities of which our 
markets were deluged for two or three years after the war. 



CHAPTER VIll. 

Dilatory 7node of proceeding in congress. Lamentable rvaste of 
time. Statement of the progress of bills. Eighty-txvo signed in 
one day I and four hundred and twenty in eleven I Unfeeling 
treatment of Gen. Stark. Culpable attention to punctilio. Rap- 
id movement of compensation bill. 

To ever\- man interested in the honour and prosperity of the 
country, it is a subjtct of deep regret to reflect on the mode in 
which the public business is managed in and bv congress. It 
is the chief source of the distress ai.d embarrassment of our af- 
fairs, and requires an early and radical remedy. While in ses- 
sion, a considerable proportion of the members are employed in 
chatting — writii g letters to their friends — or reading letters or 
newspapers. They pay little or no attention to the arguments 



310 THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 

of the speakers, except to those of a few of distinguished talents. 
To some of the orators, however, this is no great disappoint- 
ment J as their speeches are too often made for the newspapers, 
and to display their talents to their constituents. 

But the lamentable waste of time by the spirit of procrastina- 
tion in the early part of the session, and by never-ending 
speechifying throughout its continuance, is the greatest evil, and 
is discreditable to congress and highly pernicious to the public 
service. There is in almost every session some subject of real 
or factitious importance, on which every member who believes 
he is possessed of oratorical talents, regards himself as bound to 
harangue, and to " keep the floor," for two, three, four, five or 
six hours. The merits of the speeches are generally measured 
by the length of time they occupy. They are all, to judge by 
the puffs in some of the newspapers, elegant, wonderful, power- 
ful, admirable, excellent, inimitable. 

In most cases, it will be found, as is perfectly natural, that 
the early speeches, on each side, particularly if by men of talents, 
exhaust the subject ; and that those which follow them, do little 
more than retail the arguments previously advanced. It surely 
requires no small disregard of decorum for a member to occupy 
the time of a public body, to whose care are entrusted the con- 
cerns of a great nation, with such fatiguing repetitions. 

The debate on the repeal of the compensation act cost some 
weeks ; that on the Seminole war, fills six hundred pages ; which, 
if divested of the duplications, triplications, and quadruplica- 
tions, the rhetorical flourishes, and extraneous matter, would 
be reduced to two hundred — perhaps to one hundred and fifty. 
The Missouri question would probably fill from eight hundred 
to one thousand pages. Some of the prologues to these speech- 
es are, as was humourously observed by a mem.ber long since, 
1 like " sale coats," calculated to suit almost any other subject 
equally well. And during this miserable waste of time, excite- 
i ment of angry passions, and seditious threats of separation, there 
j is a total suspension of the business of the nation, whose blood 
■ flows at every pore — whose revenues are failing — whose manu- 
factures are paralized — of whose commerce one half is annihila- 
ted — whose merchants and manufacturers are daily swallowed 
up in the vortex of bankruptcy — whose great staples have fallen 
in price at least thirtv per cent. — and which exhibits in every di- 
rection most appailing scenes of calamity and distress ! 

Some idea may be formed of the mode in which the business 
of this nation is conducted by its legislature, from the following 
chronological statement of the periods at which the acts of suc- 
cessive sessions v/ere approved by the presidents. Between their 
passage in the tw'> houses and the date of the presidents' signa- 
tures, there may be some few days difference, for which the 



THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 311 

reader will make allowance. But be that allowance what it may, 
it cannot remove the accusation of a most ruinous waste of time, 
and a most culpable and shameful procrastination of public busi- 
ness in congress. 

In the first session of the twelfth congress, which commenced 
on the 4th of November, 1811, and terminated on the bth of Ju- 
ly, 1812, there were one hundred and thirty-eight acts passed 
which were signed by the president in the following chronolo- 
gical order — 



In November 


2 


Over 


73 


December - 


8 


In May 


21 


January - 


9 


June 


17 


February 


14 


Julv 1st - 


8 


March - 


14 


July 6th 


29 


April - 


26 




148 



73 



Txvelfth congress. — Second session. From November Z, 1812, ^& 
March 3, 1813. — Sixty -two acts. 



November 


1 


Over 


16 


December - 


- 4 


February 


23 


January - 


- 11 


March 3d - 


23 



16 62 



Thirteenth congress. — First Session. — From May 24, to Aug, 2, 
1813. — Fifty -nine acts. 

May 

June - - - 



00 
- 3 


Over 

July - - 
August 2d - 


3 
32 

24 


3 




59 



The twenty-four acts signed on the 2d of August, contained 
forty-aix pages of close print. The act imposing the direct tax, 
is in the number, and contains txventy'two pages. 



312 THE NEW OllVE BRANCH. 

Thirteenth congress. — Secr.nd session. — From December &^ 1813, 
to April 18, 1814. — Ninety-five acts . 



December 


2 


Over 


16 


January 


- 7 


March - - - 


27 


February 


7 


April 1st to 16th 


- 18 






April 18 th 


34 



16 

— 95 



Thirteenth congress. — Third session. From September 19, 1814, 
to March 3, 1815. — One hundred acts. 



September 
October - 
November 
December 


00 
1 
6 

11 


Over 

January 
February 
March 1st - 


18 

- 9 
- 38 

- 4 






March 3d 


- 31 



18 

c— 100 



The thirty-one acts signed on the 3d of March, contain thirty 
five pages. 

This was the ever memorable session of congress, in which 
the imbecility of the majority and the factious violence of the 
minority, brought the nation to the jaws of destruction, previous 
to the close of the war. 

Fourteenth congress. — First session. From December 4^ 1815, 
to April 30, 1816.-— One hundred and seventy- two acts. 



December 


2 


Over 


35 


January 


4 


April 2d to the 24th 


39 


February 


15 


2e>th and 27th 


59 


March 


- 14 


29th 


31 






30th - 


8 



S5 

~ 172 



THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 313 

Fourteenth co7ig'ress. — Seco fid session. From December 2, 1816, 
to March 3, 1817. — One hundred and fourteenacts. 

Over . 18 

On Saturday, March 1st 14 
March 3d - - 82 

18 l!4 



In December 


- 00 


In January 
In February 


8 
- 10 



The acts of this session are comprised in one hundred pages. 
Those signed in January occupy three pages and a half— those 
in February four — those on the first of March nine — and those 
on the third seventy-three ! 

Fifteenth congress. — First session. From November 16, 1817, 
to April 20, 1818. — One hundred and thirty acts. 



November 


00 


Over 


14 


December . 


. 1 


March 


. 10 


January 


7 


April 3d to 18th . 


54 


February . 


. 6 


Apri 20th 


52 



14 130 



The fifty-two acts signed on the 20th of April, contain of John 
E. Hall's edition, no less than eighty-seven pages. In this ses- 
sion there were, it appears, one hundred and six acts passed in 
seventeen days— and only twenty-four in the preceding four 
months and a half ! 

The annals of legislation may be challenged for any parallel 
case. 

Fifteenth congress. — Second session. From November 16, 1818^ 
to March 3, 1819. One hundred and seven acts. 



November 


00 


Over 


11 


December 
January . 


. . 7 

4 


February 
March 2d . 
March 3d 


. 3S 
8 

■ .' 55 



11 



107 



40 



314 THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 

This system of procrastination has been coeval with the go- 
vernment. I am informed by a gentleman of veracity, that Ge- 
neral Washington, when an extraordinary number of acts were 
presented to him on the last day of a session, more than he 
could correctly decide upon, has expressed a strong and most 
marked disapprobation of so incorrect a procedure. 

Analysis. 

Sessions of congress -.--__--9 
Duration .-_..- months 39| 

Acts passed ___-_-_ 988 

Of which were signed in eleven days _ _ - 420 



Fiz. 

1812. July 6th 29 

1813. March 3d 23 

August 3d - ._.-.. 24 

1814. April 18th 34 

1815. March 3d - ^ - - - - - 31 

1816. April 26th, 2rth and 29tn . . - - 90 
18ir. March 3d - 82 

1818. April 20th - - - . _ _ . 52 

1819. March 3d - 55 

420 

Thus it appears that in three years and three months there 
were 568 acts signed — and in eleven days, as I have stated, 420 ! ! 
Wonderful system of legislation ! 

No small share of the censure due to the procrastination of 
the public business, so visible in the above proceedings, justly 
attaches to the speaker for the time being. He ought to keep a 
docket of the business brought before the house, and urge com- 
mittees to perform their duty. Certain days should be appointed 
to make reports, which ought then to be called for. If not ready, 
others should be fixed. And whenever the public business is un- 
necessarily or wantonly procrastinated, his duty requires the use 
of strong animadversion. This arrangement wo\ild be produc- 
tive of the most salutary consequences. But for want of this 
or some other system, a very large portion of every session is 
literally thrown away. And so much of the business is crowded 
together at the close, that it is impossible to concoct it properly. 
Ever since the organization of the governinent, three-fourths of 
all the important acts have been passed within the last week or 
ten days of the close of each session. 



THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 315 

Is it then surprising that the national business is egregiously 
ill-managed ? That the reiterated requests of so large a portion 
of our citizens, for a bankrupt and other salutary acts, are of no 
avail ? — How is it possible for the members — how is it possible 
for the president — to discharge their respective duties conscien- 
tiously, with such a s\stem ? Can any powers short of super- 
human enable the latter to decide on the justice, the propriety, 
the constitutionality of twenty, thirty, forty, fifty, sixty, seventy, 
or eighty acts in one or two days ? Is not this making a mere 
mockery of legislation ? 

Two, three, and sometimes four months are drawled awaj- in 
the early part of the session — Avith three, four, six, eight, ten or 
twelve acts — and afterwards all the business is hurried through 
with indecent haste. In the one portion of the time, the progress re- 
sembles that of the snail or sloth — in the other, that of the high 
mettled racer. In fact and in truth, if congress desired to bring 
republican government into disgrace, to render it a bye-word 
and a reproach, it would not be very easy to devise a plan more 
admirably calculated for the pui-pose than a considerable part of 
their proceedings. 

One ruinous consequence attending the system pursued, is, 
that at the close of every session, some of the most important 
bills are necessarily postponed. 

It is frequently said, in justification of the procrastination of 
congress, and the little business that is executed in the early 
part of the session, that the committees are employed in digest- 
ing and preparing their reports. It is obvious, that this operation 
must require considerable time. But whoever reflects on the 
nature of a large portion of the business that is discussed in that 
body, will be convinced that it might be despatched in a fifth 
part of the time it occupies. 

Among the acts hurried through at the close of the session, 
there are frequently some, and among them private ones, which 
have " dragged their slow length along" for months before, and 
which might as readily be decided on in a week as in six months. 
I annex the dates of introduction and of signature of a few, to 
exemplify this. 



Act to divide the state of Pennsylvania 

into districts - - 1818. 

Act for publication of laws, 
Act for the relief of B. Birdsall 
Act for incorporating Columbian Institute, 
Act for relief of General Brown, 
Act for relief of T. & J. Clifford 



Reported. Signed. 



Feb. 4 


April 20 


Jan. 16 


April 20 


Jan. 27 


April 20 


Feb. 3 


April 20 


Feb. 9 


April 18 


Jan. 20 


April 20 



316 THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 

The bill for the relief T. & J. Clifford, which was three months 
on its passage through the houses, contains about twenty lines, 
and was for the remission of duties paid on articles not subject 
to duty. Three days would have answered as well for the dis- 
cussion as seven years. Such is the case with half the bills that 
are crowded together at the last day of the session. 

It may not be uninteresting to make a few fiirther extracts 
from the journals, shedding additional light on this important 
subject. 

1819. April 18. " Engrossed bills of the following titles 
" (nine in number J were severally read a third time and passed." 
April 20. " Bills from the senate of the following titles (ten 
*' in 7iicmber') were severally read a third time and passed." 

Eodem Die. "A message from the senate that they have pass- 
" ed bills of this house of the following titles, to wit — (eighteen 
" in number. y 

By a careful search through the journals of different sessions, 
we might find three or four hundred bills, thus bundled togeth- 
jer, and hastilv read off", ten or a dozen en suite. 

The case of General Stark deserves to be put on record, to 
corroborate some of the opinions offered in this chapter. 

On the 6th of March, 1818, a petition was presented by this 
meritorious veteran, representing his necessitous circumstances, 
and praying that tke bouilty of the national government might 
be extended to him, in the decline of life, in compensation of 
his faithful services in defence of his country. It was referred 
to a committee, who reported a bill on the 9th, which was read 
the first and second time on that day. It then lay over untouch- 
ed for above fi'oe xveehs^ till Saturday the ISth of April, when it 
was passed and sent to the senate, where it was read and refer- 
red to the committee on pensions, who reported it on that day 
Avithout amendments. It was read the third time on Monday 
the 20th, in committee of the whole, and agreed to zuith amend- 
ments , It being against a rule of the senate to pass a bill on the 
same day in which it has undergone amendments, Mr. Fromen- 
tin moved that the rule be dispensed with. But this motio?iwas 
inifeelingly rejected. And as the session was closed that day, 
the bill of course was lost ; and the venerable old hero, about 
ninety years of age, and bending over the grave, was disappoint- 
ed at that time of receiving the pittance intended for him. The 
importance of his victory at Bennington, which led to those all- 
important events, the battle of Saratoga and the capture of 
General Burgoyne, which stand conspicuous among the proud- 
est triumphs of the revolutionary war, is so deeply impressed 
on the public mind, that every good man in the nation felt deep 
regret and indignation at this very ill-timed and ungracious 
punctilio. 



THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 31 7 

The compensation bill, which was to render members of con- 
gress salary ojfficers^ at the rate of \50Q> do'lars per annum, pass- 
ed by a former congress, foi-ms a proper contrast to the bill in 
favour of general Stark. 

It was read the first and second time 

in the house of representatives - March 6th, 1815. 

Read a third time, and passed - - - 9th 

Read first time in senate - _ _ - lith 

Second time - - _ - - 12th 

Third time and passed - - - 14th 

Laid before the president - _ - - 1 8th 

Approved same day. 

What wonderful economy of time ! 

Thus a bill for their own benefit, which introduced a novel 
principle into the country, in twelve days passed through all its 
stages from its inception to the presidential approbation ! ! 

What a striking and indelible reproach to congress arises from 
a contrast of this case with that of the veteran Stark ! How 
wonderfully their personal interest accelerated their move- 
ments ! 

The citizens of the united states, however, are answerable for 
a large portion of the derelictions of congiess. Most of the 
members are ambitious of popularity ; which forms one of the 
principal inducements to seek a seat in that body. And the ut- 
ter inattention too generally displayed by the citizens to the con- 
duct of their representatives, induces a degree of indifference 
tow^ards the interests and wishes of constituents. A more fre- 
quent call for the yeas and nays, by those members who are sin- 
cerely desirous of discharging their duty, and of having the pub- 
lic business punctually attended to, together with a publication 
of lists of votes on all important questions, previous to elections, 
would operate powerfully on the feelings of the members. It 
every member whose votes militated with the substantial inter- 
ests of his country, were sure to be discarded, as he ought to be, 
on the day of election, the proceedings of congress would exhibit 
a very different appearance from what they do at present. 



318 THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 



CHAPTER IX. 

Attempts to prove the state of affairs prosperous. Their fallacy 
established. Destructiofi of industry in Philadelphia and Pitts ' 
burg. Axvful situation of Pennsylvania. 14,537 suits for debt., 
and 10.,326 judg-77ients confessed in the year 1819. Depreciation 
of real estate 115,544,629 dollars. 

For a considerable time, elaborate efforts were made to prove 
that the greatmass of our citizens were highly prosperous. Even 
official messages, at no very distant day, announced this idea. 
But the veil that obscured the appalling vision of public distress 
is removed, and there is now no diversity of sentiment on the 
subject. Bankruptcy of banks — individual ruin — and sheriffs' 
sales to an extent never known before — the idleness of thousands 
of those who have no property but in the labour of their hands — 
resolutions of town meetings — memorials and petitions from 
almost every part of the middle and eastern states — messages of 
governors — deliberate instructions of the representative bodies 
in some of the states — acts of legislatures., suspending the collec- 
tion of debts — and, to close the long train of calamity, the emigra- 
tion of American citizens to a Spanish colony, seeking an asy- 
lum from the distress they suffer in their own country — all dis- 
tinctly proclaim a deplorable state of society, which fully evin- 
ces a radical unsoundness in our policy, loudly and imperiously 
demanding as radical a remedy. No temporizing expedients 
will suffice. Nothing short of a complete and permanent protec- 
tion of the national industry, so as to enable us to reduce our 
demands from Europe., xvithin our means of payment., will arrest 
us in the career of impoverishment — and enable us to regain the 
ground we have unhappily lost, and take that high and com- 
manding stand among nations, which nature and nature's God, 
by the transcendent advantages bestowed on us, intended we 
should enjoy — advantages which for five years we have so prodi- 
gally squandered. 



Although the prevailing depression and distress are generally 
well knovv^n, yet few are fully acquainted with their extreme in- 
tensity. Indeed, it is at all times difficult and scarcely possible 
to realize, from general description, the extentof suffering which 
mankind endure — whether by war, famine, pestilence, or want 
of employment. In the last case, it would be necessary to tra- 
verse by-lanes and alleys — to ascend to garrets — or descend to 
cellars — to behold the afflicted father, after having pawned his 



THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 319 

clothes and furniture, destitute of money and credit to support 
his famishing wife and children — his proud spirit struggling be- 
tween the heart-rending alternatives of allowing them to suffer 
under hunger and thirst, or else sinking to apply to the overseers 
of the poor — to ask alms in the street — or to have recourse to 
soup-houses for relief.* These are afflicting realities, with 
which, I hope, for the honour of human nature, the presidents 
and delegates of agricultural societies, who enter the list to pre- 
vent the relief of their fellow citizens, and perpetuate their suf- 
ferings, are wholly unacquainted, 

I cannot here enter into particulars of the awful scenes that 
overspread the face of the land, and shall confine myself to a 
slight sketch of the lamentable devastation of national prosperity 
and private happiness, experienced in Philadelphia and Pittsburg, 
which so many worthy, but mistaken men are labouring to per- 
petuate. 

By an investigation ordered during last autumn by a town 
meeting of the citizens of Philadelphia, and condvicted by gen- 
tlemen of respectability, it appears, so great was the decay of 
manufacturing industry, that in only thirty out of fifty- six 
branches of business there were actually 7728 persons less 
emplo}ed in 1819 than in 1816, whose wages amounted to 
g 2,366 935. No returns were procured from twenty -six 
branches, viz. 

Bookbinders Manufacturers of gun-powder 

Brewers Painters and glaziers 

Brickmakers Plumbers 

Carpenters Shoemakers 

Coopers Shotmakers 

Chocolate makers Sugar bakers 

Calico printers Snuff and tobacco manufactu- 

Curriers turers 

Chair makers Stonecutters 

Dyers Turners 

Engravers Tanners 

Embroiderers Umbrella makers 

Glovers Wheelwrights, &c. &c. 

Glass manufacturers 

Assuming only half the number, in these twenty-six, that 
were in the other thirty, the aggregate would be 11,592 — and, 
were only one woman or child dependent on each person, the 

* Some idea may be foi-med of the state of our cities, from the circumstance, 
that in Baltimore, there ai-e no less than twelve stations for distributing soup tick- 
ets. In Philadelphia, tlie distribution is very gi-eat, at the rate of a pint to each 
person. 



S20 THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 

whole, out of a population of about one hundred and twenty thou- 
sand, 

Would amount to - - - persons 23,184 

Whose wages would be - - - ^3,550,402 

And allowing the work when finished, to be 
worth double the wages, which is a moderate 
calculation, the value would be - - - ^7,100,804 



lost in a single city in one year ! 

Let us now survey Pittsburg, where we shall behold a similar 
scene of devastation. This city in 1815, contained about six 
thousand inhabitants. It then exhibited as exhilirating a scene 
of industry, prosperity, and happiness, as any place in the world. 
Its immense local advantages, seated at the confluence of two 
noble rivers, forming the majestic Ohio ; its boundless supplies 
of coal ; and the very laudable enterprise of its inhabitants, had 
for a long time rendered it the emporium of the western world. 
But, alas ! the immoderate influx of foreign manufactures, pour- 
ed in there shortly after the peace, produced a most calamitous 
reverse. The operations of the hammer, the hatchet, the shut- 
tle, the spindle, the loom, ceased in a great degree. Noble es- 
tablishments, which reflected honour on the nation, were closed ; 
the proprietors ruined ; the workmen discharged ; a blight and a 
blast overspread the face of the city ; and the circumjacent coun- 
try, which had shared in its prosperity, now equally partook of 
its decline. 

By a recent and minute investigation, conducted by citizens 
of high standing, the following appeared to be the — 

Actual state of the city of Pittsburg: 

Persons deprived of employment, or less employed 

in 1819 than in 1816 .... 1288 

Supposing only one woman or child depending on 

each of tfee above . . . . . 1288 



It would amount to . . . . .2576 



The amount of work done in 1816 was . ^2,61 7,833 

In 1819 ..... 832,000 



Loss to Pittsburg .... 1,785,833 

Loss to Philadelphia, as before, . . 7,100,804 

Annual loss in two cities in one state . . ^8,886,637 



THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 321 

When the other cities and towns throughout the union, where 
similar devastation has occurred, are taken into view, it will not 
be an unreasonable calculation to presume it six-fold elsewhere : 
but to avoid cavil, I will only suppose it treble— 
Which will amount to .... ^26,659,911 

Philadelphia and Pittsburg . . . 8,886,637 

Total loss of industry . • . g35,546,548 

By the wretched policy of fostering foreign manufactures and 
manufacturers, and foreign governments ; buying cheap bargains 
abi'oad, and consigning our own citizens to bankruptcy and beg- 

S^^3\' . . . ^ . , 

With these overwhelming facts staring us in the face, is it 

not insanity to be debating about the causes of the existing dis- 
tress ? Who can entertain a doubt as to the grand and primary 
cause ? Is it not as plain as " the hand writing on the wall ?"— 
Does it not clearly arise from the destruction of so large a por- 
tion of the national industry ? What ! an annual loss in two cities 
containing about 130,000 inhabitants, of nearly nine millions of 
dollars, and proportionable losses almost every where else ! 
Such a course, steadily continued, would impoverish China more 
rapidly than she has accumulated her immerse treasures. It is 
not therefore wonderful that it has, in a few years, impoverished 
a nation whose sole patrimony was her industry. 

Some public documents have recently appeared, which prove 
the distress of the country far more intense and extensive than had 
been previously conceived. A committee of the senate ot Pennsyl- 
vania, appointed to enquire into the extent and causes of the gen- 
eral distress, addressed circulars to all the prothonotaries and 
sheriffs in the state, whence they collected the following awful facts; 
The number of actions brought for debt in the year 

1819, was 14,537 

The number of judgments confessed . . 10,326 

Exclusive of those before justices of the peace, about 

half the number. 
Imprisonments for debt in the city and county of Phil- 
adelphia . . . . . 1,808 
In Lancaster county . . . - 221 
In Alleghany county . . . . .286 
A report made to the house of representatives, by a commit- 
tee appointed for the same purpose as that in the senate, appears 
to estimate the depreciation of the real estate in Pennsylvania at 
one-third of the value ascertained bv the united states assess- 
ment in 1815, which was, §316,633,889 — of course the depreci- 
ation is 8105,544,629. 

A memorial referred to in another report, states— 

41 



322 THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 

" That embarrassment is universal ; that the sordid and avari- 
" cious are acquiring the sacrificed property of the liberal and 
" industrious ; that so much property is exposed to sale vmder 
*' execution, that buyers cannot be had to pay more for it than 
" the fees of office." 

Would to God, that this aifecting picture could be placed in 
large characters in congress hall, in the president's house, and 
in the offices of the secretaries of state and the treasury, that they 
might be led to take the necessary measures as early as possible 
to relieve such sufferings. 

This, let it be observed, is far from the whole of the evil. The 
comparison is only a retrospective one — to shew the precipitous 
descent we have made from a towering height. Let us now see 
the point to which we might, and by a proper policy would have 
ar-rived. In five years, from 1810 to 1815, as already stated, the 
manufacture of cotton increased from 10,000 to 90,000 bales, 
or 270,000,000 lbs. The other manufactures of the countiy in- 
creased very considerably, but not in the same proportion. 

By the statements of the marshals, and the calculations of Mr. 
Coxe. a gentleman perfectly competent to this service, it appears 
that the manufactures of the united states in 1810, amounted to 
172.00' ',000 dollars. 

Let us suppose that instead of a multiplication nine-fold, 

' such as took place in the cotton branch between 1810, and 1815, 

the general increase was oniv fifty per cent, it follows, that in 1 8 1 5, 

the whole of our manufactures must have amounted to above 

250,000,000 dollars. 

Inferring from past experience, they would, under an efficient 
protection by the government, have increased from 1815, to 
1820, fifty per cent, and of course would now be above 370,000- 
000 dollars. 

It is impossible to pursue this train of reflexion, and compare 
what we might be, with what we are, without sensations of the 
keenest distress, and a clear conviction of the radical unsound- 
ness of a policy, which has in a few years produced so much 
destruction of happiness and prosperity. 



CHAPTER X. 

Causes assigned for the existing distress. Extravagant banking. 
Transition to a state of peace. Fallacy of these reasons. True 
cause^ destruction of industry. Comparison of exports for six 
years. 

Since public attention has been drawn to explore the causes 
©f the existing evils, some of our citizens have ascribed them to 



THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 323 

the abuses of banking, and others to " the transition from a state 
ofivar to a state oj peare^'' — overlooking the real cause, the pros- 
tration of so large a portion of the manufacturing industry of 
the nation — and likewise overlooking the strong fact, that all 
nations have fallen to decay, in proportion as they abandoned, 
and have prospered in proportion as they protected, the industry 
of their people. 

Let us brief!}' examine both of these alleged causes of distress. 

It is impossible to defend the legislative bodies, who incorpo- 
rated such hosts of banks at once. They are deserving of the 
most unqualified censure ; and it is to be regretted that they can- 
not be rendered indi\idually responsible for the consequences. 
But the mischief that has arisen from those banks, has been 
greatly overrated. I submit a few facts and reflections on the 
subject. 

With the state of Pennsylvania I am more familiar than with 
any of the others ; and shall therefore found mv reasoning on 
the system pursvied here. It will apply, mutatis ?m/tondis^to all 
those which have carried banking to excess. 

In 1814, the legislature of this stale incorporated forty-one 
banks, of which only thirty-seven went into operation — of these 
I present a view — 

Capital Capital 

authorised. paid in. 
Thirt^^-three country banks - Sl-2,665,000 §5,294,238 
Four city banks - - 3,500,000 2,134,000 



gl6,l65,O0O 87,428,238 



Two reports, recently made to the legislature of Pennsylva- 
nia, cpnvey an idea that the capital of these banks was much 
greater than it really was. 

'' The people of Pennsylvania, during an expensive war, and 
" in the midst of great embarrassments, established forty -one 
" new banks, ruith a capital of 17 ,500^00 dollars — and authority 
" to issue bank notes to double that amount."* 

" A bill, authorizing the incorporation of forty-one banking 
" institutions, ruith capitals amounting- to iipxvards o/" 1 7,000,000 
" dollars^ was passed by a large majority."! 

Several of them had been in operation previous to the act of 
incorporation — particularly the Commercial Bank in Philadel- 
phia, with a capital of 1,000,000 dollars, and others with jjroLa- 
bly capitals of S750,000 : so that the addition then made to the 
banking capital of the state was only about 5,700,000 dollars. 

♦ Report to the house of representatives. 
f Report to the senate. 



334 THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 

It is perfectly obvious, that in calculating the effects produced 
by these banks, we must have reference not to the capital autho- 
rized — but to that actually paid in. 

Had every one of these banks been fraudulently conducted, and 
become bankrupt, would it account for the excessive distresses 
of the state? It would be idle to pretend it. The circumstance 
would have produced great temporary embarrassment — but our 
citizens would soon have recovered, had their industry been 
protected. 

The population of the state is above 1,000,000. Its manu- 
factures in 1810, as stated by Mr. Coxe, were 32,000,000 of dol- 
lars — and had probably risen in 1814, to 45,000,000. Its do- 
mestic exports for the last three years, have been above 
20,000,000, or nearly 7,000,000 per annum. Now, can it be 
believed that the specified increase of banking capital in a state 
with such great resources, could have produced such ruinous 
consequences ? Surely not. 

In cases of great calamities, arising from embargoes, block- 
ades, unexpected war, or peace. New York and Philadelphia 
have each suffered nearly as much loss as the whole capital of 
all those banks, and speedily revived like the Phrenix from her 
ashes. 

Let it be observed, that after deducting the capitals of — 

The Bank of Lancaster* . _ _ _ g600,000 

Marietta 239,430 

Pittsburg 316,585 

Reading 299,440 

Easton 211,830 



gl,667,285 



The remaining country banks only average about 125,000 dol- 
lars each. Some of them operate in a space, of which the dia- 
meter is thirty, fort5% or fifty miles. Surely the doctor's appren- 
tice, who, finding a saddle under his patient's bed, ascribed his 
illness to his having devoured a horse, was not much more lu- 
dicrously in error, than those who ascribe the whole or even the 
chief part of the sufferings of the state to this cause. 

Let it be distinctly understood, that I freely admit that some 
of those banks have done very great mischief, and that several 
have been improperly conducted. But had the industry of 
the state been protected, and trade flourished, the great mass of 
them would have gone on prosperously, and the whole would 

* Four of tliese towns a:-e places of importance, and carry on trade very ex- 
tensively. 



THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 325 

not have produced one-tenth part of the injury that has resulted 
from those that have been ill-managed. 

Before I quit this subject, let me observe, that the greater 
portion by far of these banks have been, I believe, fairly and 
honourably conducted : and that little inconvenience was felt by 
or from any of them, from the time of resuming specie pay- 
ments, till of late, when the unceasing drain of specie exhausted 
them of the pabulum on which banks are supported, and obliged 
them to diminish their issues, and to press on their debtors, of 
whom many were rained. Notwithstanding all their efforts, se- 
veral of the banks have been obliged to stop payment. 

The idea that the public distresses have been a necessary con- 
sequence of " the transition to a state of peace ^^'' is still more exti-a- 
vagant. To Great Britain the transition was truly formidable. 
She had by her orders in council, blockades, and fleets, engross- 
ed the supply of a large portion of the continent of Europe, 
which, on the return of peace, relied on itself, and therefore de- 
prived her of various profitable markets. But I ask any man of 
common sense, how this applies to our case ? Were we, at the 
treaty of Ghent, excluded from any foreign markets which we 
enjoyed during our short war ? Surely not. Far from having 
our markets circumscribed by " the transition to a state ofpeace^^ 
they were greatly enlarged. In 1815, our exports were, as ap- 
pears below, seven hundred per cent, more than in 1814, and in 
the three entire years subsequent to the peace, threefold what 
they were in the three preceding years. 

Domestic exports from the united states. 



1812 - 830,032,109 

1813 - - 25,008,152 

1814 - 6,782,272 



61,822,533 



Average 20,6u7,511 



1815 - B45,974,403 

1816 - - 64,781,896 

1817 - 68,313,500 



179,069,799 

Average 59,689,933 



That the " transition'''' from an average export of ^20,000,000 
to nearly §60,000 ,000, can account for the lamentable and precipi- 
tous fall we have experienced, no person of candour will pretend. 
It would be equally wise to assert, that a man was ruined by 
raising his income from two thousand dollars to six thousand 
per annum. If, however, he renounced his industry, and, when 
he only trebled his income, increased his expenses six fold, then 
his ruin would be as easily accounted for, as the lamentable pic- 
ture this country exhibits. 



326 THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 

I was, however, in error. The " transitiori*^ did produce the 
effect. Should it be asked how ? I reply — The war protected 
the domestic industry of the nation. It throve and prospered un- 
der that safeguard, which the peace tore down de fonds en com- 
ble. And congress, whose imperious and paramount duty it was 
to step in, and replace the protection, failed of that duty The 
consequences were foretold. The industry of the country was 
laid prostrate — its circulating medium dramed away — its re- 
sources exhausted — and distress overspread the face of the land. 
Bjt it is too farcical for argument to assert that a peace which 
trebled our exports, necessarily brought on a state of distress 
and impoverishment, which is chargeable wholly to our short- 
sighted policy. 



CHAPTER XI. 

The everlasting complaint of'-'- taxing the many for the benefit of 
the few." Fallacy and injustice of it. Amount of impost Jor 
fourteen years. For the year 1818. Impost for the protection 
of the products of the soil in that year above 4,500,000 dollars. 

The changes have been rung throughout the united states, 
since the commencement of the government, on the immensity 
of the favours conferred on the manufacturers, in point of pro- 
tection — their insatiable temper — the impossibility of satisfying 
them — and the dreadful injustice of "taxing the many for the 
benefit of the few," which have been used as a sort of war whoop 
for exciting all the base passions of avarice and selfishness in 
battle array against those to whom the tax is supposed to be 
paid. 

It rarely happens, in private life, that vociferous claims for 
gi'atitude can stand the test of enquiry. When weighed in the 
balance of justice and truth, they are uiaiformly found wanting. 
And as a public is an aggregation of individuals, actuated by the 
same views, and liable to the same and greater eiTors, it would 
be extraordinary, if similar claims of collections of people were 
not found to rest on as sandy a foundation. 

To investigate the correctness of this everlasting theme has 
become a duty. To place the subject on its true ground, will 
dispel a dense mi^t ot error and delusion with which it is envel- 
oped. If the debt can be paid, let it, in the name of heaven, be 
discharged, and let us commence de novo. If it be beyond the 
power of payment, let the delinquent parties take the benefit of 
the insolvent act, and exonerate" themselves from a load, b}^ 
which they are crushed as between " the upper and the nether 
mill-stone." 



THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 327 

The expenses of our government require revenues, which have 
risen from 4,000,000 to .7,0C'0,(,0C) dollars per annum. Pro- 
vision must be made for this sum in one or all of three modes— 
by excise — direct taxes, or customs. The first is universally ab- 
horred here. The second are almost equally obnoxious. It 
therefore follows, that the impost is the next and grand resource. 
The sum required must be raised without regard to manufactures 
or manufacturers, — and indeed if there were not a manufacturer 
in the country. It is out of the power of the government to 
raise the necessary revenue without laying considerable duties 
on manufactures — as all other articles, such as tea, sugar, wines, 
coffee, are dutied as high as they will bear. Therefore the 
manufacturers, who, let it be observed, bear their own share of 
all these duties^ of every description^ are under no obligation of 
gratitude whatever for them. 

But let us examine the subject more closely. Let us suppose 
that these duties had been laid solely to serve the manufactur- 
ers, without any regard to the emergencies of government — and 
that the proceeds had been reserved in the treasury. Let us see 
what would be the extent of the mighty boon. 

The whole of this enormous and inextinguishable debt is 
comprised in the duties imposed on such foreign merchandize 
as rival our own manufactures. The utmost cravings on the score 
of gratitude will not dare to charge to the account the duties on 
sugar, coffee, tea, wine, salt, &c. 
The entire impost for fourteen years, from 1801 

to 1814, inclusive, was . . Sl59,762,602* 

On Spirits . . . ^25,441, 543 

Wines . , . 7,646,476 

Sugar . . . 19,455,110 

Salt .... 4,057,047 
Teas . . . 8,565,874 

Coffee . . . 8,777,113 

Molasses . . . 4,980,650 

Sundry articles . • 7,47^ ',3 l7f 

86,394, 1 30t 



Leaving a balance of ... . g73,368,472 
fTo which add half of the last item of sundries 

as probably on manufactures . . 3,735,158 

Total ..... 877,103,630 



This is the whole amount levied on manufactures of ever)'- 
kind, for fourteen years, being about five millions and a half per 
annum. 

* Seybert, 454. f Ideiti, 398 to 405. 



328 THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 

The white population of that period averaged probably about 
7,000,000. Of course the duties paid on manufactures amounted 
to about eighty cents per head ! And this is the sum and sub- 
stance of the " taxes levied on the many by thefew^^'' and the im- 
mense favours conferred on " the few" by '■'• the many !" which 
have furnished matter for so many tedious speeches in congress, 
tiresome declamations at public meetings, and verbose newspa- 
per essays and paragraphs without end or number ; with which 
"the welkin has rung" — and which, I repeat, have called into 
activity all the base passions of our nature, and excited a deadly 
hostility in the minds of one portion of our citizens against 
another. The clamour would have been contemptible, had the 
whole sum been granted as an alms, or through generosity. But 
when it is considered that every dollar of this sum has been rais- 
ed for the mere purpose of revenue, language cannot do justice 
to the feelings the affair is calculated to excite. 

I shall now consider the subject at a more recent period. 

The whole amount of duties ad valorem for 1818, 

was . . Si 1,947,260 

To which add for manufactures of lead, iron, and 
steel ; glass bottles, copperas, allum, and other ar- 
ticles subject to specific duties . . . 694,49^ 

Total on manufactures ..... 12,641,753 
A large portion of those duties was levied on silks, 
high-priced cambrics and muslins, gauzes, lii)- 
ens, lace shawls, lace veils, pearls, embroidery, 
gold lace, &c. &c. which our citizens do not man- 
ufacture. These duties are by no means chargeable 
to the protection of manufactures — suppose 1,500,000 

Balance of impost supposed for protection of man- 
ufactures . . . . . . . gl 1,141,753 



Against this we must set off all the duties levied for the pro- 
tection of the landholders, viz. 

On spirits, for the encouragement of the culture of 
grain, and the protection of the peach brandies, 
rye whiskey, &c. of the farmers . . ^2,646,1 86 

Sugar . ' 1,508,892 

Cotton - . 126,542 

Hemp . . 148,873 

Indigo ...... . 19,049 



Amount carried over 4,449,542 



THE MEW OLIVE BRANCH. 329 

Amount brought forward 4,449,542 

Coals 46.091 

Cheese . . ... . . 16.694 



Impost for protection of landholders . . ^4,512,327 

Leaving a balance against the manufacturers of SS6,629,426 

When we consider how frugal and economical the great body 
of our farmers are in the eastern, middle, and western states ; 
how few of them, comparatively speaking, purchase imported ar- 
ticles, except groceries ; and how expensively the inhabitants of 
our cities and towns live in general ; it will appear more than 
probable, that of the goods on which the above duties are col- 
lected, not nearly one-half are consumed by farmers. 

A view of the preceding tables and statements affords the fol- 
lowing results — 

1 . That the whole amount of the duties levied on manufactur- 
ed articles of every description, for the year 1818, having been 
only about 12,600,000 dollars, and the population of the united 
states at present being about 10,000,000, of whom probably 
8,500,000 are white, the average is less than one dollar and a half 
for the white population. 

2. That of this amount about one-eighth part is levied on ar- 
ticles not interfering with, and consequently not chargeable to 
the account of the protection of, manufactures. 

3. That there are duties levied in favour of agriculture equal 
in amount to more than a third part of those levied on manufac- 
tures. 

4. That when the latter duties are set off against those levied 
for the protection of manufactures, the remainder is about seven- 
ty-five cents for each free person in the united states. 

5. That prpbably more than half of the goods on which those 

duties are levied, are consutp.ed in towns and cities and of 

course that the amount paid by the farmers and planters is not 
above sixty cents per head, notwithstanding the senseless and 
illiberal clamour excited on the subject. 

6. That were all the duties on manufactured articles removed, 
the burdens of the community would not be diminished a single 
dollar ; as there is no more revenue raised than the emergen- 
cies of the government require, and of course some other taxes 
©r duties must be devised. 

42 



S30 THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 



CHAPTKR XII. 

Immense advantages enjoyed by the landholders for nearly thir- 
ty years^ viz. an exclusive supply of the domestic market — ■ 
and excellent foreign markets. Exorbitant prices of the ne- 
cessaries of life. Great extent of the domestic market. Inter- 
nal trade of the united states . 

For nearly thirty years, the landholders of this country enjoy- 
ed a high degree of prosperity. They had almost univer- 
sally excellent foreign markets for all their productions — and, 
from the commencement of the govel-nment, have had what has 
been so absurdly termed a " monopoly" of the domestic market, 
having had the exclusive supply of the manufacturers, who have 
not consumed of foreign vegetables, bread-stuffs, butcher's meat, 
fowls, fuel or any other of the productions of agriculture, to 
the amount of one per cent per annum. It is, nevertheless, a 
fact, however incredible, that those citizens, enjoying this im- 
portant exclusive domestic market, and havmg laid very high 
duties on all the articles that interfere with their interests, as 
snuff, tobacco, cotton, hemp, cheese, coals, &c. ; accuse their 
manufacturing fellow citizens as monopolists ; who are not only 
shut out of nearly all the foreign markets in the world by prohi- 
bitions and prohibitory duties ; but even in their own markets 
are exposed to. and supplanted by, foreign adventurers of all 
countries ! ! ! It is difficult to conceive of a more unjust charge, 
or one that comes with a worse grace from the accusers. 

During this long period, the farmers sold in all cases at high, 
and in many at most exorbitant prices. To instance a few ar- 
ticles, in order to illustrate the remark : we paid them ten and 
twelve, and thirteen dollars a barrel for flour — twelve to eigh- 
teen cents per lb. for beef and pork — twelve to fourteen cents 
for tobacco — fifteen to thirty cents for cotton ; and in the same 
proportion for all their other productions, though it is well 
known, they could have afforded them at half those prices, and 
made handsome profits. In one word, the history of the world 
affords few, if any instances of such a long-continued series of 
prosperity as they enjoyed. 

The manufacturers cheerfully paid those prices. The cotton- 
weaver, the smith, the shoemaker, the carpenter, the labourer, 
who earned six, seven or eight dollars per week, never lisped a 
word of complaint, when they paid twelve or thirteen dollars 
per barrel for flour, eight or ten cents per pound for mutton, &c. 
&c. Would to heaven they had experienced the same degjree 
of liberality from their farming and planting fellow citizens ! 



THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 331 

It remains to ascertain the effect of this exclusive market which 
our manufacturers have for thirty years afforded their agricul- 
tural fellow citizens without the least murmur. 

It is impossible to ascertain with precision the number of our 
citizens engaged in manufactures, with their families. The 
census is miserably defective in this respect. It does not fur- 
nish the population of the towns and cities, which would afford 
a tolerable criterion. We are therefoie left to mere estimate. 

The highest number that I have ever heard surmised, is two 
millions ; the lowest, one. Truth, as is generally the case, may 
lie in the medium. I will therefore assume one million and a 
half.* 

As there may be some objections on the subject of the num- 
ber thus assumed, I annex the ground on which it rests. 

I suppose, as I have stated, the white population of the coun- 
try to be about 8,500,00 and to be proportioned as follows — 

Agriculturists - . - - _ 5,000,000 

Artists, mechanics, manufacturers, &c. - 1,750,000 

Professors of law and physic, gentlemen who live 
on their income, merchants, traders, seamen, 
&c. - - 1,750,000 



8,500,000 



I believe I would not have been wide of the mark, in adding 
500,000 to the second item, and deducting 25(),000 from each 
of the others. But I prefer taking ground as little as possible 
liable to cavil. 

Dirom, an eminent statistical writer, estimates the average 
annual consumption of grain in England, at two quarters, or six- 
teen bushels, for each person. f Colquhoun, however, es- 
timates it only at ten bushels. I will assume twelve bush- 
els. At this rate the consumption of the manufacturers would 
be^about 21,00c;,000 of bushels per annum. 

The average price of wheat in the united states during the 
wars of the French revolution, was about one dollar and seventy- 
five cents per bushel. For the last two years, it has been about 
one dollar and twenty-five cents. At the latter rate the amount 
of grain would be 25,250,000 dollars. 

• The recent census will very probably prove that the number is 2,000,000. 

j- " The average prices of all these several kinds of grain being 20«. 6d., the 
" price of two quarters for the maintenance of each person in tliese years, only 
" amounts to 14s." JHrom on the corn law* and com trade of Great Britain, ap- 
pendix, page 51, 



33S THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 

Dirom states the average daily consumption of flesh meat in 
Paris at about five ounces and three quarters for each person. 
An average for London he supposes* probably more than dou- 
ble that amount, or eleven and a half, which is about five pounds 
per week. As our citizens eat meat oftener, and our working 
people more generally, than those of most other nations, it will 
be fair to assume six pounds per week for each person, which 
is equal to about three hundred and twelve pounds and a half 
per annum. At eight cents per pound, a moderate average till 
lately, this amounts to twenty-five dollars per annum, or for the 
whole 43,750,000 dollars. 

Allowing for milk, butter, eggs, vegetables, fruit, lard, fire- 
wood, coals, home-made spirits, &c. &c. one dollar per week, 
it amounts to 91,000,000 of dollars. 

Summary. 

Grain . - . . _ g25,250,000 

Animal food - - - - - 43.750,000 

Milk, butter, fuel, &c. &c. - - ~ 91,000,000 



Consumption of the manufacturers - - jgl 59,000,000 



Now, this is the market, for bare subsistence, which the ma- 
nufacturers furnish their agricultural fellow citizens, of whom 
many regard them with jealousy and murmuring — often with 
decided hostility' — and assume^ that duties imperiously required 
for the purposes of the treasury are favours corf erred on manu- 
facturers ! 

That this calculation is not materially wrong, will appear from 
the following view — A quarter dollar per day, or a dollar and 
three quarters per week, for the maintenance of each individual, 
which, as our citizens live, is moderate, would amount to ninety- 
one dollars per annum, or — 

For 1,750,000 people - - - ^159,250,000 



Let me further observe, that this is a market which might have 
been immensely increased annually by immigration, had a sound 
policy held out suitable encouragement to invite the manufac- 
turers of Europe. 

It is not easy to calculate the extent of the market for raw 
materials which the manufacturers afford their agricultural fel- 

* The daily consumption of each individual in Paris, is pretty accurately as- 
" certained, from tlie tax on cattle paid at the barriers, to be about five ounces 
« and three quarters. In London it is probably more than double."™/ffe?n 248. 



THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 333 

low citizens, and which might have been doubled by a correct 
system. I will state what I suppose it must have been in 1815, 
previous to the prostration of manufactures. 

Cotton g9,000,000 

Wool* - - - . - . 10,000,000 

Hemp - - - - . - 2,000,000 

Flax, hides, skins, furs, timber, hops, barley, 

oats, &c. - . , . . 8,000,000 



29,00f),0(^0 
Brought forward, for sustenance - - 159,000,000 

Total - - . . - gl 88,000,000 



As the illiberal prejudices on this topic, excite jealousies and 
disgusts which may eventually prove dangerous to the harmony 
of the nation, too much pains cannot be taken to remove them. 
I shall therefore place the subject before the reader in anew and 
not less striking point of view. 

I have shewn that the market afforded to their agricultural 
fellow citizens by the manufacturers, amounts per annum to about 
Si 88,000,000. 

It is proper to examine the extent of the market reciprocated 
to them. 

It may be assumed that each white person in the union con- 
sumes in furniture and clothing, at the average rate of about for- 
ty dollars per annum. 

This, for the whole of the agricultu- 
rists, whom I have estimated at S 
5,000,000, amounts to - - 200,000,000 

And for the slaves, supposed to be 

1 ,500,000, at 15 dollars per head, to 22,500,000 g 



Per contra. 

One-half the farmers throughout the 

union make three-fourths of their S 

own clothing, &c. which is equal to 75,000,000 

The remaining half probably manu- 
facture about one-third of their cloth- 
ing, equal to - - - 33,000,000 



222,500,000 



108,000,000 



* Mr. Coxe states an opinion in his tables, that the ^owth of wool in the united 
states in 1812, was from 20 to 22,000,000 lbs. 



384 arnE WEW olive branch. 

Brought forward, 108,000,000 222,500,000 
The clothing for the slaves is princi- 
pally of family fabrics. This would 
warrant the deduction of the whole 
22,500,000. But I suppose the plant- 
ers may purchase to the average 
amount of five dollars for each slave, 
that is, in the whole 187,500,000, 
which leaves of family fabrics 15,000,000 

Total amount of household fabrics produced and 

consumed by the agriculturists. - 123,000,000 

Leaving the amount of clothing and furniture pur- 
chased by them - - - - 99,500,000 

Of this amount probably 10 per cent. 

is of foreign manufacture - 9,950,000 

One-half of the manufacturers, say 
750,(X)0, live in country towns or in 
the country, and purchase probably 
one-half of their clothing from the 
farmers in the neighbourhood, say 15,000,000 

24,950,000 



Balance, being the whole of the consumption of ar- 
ticles purchased of our manufacturers by agricul- 
turists - _ _ - . ^74,550,000 

It thus appears, notwithstanding the clamour against the ma- 
nufacturers, that they purchase above 110,000,000 dollars annu- 
ally more from, than they sell to, the agriculturists. 



A contrast between the domestic exports and the internal 
trade of the nation, cannot fail to be interesting, as it will enable 
us to ascertain whether they have borne in the minds of our ci- 
tizens and statesmen the comparative rank to which they are en- 
titled. 

The domestic exports of the united states for thir- 
ty years, from 1789, to 1819, inclusive, have S 
been ----- 1,058,800,898 

Average - - - - - - - g 35,293,363 



THE NEW OLITE BRANCH. 335 

I shall proceed on the assumptions on which I have already 
ventured ; that the agriculturists embrace about 5,000,000 oi our 
white population ; that all the other classes of whites, who are 
consumers of the productions of the farmers and planters, are 
3,500,000 ; and that each of the latter classes, consumes to the 
amount of a quarter dollar per day, or one dollar and seventy- 
five cents per week in food and drink. Let us see the result— 

3,500,OfX) of people at one dollar and seventy-five 
cents per week, equal to S6,125,000 per week, 
or per annum 8318,500,000 



Once more. 
p. ^ w • 1 . f white - 8,500,000 

Our present populationis about | ^lack - - i;500,u00 



10,000,000 



The average expenditure of forty dollars per annum, already 
assumed, for the furniture and clothing of 8,500,000 white 
people, 

Amounts to g340,000,000 

1,500,000 slaves, each 15 dollars . - 22,500,000 



365,500,000 
Of which we import about - - - 60,000,000 

Leaving a balance furnished by our own industry, 

of - - - - - 305,500,000 

To which add the above sum for food and drink 318,500,000 



It gives a total of - - - - 623,000,000 

Raw materials as before _ - - 29,000,000 



Annual internal trade of the united states - ^65 7,000,000 



What exhilarating views ! The domestic market for food 
and drink is nearlv seven hundred — and the internal trade above 
fourteen hundred per cent, more than the average of the whole 
of our exports during a period when they were generally at ex- 
orbitant rates ! How infinitely more worthy of the attention of 
our citizens, and to be protected by our statesmen, than they have 
appeared ! How transcendently superior to that foreign com- 
merce, which has been fostered with so much care ; has excited 



J36 



THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 



SO many collisions with foreign powers ; cost us so much for 
foreign embassies, navy, and war ; and entailed on us so heavy 
a national debt ! 

Again. 

Our farmers will be astonished to learn that the consumption 
of Philadelphia in food and drink, supposing the population 
125,000 persons, is very nearly equal to the amount of all the 
eatable articles furnished by agriculturists, exported from this 
country to every quarter of the world. 

125,000 persons, at a quarter dollar per day, or 
one dollar and seventy-five cents per week, 
consume to the amount of 218,500 dollars per 
week, or per annum . . . !gll,375,000 

Total exports from the united states for 1819, of the following ar- 
ticles. 

Custom house 
valuation, 
gl05,055 
563,470 
454,558 
114,838 
21,113 
13,944 
3,552 
815,072 
103,581 
54,084 
3,047 
11,642 
37,034 
72,600 
38,253 
24,759 
6,500,000 
241,940 
608,720 
812 
4,968 
273,015 
33,138 
2,142,644 
182,324 
135,369 



Hams 

Pork 

Beef 

Cheese 

Sheep 

Hogs 

Poultry 

Indian Com 

Wheat 

Rye 

Barley 

Oats 

Beans 

Peas 

Potatoes 

Apples 

Flour 

Meal, rye 

Indian 
Buckwheat 

Ship stuff 

Biscuit 

Do. . 

Rice 

Butter 

Homed cattle 



lbs. 700,369 

bbls. 28,173 

bbls. 34,966 

lbs. 1,148,380 

8,445 

2,324 

1,184 

bushels 1,086,762 



do. 
do. 
do. 
do. 
do. 
do. 
do. 
barrels 
do. 
do. 
do. 
do. 
cwt. 
bbls. 
kegs 
tierces 
lbs. 



82,065 

67,605 

3,047 

23,284 

21,162 

48,400 

76,506 

8,253 

750,660 

48,388 

135,271 

203 

828 

54,603 

44,184 

76,523 

911,621 

347 



Total of exported eatable articles furnished by 
agriculturists . . . . 



^12,559,532 



THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. S37 

CHAPTER XllT. 

Calumnious clamour against the manufacturers on the ground of 
extortion. Destitute of the shadow of foundation. Take the 
beam out of thine oxuti eye. Rise of merino xvool 3 or 400 per 
cent. Great rise of the price of merchandize after the declara- 
tion ofxvar. 

The most plausible argument used to defeat the applications 
of the manufacturers for relief, and to consign those who have 
hitherto escaped ruin, to the fate that has befallen so man)' of 
their brethren, is the " extortion''"' they are said to have practised 
during the late war, which, if they have an opportunity, they 
will, it is asserted, repeat. The justice of this accusation is as 
firmly believed by a large portion of the people of the united 
states, as if it were supported by ^^ proofs from holy zurit.^^ Per- 
sons whose interests are subserved by exciting hostility against 
the manufacturers, employ great zeal and address in dissemina- 
ting this prejudice. Unfortunately their efforts have been crown- 
ed with success. The accusation, it is true, has been refuted 
times without number ; but, regardless of the refutation, it is 
still advanced with as much confidence as if disproof had never 
been attempted, and indeed, as if disproof were impossible. 

This reproachful charge has been recentl) advanced by a res- 
pectable body of planters, whose opportunities and situation in 
life should have shielded them from faldng into such an error. 
The general meeting of delegates of the United Agricultural 
Societies of Virginia, in a memorial adopted on the lOth of Janua- 
ry, 1820, deprecate the idea of being placed 

" At the mercy of an association, who, competition being re- 
" moved, will no longer consider the intrinsic value of an article, 
*' or what price would afford a fair profit to the manufacturer, 
"but horv much the necessities of the consumer xvould enable them 
" to extort. Of this spirit xve had a siifficiejit specimen during 
" the latexuar xvith Great Britain.''"' 

This severe accusation is adduced by 

Thomas Cocke, W. J. Cocke, Roger A. Jones, "^ 

Edmund Ruffin, Nicholas Fanleon, Tiieophilus Field, J 

John Edmonds, Chai-les H. Graves, John Jones, and V-Esqi'S. 

George Blow, Richard Cocke, Henry Jones, { 

W. F. Ruffin, ,John Pegram, J 

When these gentlemen were thus denouncing " the extortion 
practised in consequence of the necessities of the consumer'' it 
is wonderful they did not pause a little and i-eflect on the price 
of fifteen dollars per cwt. which they received in 1816 for their 

43 



338 THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 

tobacco, in consequence of '•'•the necessities''^ of the shippers, 
whereby so large a portion of those shippers were ruined, and 
so many respectable families reduced from a state of affluence 
to penury and dependence ! They might also turn their atten- 
tion to the extravagant price of two dollars, and two dollars and 
a half per bushel for wheat, and eleven, twelve, thirteen, and 
fourteen dollars per barrel for flour. These reminiscences 
would have been rather malapropos, and deranged some of the 
flowery paragraphs of their memorial. Our own offences are 
easily forgotten. "They are marked in sand" — -while those of 
our neighbours are " engraven on marble." 

As the prejudice on this subject has produced the most dele- 
terious consequences, not merely on the happiness and prosperi- 
ty of the manufacturers generally, but on the power and resour- 
ces of the nation, I hope for a candid hearing, while I investigate 
it, and undertake to prove— 

1 . That the charge is not only not true, but the reverse of 
truth ; that the rise of price was perfectly justifiable ; and that 
the shadow of extortion did not attach to the procedure. 

2. That the charge of extortion would apply with infinitely 
greater force and propriety to the farmers, planters, and mer- 
chants, who in this case are the accusers, than it does to the 
manufacturers. 

The accusation has been more frequently predicated on the 
rise of the price of broad cloths, than of any other article. As 
It here presents itself in a tangible form, and subject to the 
talisman of figures, I shall therefore confine myself to this pro- 
minent and conspicuous case ; observing, en passant^ that the 
facts and reasoning apply equally to other branches. They all 
stand on nearly the same ground. In every case, in which a rise 
of price took place, it arose from causes similar to that which 
operated on broad cloth. Therefore if the charge be disproved 
in this instance, it falls to the ground on the whole ; just as 
when, during the late war, several vessels vv^ere captured in cir- 
cumstances exactly similar, the trial of one decided the fate of 
the rest. 

The facts of the case are as follows ; — superfine broad cloth 
was sold previous to the war at from eight to nine dollars per 
yard — during the war, it rose to twelve, thirteen, and fourteen. 

On this "■ extortion'''' the changes have been rung from New 
Hampshire to Georgia — from the Atlantic to the Mississippi. 
It is considered as a set off against, and justification of, the 
wide-spread scene of desolation, the sacrifice of capital, to the 
amount of millions, the ruin of hundreds of capitalists, and the 
extreme distress of thousands whose sole dependence is on the 
labour of their hands — on which congress have for years looked 
with unfeeling indifl^rence, without taking a single effectual step 
to relieve the sufterers, or to remove their sufferings. 



THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 



339 



The value of every manufactured article depends on the price 
of the raw material — the cost of workmanship — and the profit 
of the capitalist by whom it is produced. 

That a rise in the price of either or both of the two first will 
justify a rise in the price of the article, is too manifest to require 
proof* 

Now to the senseless and calumnious outcry against " extor- 
tion^^'' on this subject, it would be sufficient to state the simple 
tact, that the raw material experienced a most extraordinary rise, 
as will appear from the following statement of the prices at dif- 
ferent periods — 

Prices of Merino xvool. 

per lb 



1812. 



1814. 



May 
July 
Oct. 

May 
Aug. 
Nov. 



1. 
20. 

1. 

1. 
29. 
14. 



75 cents. 
75 to 100* 
75 to 150* 
300 to 400* 

300 to 400* 

301 > to 400* 



This alone would settle the question beyond the power of ap- 
peal. 

Let it be observed, that it requires two pounds of wool to 
make a yard of superfine cloth. Therefore the difference in the 
price of the raw material accounts for, and fully justifies the 
rise in the price of the cloth. Two pounds of wool in May, 
1812, cost one dollar and fifty cents ; in May, 1814, they avera- 
ged seven dollars. It follows, that the per centage of profit was 
not so great on the cloth at fourteen dollars as at eight. 

I do not know the expense of workmanship ; but shall suppose 
it five dollars per yard. — Any other sum would answer equally 
well. 



1812. 
2 lbs. wool 
Workmanship 

Profit 

Price of cloth 



May 1. 



Profit about 20 per cent. 



50 
00 



6 50 
1 50 

S8 00 



1814. May 1. 
2 lbs. wool 
Workmanship 



Profit 

Price of cloth . 
Profit 16| percent. 



5t 
12 

a 

gl4f 



Wages rose considerably ; for however extraordinary it may 
seem to colonel Pegram and his friends, it is nevertheless true, 

*Grotjan's Free CuiTent. 

1 1 have ass, med the wages the same in 1814 as in 1812 ; but as stated in the 
text, the)' ro.^ considerably in consequence of the g^eat demand for workmen. 
1 waive tJie aavantage this would afford to the argument. 



340 i-HE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 

that a workman thinks he has as clear a right to raise jhis wages 
in case of an increased demand, as a planter has to raise the price 
of his tobacco or cotton in similar circumstances. 

There is, moreover, another item of considerable importance 
to be taken into view. 

Owing to the utter impolicy of our government on this point, 
in not affording adequate protection to the woollen manufacture, 
the business had been conducted on a very narrow scale previ- 
ous to the war. The establishments were erected after war com- 
menced, at an enormous expense, and under considerable disad- 
vantages. This alone would warrant the whole of the extra 
price, m the shape of interest, on the capital thus invested. 

I now proceed to prove, that had the woollen and other manu- 
facturers raised the prices of their fabrics, without any rise in 
the raw materials^ or wages, or without any extraordinary ex- 
pense of buildings, neither the farmer nor the merchant could 
justly censure them, without at the same time pronouncing their 
own condemnation. 

So far as respects the farmer, I might rest the question on the 
case stated, of the Merino wool. The rise on this article, from 
seventy-five cents to three and four dollars, in two years, was 
among the most extravagant advances ever known in the annals 
of trade. And if the charge of '" extortion''' would ever fairly 
lie against a rise in price, it would in this case indubitably. — 
Never was the admonition — 

" First cast the beam out of thine own eye — and then thou shalt 
see clearly to cast out the mote out of thy brother'' s eyeT 
more appropriate. Had the pharisee in the gospel reproached 
the publican with pride, he would not have been more culpable, 
than the farmer, who raised his wool three or four hundred per 
cent, and reproaches the manufacturer with " extort'iorC for 
raising the cloth, made of that wool, fifty per cent. Indeed in all 
the exuberant stock of human folly, there cannot be found any 
thing more extraordinary or extravagant. 

But the defence does notrest on this ground alone. It is cor- 
roborated by almost every article of agricultural produce, which 
has always risen in consequence of an increased demand. To 
remove all doubt, if doubt could have existed, I state from the 
Philadelphia price current the various prices of four articles at 
different periods, with the very extraordinary advances on them. 

Flour. 1809. Jan. 16. . . . perbbl. !S5 50 

March 6. .... 7 50 

1810. May 1. . . . . . 8 00 

Aug. 1. .... 11 00 

Tar. 1813. Jan. 9. . . . . . 2 10 

May 8. . . . . 4 00 



THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 



341 



Pitch. 



Haras. 



1813. 



1813. 



Jan. 9. 

May 8. 

Oct. 9. 

Jan. 9. 

May 8. 

Oct. 9. 



per lb. 



50 
50 
uO 
9i 
11 
14^ 



So much for the farmers. Let us now examine how far they 
are kept in countenance by the proceedings of the merchants. 

War was declared on the 18th of June, 1812. An immediate 
rise of price took place in every article in the market which was 
either scarce or likely to become so. Some were at once raised 
fifty, sixty, and seventy per cent., as may be seen by an exami- 
nation of the following table. 



Imperial tea 

Hyson 

Coffee . . . . 

White Havanna sugar, per cwt. 

Brown do. do. 



1812. June 9. 
per lb. Si 30 



14 
12 



96 
151 
75 
75 



1812. July 13 

Si 87i 

1 3S 

20 

18 50 

16 00 



All these advances took place in less than five weeks. 



Russia hemp 
Havanna molasses 
Souchong tea 



1812. June 9. 
per ton ^242 50 



56 
50 



1812. Aug. 10. 
S300 00 
72 i 
75 



Salt, per bushel 


I 1812. 
1813. 


May 1. 
Aug. 1. 
Oct. 1. 




1814. 


Aug. 1. 
Oct. 1. 


Tin, per box 


1812. 


May 1. 
Aug. 1 . 
Oct. 1. 




1814. 


Aug. 1. 


Plaster Paris, per 1 


ton 1812. 


June 1. 
Aug. 31. 
Oct. 5. 
Dec. 14. 





85 


1 


35 


2 


25 


3 


00 


28 OO 


32 


00 


33 


00 


50 


00 


12 


37 i 


14 


50 


15 


50 



17 50 



This was all regarded as perfectly fair, honest and honourable. 
There was not the shadow of " extortion" supposed to be in it- 



342 THE NEW OLIVE RRANCJBC. 

The merchant, who raised his souchong tea fifty per cent, was so 
deeply engaged in clearing the manufacturer's eye of the " mote^'' 
that he quite forgot to ■■' take the beam out of his oty/z." 

Can the citizen, who buys flour at six dollars, and sells it oc" 
casionally in the West Indies for twenty, twenty-five, or thirty 
dollars, without a deep blush reproach the manufacturer with 
*' extortion''' for raising broad cloth, from eight to fourteen dol- 
lars, when the raw material rose so extravagantly ? or even had 
the price of the latter remained stationary ? 

Rise of price, in consequence of scarcity or increased demand, 
is, or is not, " extortion.^'' This is a dilemma, on the horns of 
w^hich the farmers, planters, and merchants are caught. If it be 
" extortion^'' they have been and are " extortioners''' in the fullest 
sense of the word ; as they always have and always do raise the 
price of their produce or merchandize, in consequence of scarci- 
ty or increased demand. Indeed, if this be extortion, all man- 
kind are extortioners — lawyers, doctors, apothecaries, house 
owners, ship owners, money lenders, planters, and farmers, with- 
out distinction ; for they all raise their prices in consequence of 
an increased demand. But if this be not extortion, as it certain- 
ly is not, then every man, woman, or child in the nation, from, 
the highest, proudest, haughtiest, and wealthiest, down to the 
lowest scullion, who has advanced the charge of '• extortion''* 
against the manufacturers, has broken the eighth command- 
ment of the decalogue, and " borne false xuitness against his 
neighbour.'''' 

I trust, therefore, that there is no man of liberality in the coun- 
try, who considers the subject with due attention, but will allow 
that the;,incessant clamour against the manufacturers for extortion, 
is illiberal and disgraceful to the age — utterly destitute of foun- 
dation — in direct hostility with that brotherly regard which fel- 
low citizens owe each other, and which is the surest foundation 
of harmony and happiness in a community ; and that it produces 
a system of conduct inconsistent with the soundest principles of 
political economy — as well as destructive to the permanent 
wealthy power, and resources of the nation. 



THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 343 



CHAPTER XIV. 



The agricultural the predominant interest iii the imitecl states. 
Great advantages to agriculture from the vicinity of manufac- 
turing establishments. Case of Aberdeen. Of Harmony. Of 
Providence. Fall of lands the result of the decay of ?na7iufac- 
tures. 

As the agriculturists are now, and are likely to be for a centu- 
ry at least, the predominating interest in this countiy, and have 
a decided influence in its legislation, it is of immense impor- 
tance that they should form correct views on the system best 
calculated to promote the general welfare. And it is much to 
be regretted that the endeavours to persuade them, that there is 
an hostility between their interests and those ol their manufac- 
turing fellow citzens, have been but too successful. Never was 
there a prejudice much more unfounded, or more pernicious to 
their prosperity and to that of the nation at large. 

It is proved, (page 336) that the annual consumption of the 
city of Philadelphia in food and drink, amounts to about 
11,000,000 dollars, all paid to the farmers, which is more than 
one-fifth part of all the domestic exports of the united states for 
the last year ; within ten per cent, of the whole of the articles of 
food exported within that year ; and above thirty per cent, of the 
average domestic exports of the nation for the last thirty years. 

To the farmer and planter the home market is incomparably- 
more advantageous than the foreign. Woeful experience proves 
that the latter is subject to ruinous fluctuations. Whereas the 
former is permanent and steady, little liable to vicissitude unless 
as aff"ected by foreign demand. It furnishes a certain sale for 
the farmer's vegetables, poultry, fruit, fuel, and various other ar- 
ticles, too perishable, or too bulky in proportion to their value, 
for exportation. The income from all these forms a most im- 
portant item in the prosperity of the farmer. This is true, even 
in small countries, as England, Ireland, and Scotland, of which 
every part is contiguous to, or not far distant from the advanta- 
ges of navigation. But it has ten-fold weight in a country like 
the united states, of which a large and important portion is from 
three to fifteen hundred miles distant from the emporium to 
which its productions must be transported before they are put 
on shipboard to be forwarded to a market. The difference, to 
these portions of this country, between dependence on a preca- 
rious foreign and on a certain domestic market, is probably equal 
to fifty per cent, of the whole profits of farming. 



344 THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 

As theories, however plausible, are liable to great errors, un- 
less supported by the bulwark of facts, I presume that it cannot 
be unacceptable to the reader, to have these important views 
substantiated by facts of undeniable authenticity. I therefore sub- 
mit for consideration the case of the neighbourhood of Aber- 
deen, in Scotland, and that of the settlement of Harmony in the 
state of Pennsylvania. 

•" Have we not opportunities of observing every day, that in 
" the 7ieighbourhood of a ready market, no inducements are neces- 
*' sary to excite the common farmer to become industrious^ and 
" carry on improvements of every sort with success P A particu- 
" lar case occurs to me just now, that is so directly in point, that 
" I cannot resist the temptation of producing it, as an example 
" of the rapid progress with -which improvements in agriculture 
" are made xvhefi circumstances are favourable. 
"The town of Aberdeen HAS made great advances in trade 

*' AND manufactures WITHIN THESE THIRTY OR FORTY YEARS 

*' PAST. The number of inhabitants has increased greatly with- 
" in that period. Money has become more plenty there thanfor- 
" merly. Their manner of living is now more elegant and ex- 
" pensive ; articles of luxury have increased. In consequence 
" of good roads having become more common, horses and wheel- 
*' carriages have also become extremely numerous. On all 
" which accounts, the demand for fresh vegetables has greatly in' 
" creased in that place within the period above mentioned. 

" But on account of the particular situation of that town, it 
" was a matter of some difficulty to augment the produce of the 
" fields in that neighbourhood, and supply the daily increasing 
" demand for these. This city is placed in the midst of a country 
" that is naturally the most sterile that can possibly be imagined. 
" For, unless it be a few hundred acres of ground that lie between 
*' the mouths of the rivers Dee and Don, close by the town, there 
" xvas not an inch of ground for many miles around it^ that could 
" supply the inhabitants xvith any of the necessaries of life. On 
" the east is the German Ocean. On the south the Grampian 
" mountains come close to the river, terminating in a head-land 
*' on the south side of the harbour, called the Girdle Ness : and 
" on the west and north, it is environed for many miles with an 
" extended waste, the most dismal that can be conceived, in 
" which nothing can be discovered but large masses of stone 
" heaped upon one another, interspersed here and there with a 
" few bushes of starved heath, or disjoined by uncomfortable 
" bogs and spouting marshes, the most unpromising to the views 
" of the farmer that can possibly be imagined. 

" But what is it that human industry cannot perform ! what 
" undertaking is too bold for man to attempt, when he has the 
'■'■ prospect of being repaid for his labour! Even these dismal 



THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 34S 

" wastes it was imagined, might be converted into corn-fields. 
" The ground was trenched ; the stones were blasted by gun- 
" powder, and removed at an immense expense ; manures were 
" purchased : and thousands of acres of this sort of ground are 
** noiv waving" rvith the most luxuriant harvests^ and yield a rent 
*^ from Jive to eight pounds sterling per acre. 

** In any other part of the world that I have seen, it would be 
" reckoned impossible to convert such soils to any valuable use; 
*' and the most daring improver that I have met with any where 
" else, would shrink back from attempting to cultivate a field 
*' which an Aberdeensman would consider as a trifling labour. 
"Long habit has familiarised them to such arduous undertakings 
" — undertakings which could not be attempted any where else ; 
" as. unless in such a particular situation as I have described, 
*' the improver could never be repaid. For in what other part 
"•' of Europe could a man lay out one hundred pounds sterling, or 
*' upwards, on an acre of ground, before it could be put under 
" crop, with any prospect of being repaid ? yet this is no uncom- 
" mon thing in that neighbourhood. 

" Nor is this all : For to such a height is the spirit for improve- 
*' ment risen in that part of the world, that they are not only 
" eager to cultivate those barren fields, but even purchase these 
" dreary wastes at a vast expense for that purpose. The last 
*' spot of ground of this sort that was to be disposed of in that 
" neighbourhood, was feued off by the town of Aberdeen in the 
"year 1773, for ever, at an annual quit-rent, or, as we call it, 
*-*■ feu- duty ^ of thirty-three or thirty-four shillings sterling per 
" acre, although it was not then., and never could have been -worth 
" six pence per acre., if left in its native state — nor could be con- 
*' verted into corn-ground but at an expense nearly equal to that 
" above-mentioned. 

" Could I produce a more satisfactory proof, that A GOOD 
« MARKET WILL ALWAYS PRODUCE A SPIRITED 
" AGRICULTURE ?"* 

To this Scotch case, which is nearly as strong and conclusive 
as the mind can conceive, I shall add a more recent American 
one, which has a peculiar interest. 

The settlement at Harmony, in the state of Pennsylvania, was 
begun in the fall of 1804, and is probably the only settlement ev- 
er made in America, in which from the outset agriculture and 
manufactures proceeded hand-in-hand together. The progress 
to wealth and prosperity, therefore, has been far beyond any 
previous or subsequent example in this country. 

" In 1809, they built a fulling mill, which does a great deal of 
" business for the country, a hemp mill, an oil mill, a grist mill, 

♦ Anderson on the means of exciting a spirit of National Industrj', p. 6o. 

44 



.346 THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 

*' a brick warehouse, 46 by 36 feet, having a wine cellar com- 
*' pletely arched over ; and another brick building of the same 
*' dimensions. A considerable quantity of land was cleared. — 
*' The produce of this year was 6000 bushels of Indian corn ; 
*' 4500 bushels of wheat ; 4500 bushels of rye ; 5000 bushels of 
" oats ; 10,000 bushels of potatoes ; 4000 lbs. of flax and hemp ; 
" 100 bushels of barley brewed into beer ; and 50 gallons of 
" sweet oil, made from the white poppy, and equal to the import- 
*' ed olive oil. Of this produce they sold 3000 bushels of corn, 
" 1000 bushels of potatoes, 1000 bushels of wheat ; and they dis- 
^' tilled 1600 bushels of rve. 

" In 1810, a wool-carding machine and two spinnmg jennies 
" were erected for the fabrication of broad cloth from the wool 
" of merino sheep. A frame barn was built, 100 feet long, 
"and a brick house built, to accommodate twenty weavers' 
"looms."* 

" After breakfast, we visited the different branches of manu- 
"factures. In the wool loft, eight or ten women were employed 
" in teazing and sorting the wool for the carding machine which 
" is at a distance on the creek. From thence the roves are 
i" brought to the spinning house in the town, where we found 
*' two roving billies and six spinning jennies at work. They 
<" were principally wrought by young girls, and they appeared 
" perfectly happy, singing church music most rnelodiously. In 
" the weaving house sixteen looms were at work, besides several 
"warpers and winders. "| 

" After dinner we visited the soap and candle works ; the dye 
" works ; shearing and dressing works ; the turners, carpenters, 
" and machine makers ; and, finally, we were conducted through 
" the warehouses, which we found plentifully stored with com- 
" modities ; among others, we saw 450 pieces of broad and narrow 
" cloth, part of it of merino xvooly and of as good a fabric as any 
" that ever was made in England. We were told, that they coidd 
*■'• sell the best broadcloth, as fast as made, at ten dollars per 
" yard:'\ 

"The society now [1811] consists of about 800 persons, and 
" the operative members are nearly as follow : one hundred far- 
" mers ; three shepherds ; ten masons ; three stone-cutters ; three 
*' brickmakers ; ten carpenters ; two sawyers ; ten smiths j two 
" wagon makers ; three turners ; two nailors ; seven coopers ; 
" three rope makers ; ten shoemakers ; two saddlers ; three tan- 
" ners; seven tailors ; one soap boiler ; one brewer ; four distil- 
*" lers ; one gardener ; two grist millers ; two oil millers ; one 
"butcher; six joiners ; six dyers, dressers, shearers, &c. oneful- 
" ler; two hatters ; two potters ; two warpers ; seventeen weav- 

* Melisk's Travels, ii. 68. f Idem, 70. % Idem, 71. 



■PHE NEW OtlVE BRANCH. 34^ 

'' ers ; two carders ; eight spinners ; one rover ; one minister of 
" religion ; one schoolmaster ; one doctor ; one storekeeper, with 
" two assistants ; and one tavernkeeper, with one assistant."* 

The original stock, in 1804, was 20,CX)0 dollars, which the 
settlers expended in the purchase of land, and in supporting 
themselves till they commenced their operations. And, in 181 T, 
their property amounted to the wonderful sum of 220,000 
dollars. 

" 900 acres of land »90,000 

" Stock of provisions 2.5,000 

" Mills, machinery, and public buildings . . 21,000 

*' Dwelling houses 18,000 

" Horses, cattle, hogs, and poultry . . . 10,000 

*■'■ 1000 sheep, one-third of them merinoes,of which one 

ram cost 1000 dollars 6,000 

" Stock of goods, spirits, manufactures, leather, imple- 
ments of husbandry, Sec. &c. .... 50,000 

S220,000t 



To this delightful picture of the Islessed effects of a judicious 
distribution of industry, the statesman ought to direct his eyes 
steadily. It holds out a most instructive lesson on the true poli- 
cy to promote human happiness, and to advance the wealth, pow- 
er, and resources of nations. The history of the world may be 
examined in vain for any instance of such rapid strides made by 
any body of men, wholly unaided by bounties, premiums, loans, 
or immunities from government. The Harmonists were true 
practical political economists. They did not, like so large a 
portion of the rest of the people of the united states, lavish their 
wealth on the manufactures of a distant hemisphere, nor buy 
abroad cheap those articles which they could procure at home. 
In the sound and strong language of Mr. Jefferson, they " pla- 
" ced the manufacturer beside the agriculturist ;" and they have 
reaped the copious harvest which such a policy cannot fail to 
secure. One such practical example outweighs volumes of the 
visionary theories of those closet politicians, who are the dupes 
of their heated imaginations. 

Mr. Gallatin's report on manufactures, dated April, 17, 1810, 
contains an important statement of the situation of a manufacto- 
ry in Providence, Rhode Island, which sheds great light on this 
subject, and which is entitled to the most serious attention of 
the agriculturists, as placing beyond doubrthe advantages they 
derive from the establishment of manufactories in their neigh- 
bourhood. 

* Melish's Travels, ii. 77. fldem, 80. 



348 THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 

In this manufactory there were employed, males - - 24 

Females 29 

And besides the above, there were employed for the estab- 
lishment, in neighbouring families, males - ' - 50 
Females _>------ 75 

178 



Thus, out of one hundred and seventy-eight persons, there 
were one hundred and four females. The report is so far defi- 
cient, that it does not detail the respective ages of the work peo- 
ple ; but judging from the state of other manufactories, we may 
assume that at least half of the whole number were children. 

If this be admitted, it will follow, that there were men - 37 
Women '- -- 52 

Male and female children - - - - - - 89 



178 



To the farmer this statement presents itself in a peculiarly 
striking point of light. Of the whole number of persons to 
whom this manufactory afforded employment, more than two- 
thirds belonged to the circumjacent farm-houses, who were thus 
enabled to gather up fragments of time, which would otherwise 
have been inevitably lost. It is probable that the profits of their 
labour were nearly equal, perhaps superior to the profits of the 
farming. 

I might cite the cases of Brandy wine, Wilmington, Pittsburg, 
Providence, Lancaster, and a hundred other places in the united 
states, where the establishment of manufactories, by affording an 
extensive and advantageous market to the farmer, doubled and 
trebled the price of the lands in their neighbourhood— and in- 
creased in an equal degree the comforts and prosperity of the 
farmers. And on the contrary, numberless instances are to be 
met with, in which the recent decline of manufactures has re- 
duced the lands to one half, one third, and in some places one 
fourth, of the previous price. The average reduction of the 
price of land in the neighbourhood of Pittsburg is above one 
half of what it was bought and sold for in 1813, 14, and 15. 

The farmers of the united states have been induced to oppose 
protection to their manufacturing fellow citizens, lest they should 
be obliged to purchase domestic, at a higher rate than imported 
manufactures. This erroneous policy has carried its own pun- 
ishment with it. The reduction in the price of the farmer's pro- 



THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 349 

duce, which can be obviously traced to the prostration of the 
manufactories, has in many cases been quadruple the saving in 
the price of the articles he purchased. I take as examples, raw 
wool and woollen cloth, and suppose that the farmer could buy 
foreign cloth for six dollars, ancl would have to pay, in conse- 
quence of protecting duties, nine for American — a difference 
that never existed in regular trade. The prices of goods pur- 
chased at auction, cannot with propriety be taken into account. 
They baffle all calculation. 

Merino wool now sells for fifty cents per pound : of course it 
would require twelve pounds to pay for a yard of British cloth. 
But had the woollen manufacture been duly protected, wool 
would be at least one dollar and a quarter. Thus seven pounds 
of wool would pay nearly for a yard of domestic cloth, at the 
presumed advance of price. 

Let it be added, moreover, that the farmer would probably 
sheer twice or three times the quantity of wool, were the price 
one dollar or one dollar and a quarter, that he does at present : 
for had the woollen manufacture been protected, the merino 
sheep in which such immense sums were invested, would have 
been preserved, instead of so large a portion of them being con- 
signed to the slaughter-house. 

Believing that the prejudices prevailing on this subject have 
done more injury to this country, and more retarded its progress 
than all the wars it ever carried on, from the landing of " the Pil- 
grims" to the present hour, I make no apology for adding ano- 
ther instructive quotation from the respectable writer who figures 
so largely at the commencement of it. Would to heaven that 
those farmers and planters who form the majority of the legisla- 
ture of the united states, were duly impressed with the sound- 
ness of his statements, and predicated the laws of their country 
on the useful lessons they furnish ! The united states would 
then present a different spectacle from what they do at present 
to their friends and enemies — a spectacle of gratulation to the 
former, and of mourning to the latter. 

" Those xvho wish to make agriculture Jiourish in any countrif^ 
" can have no hope of succeeding in the attempt but by bringing 
*' commerce and inanufactures to her aid ; xvhich^ by taking from 
" the fanner his superfluous produce^ gives spirit to his operations^ 
" and life and activity to his mind. Without this stimulus to 
" activity, in vain do we use arguments to rouse the sluggish in- 
*' habitants. In vain do we discover that the earth is capable of 
" producing the most luxuriant harv^ests with little labour. Our 
*' own abundant crops are produced as undeniable proofs of this 
" in vain. But place a manufacturer in the neighbourhood y xvho 
" wi// buy every little article that the farmer can bring to market., 
" and he zvill soon becofjie indmtrious — the most barren fields will 



350 THE KEW OLIVE BllANClJ. 

" become covered with some useful produce. Instead 6f list- 
" less vagabonds, unfit for any service — ^the country will abound 
" with a hardy and robust race of men, fit for every valuable 
" purpose : and the voice of festivity and joy be heard in ever)- 
" corner, instead of the groans of misery and the sighs of discon- 
" tent."* 

With one more extract from another work of considerable re- 
pute, I conclude this chapter. 

" If a line be drawn upon the map of England, across the 
'' country from Sunderland to Bristol, all the counties on the 
" west of this line, will be found to contain coal. Formerly 
*' these were the least Valuable districts, and the parts of the 
" country which were the most thinly populated. Hence, when 
" the constitution of the British parliament was established, the 
'' greatest weight of representation was given to the rich coun- 
" ties on the other side of that line. Whereas, now, owing- to 
" the establishment of manufactures, the coal counties have become 
" the most populous and wealthy : and the agricultural districts 
*' have either been comparatively deserted, or at least have not 
" much increased in population. 

" This accounts in some measure for the inequality of our re- 
" presentation, and shows very distinctly the value of our mines 
" of coal, and that by the establishment oj' manufactures, even the 
" most sterile and forbidding- district may be rendered populous, 
'-^flourishing and opulent.''''] 



CHAPTER V. 

Qcneral reflections on commerce. Highly advantageous when con- 
ducted on terms of reciprocity. Commerce of the united states 
carried on upon very unequal terfiis. Has produced most inju- 
rious consequences. Tables of exports. Estimates of theprojits- 
of commerce. Pernicious consequences of the competition of our 
merchants in the domestic and foreign markets. The ruin of 
so many of them the result of the excess of their numbers. 

The extent and value of the commerce of the united states 
have long been prolific themes for orators in congress, and writers 
of newspapers — and it appears generally assumed to be only se- 
cond to our agriculture, and far beyond manufactures in impor- 
tance. It has had incomparably more attention bestowed on it 
by our government, not only than either agriculture or manu- 

* Anderson on National Industry, p. 61. 
t Parkes' Chemical Essays, Vol. II. p. 361. 



THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 351 

factures but more than both united. A candid investigation 
of those sounding pretensions, whereby, if correct, they may have 
the seal of certainty imprinted on them, or, if otherwise, may 
be reduced to their proper standard, cannot fail to be interesting. 

That commerce, properly conducted, on fair and reciprocal 
terms, is highly beneficial, has never been doubted by any sound 
mind. It tends to civilize, and increase the comforts of the great 
family of mankind. 

But that it may be, and is occasionally, very injurious, is equal- 
ly clear. When one nation receives only luxuries from another, 
and pays for them in necessaries of life, or specie, or in raw ma- 
terials which would find employment for its own people, who 
are thus divested of employment, it is eminently pernicious. 

To make the matter more clear, I will supppose that England 
were to furnish France with her raw wool, lead, tin, iron, flax 
and hemp, and to receive in return Merino shawls, silks, satins, 
pearl necklaces, diamond watches, &c. the most devoted advo- 
cate for commerce would allow this species of it to be extremely 
pernicious. 

Again, If England furnished wool, flax, hemp and iron, and 
received in return even necessary articles, such as broadcloths, 
linen, duck, hard-ware, &c. it would be highly disadvantageous, 
as she would give the produce of the labour of five, ten, or twen- 
ty persons for that of one. 

But such a commerce would be transcendently pernicious, if 
England had a large portion of her population wholly unemploy- 
ed, and capable of manufacturing those articles for her own con- 
sumption. 

If this reasoning be correct, as applicable to Great Britain, it 
is difficult to prove why the system should not be equallj^ perni- 
cious to the united states. It is as absurd, as impolitic, and as 
cruel to our citizens, who are suffering for want of employment, 
and who could manufacture cotton goods for us, to export such 
quantities of raw cotton, and receive cambrics and muslins in re- 
turn, as it would be for England to export her wool, and import 
her woollen manufactures. 



" Strike^ but hear^'' said a general of antiquity, about to offer 
some unpalatable opinions to a friend. As the views I am going 
to take of the subject of commerce, however true, are likely 
to be as unpalatable to the merchants as the opinions of the ge- 
neral to his friend, I say to them " strike, but hear." 

I shall attempt to prove — 

1. That a large proportion of the productive manufacturing 
industry of this country has been sacrificed to our commerce, 



352 THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 

2. That the commerce of the united states has been construct- 
ed upon very unequal terms — and that it has produced most in- 
jurious results upon the national prosperity. 

3. That its extent and advantages have been overrated. And 

4. That the numerous bankruptcies among our merchants 
have chiefly arisen from the w^ant of protection to manufactures. 

These views are so repugnant to the feelings and prejudices 
of a numerous class of citizens, that I can scarcely hope for a 
fair discussion. More than half my readers will at once pro- 
nounce me deranged — and be disposed to throw the book into 
the fire. Again, therefore, I say, " strike, but hear." 



I. Sacrifice of productive industry. 

To prove the sacrifice of productive industry, I refer the 
reader to the tariffs of 1789,* 1791, 1792, and 1804, where he 
will find that the duties on seven-eighths of the manufactured 
goods imported into this country were originally at five — then 
seven and a half — then ten — then twelve and a half — and at 
length fifteen per cent, the advance not the result of the applica- 
tions of the manufacturers for protection, but to meet the in- 
creasing demands of the treasury. Hence, I repeat, with every 
possible advantage of water power, raw materials, machinery, 
talents, enterprize, industry, and capital, until the declaration of 
war, three-fourths of the clothing of the inhabitants of all our 
towns and cities were of foreign fabrics — and the wealth of the 
nation was lavished to support foreign workmen, and foreign 
governments, while we had hundreds, nay thousands of citizens 
capable of supplying them, who were driven in many cases to 
servile and far less profitable labour. 

The experience of our late war, and the immense spring it 
gave to the industry and manufactures of the country, prove that 
one-half the protection afforded to the merchants in the China 
trade would have enabled our citizens to establish the cotton 
and woollen branches on a liberal scale, and saved many millions 
of dollars to the country annually. This was unhappily sacrifi- 
ced by the system of low duties, which was advocated by the 
merchants, and adopted by congress, in order to promote the in- 
terests of commerce. The influence of the former has been suc- 
cessfully exerted at all times, to prevent prohibitions and pro- 
hibitory duties. 

The unsoundness of the policy this country has pursued, by 
which it has been virtually placed in the situation of a colony to 

* See chapters III. and IV. 



THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 353 

Great Britain and the other manufacturing nations of Europe, 
apriars palpable from the following considerations: 

So far as respects the cotton and woollen branches, on a large 
scale, we were almost as completely excluded from them by the 
impolicy of our tariff until 1812, as if a law had been passed to 
render their establishment penal. This declaration may sur- 
prize — but is nevertheless susceptible of proof. The two 
strong facts already stated — that with all our advantages for the 
manufacture of cotton we consumed only 3C^0,000 pounds in the 
year U05, although we exported about 38,000,000 — and that in 
1812, we were so dependent on Europe for woollens, that we 
had not a suppl) of blankets for our army, nor were our manu- 
factories at that time in a situation to make provision for the 
emergency — place the matter beyond doubt. He that will not be 
convinced by these facts, of the ruinous policy we pursued 
— and the wanton waste of our resources, would not be con- 
vinced, ""though one were to rise from the dead." 

The tariff of 1789, which established the five percent, duty, 
might as well have had the following preface, as the one which 
was prefixed to it : 

'* Whereas, although this country has become independent of 
" Europe in its go\ ernment, and by its arms — it is expedient 
•' that it should still continue in the colonial state so far as res- 
*' pects its supplies of all the essential articles for comfort and 
" convenience : 

" Therefore be it enacted, &c. that the duties to be levied on 
" the importation of manufactures of cotton, wool, linen, pottery, 
** lead, iron, steel, brass, and wood, be no more than live per cent. 
" ad valorem." 

However ludicrous this may appear, it only gives body and 
substance to the virtual effects of the tariff. 

II. 
In order to prove my second position, I subjoin a view of our 
exports and imports, and a statement of the various species of 
the former for fifteen years. 

Our exports have consisted chiefly of four different species of 
articles — 

1. Necessaries of life. 

2. Raw materials, which we ourselves could have manufac- 
tured, and which constituted one-fourth part of our exports. 

3. Naval stores, of indispensable necessity for the nations 
which purchased them. 

4. The luxury of tobacco, which is about one-eighth part of 
the whole amount. 

Our imports consist principallv of — 

45 



354 THf. NEW OLIVE BRANC|I. 

1. Tea, cpflrpe, wines, spices, cocoa, chocolate, almonds, rai- 
sins, &c. which we do not raise, and which of course dP not af- 
fiect our national industry. 

9. Spirits, sugar, cotton, indigo, hemp, malt, lead, &c, which 
interfere with the best interests of our farmers and planters. 

3. Manufactures of cotton, wool, leather, iron, &c. &c. which 
interfere with the interests of our manufacturers, and impoverish 
the nation, and of which we could, by proper protection, supply 
ourselves with the greater part. 

4. Luxuries, which tend to introduce extravagance, and de- 
prave our morals. 

Domestic exports for ffteen years ^ from 1803 to ISlfjinclui^ive.*^ 

Cotton ....... ^154,1 r9,U 7 

Vegetable food 192,564,368 

Lumber, masts, &c. 52,796,000 

Tobacco 74,768,000 

Animal food and animals .... 34,712,56Q 

Dried salt fish . . . . . . 16,915,256 

Pickled fish 4,155,419 

Whale oil and bones . . . , . 2,819,528 

Spermaceti oil and candles • . . . 1,658,320 

ginseng, peltry, &c. 8,130,305 

Naval stores 6,579,931 

Pearl and potashes 13,990,000 

Manufactures . . . . , . . 27,270,000 

Unpprtj^in ..... 4,836,000 

... , -, jj 
^595,374,804 



Average . . . . . ^39,691, 653 

A cursory glance at our exports, and a comparison of them 
with our imports, will satisfy the reader, that few nations have 
carried on con^merce to more disadvantage, than we have done a 
large portion of ours. We have exchanged the most valuable 
productions of nature in the rudest state, with the least possible 
degree of labour— rand received in return every species of mer- 
chandize in its most finished form — of which labour constituted 
two-thirds, three-fourths, four-fifths, and often nine-tenths of 
the value. This more particularly applies to cotton, which we 
^lave shipped ^t ai\ average of about twenty-five cents per pound, 
except Sea Island, and received back at an advance of five foldr^H 
and, in the case of the fine articles ,of ten fold— "thus enabling for- 
eign nations to pay for the wllple crop with one-fifth part of it — 

* Seybert, 146-7. 



THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. S53 

jind wantonly throwing away the remaining four-fifths. More* 
over a large portion of the manufacture being performed by ma- 
chinery, we have given the labour of twenty or thirty persons 
for one, Never was there a system more admirably calculated 
to stunt the growth of a nation ; to destroy the effect of the ad-* 
vantages bestowed on it by nature ; and to render its inhabitants 
hewers of wood and drawers of water to other nations. 

One view of this subject is so appalling, that it will make the 
heart ache of every man who has any regard for the real inter« 
ests of this country, or a wish to advance its wealth, power, and 
resources. 

The increase by manufacture of the value of the raw material 
of cotton, was in 1815, according to Colquhoun, about five-fold.* 
Let us see the operation of this portion of our commerce tested 
by that scale. 
We exported, it appears, in fifteen years, cotton 

to the amount of . . . ^154,179,117 



This, according to Colquhoun, produced . §770,895,585 
Leaving to foreign nations the enormous profit of S6l 6,71 6,468 

Or an annual average of . . . !S41, 114,431 

Two-thirds of which we might by a sound policy have re- 
tained among ourselves. 

There can be no doubt that Great Britain defrayed the whole 
expense of the war against us by the profits she derived from 
this single article, in a few preceding years. 

Thus our short-sighted policy tends to aggrandize, at our 
own expense, foreign nations with which we have had, and may 
again have, most perilous collisions. 

It now remains to give a general but concise view of the inju- 
rious effects produced by our commerce, I shall confine my- 
self to facts of such universal notoriety as to preclude contro* 
versy. 

Commerce has — 

1. In return for our great raw material, cotton, to the amount 
of many millions of dollars annually, : deluged us with 
immoderate quantities of cotton and woollen and other manu- 
factures, whereby millions of capital invested in manufac- 
turing establishments have been lost — hundreds of the proprie-' 
tors rumed — and thousands of workmen reduced to idleness, 
and exposed to the lures of dissipation and crime. 

2. Subjected us to an expense for foreign intercourse and for the 
Barbary poAvers to the amount of nearly 12,000,000 of dollars in 
twenty years. f 

• See Colquhoun on the wealth, power, and resources of the British Empire, 
page 91. 

t Seybert, 712, 713. 



356 THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 

3. Bankrupted an immoderate proportion of those who pur- 
sued it. 

4. Caused a war, by which there is entailed on us a heavy 
debt of nearly 80,000,000 of dollars, and an annual interest of 
about 4,500,000 doll *rs. 

5. Rendered a navy necessary, which creates an expense of 
above 3,500,000 dollars for the present year. 

6. Given a prodigious spring to luxury and extravagance, by 
th# superfluous articles it has introduced among us. 

7. Drained away the circulating medium of the country, 
whereby every kind of business is paralized, and the nation im- 
poverished. 

8. Rendered us dependent on foreign nations for many of 
the comforts, and even some of the necessaries of life. 

That these consequences have resulted from our commerce, 
I trust will be admitted. They are considerable drawbacks on its 
advantages, which ought to be immensely great to countervail 
them. 

It behoves us then to examine the extent and value of this 
commerce, so highly prized and so deai ly bought. 



III. 

I now proceed to my third point, to prove that the exteftt and 
advantages of our commerce have been greatly overrated. 

As much as possible to simplify a complicated subject, I shall 
consider the commerce of the united states under five several 
heads. 

1. The exportation of our superfluous productions. 

2. The importation of necessary supplies. 

3. The carrying trade. 

4. The coasting trade. 

5. The shippmg. 

The first is beyond comparison the most important. In it 
the whole nation is deeply interested. Much of our prosperity 
depends on procuring suitable markets for our surplus produc- 
tions. This affords a strong stimulus to industry, which would 
otherwise pine and languish. 

To enable the reader to judge correctly ©n this subject, I an- 
nex a table of our exports from the organization of the govern- 
ment. For the first six years there was no distinction between 
foreign and domestic. I have assumed that there were two- 
fifths of the former, and three-fifths of the latter, which is about 
the average proportion of the whole of the subsequent period. 



THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 



357 



Exports from the United States from 1790 to 1819, inclusive.^ 



Year. 



1790 

1791 

1792 

1793 

1794 

1795 

1796 

1797 

1798 

1799 

1800 

1801 

1802 

1803 

1804 

1805 

1806 

1807 

1808 

1809 

1810 

1811 

1812 

1813 

1814 

1815 

1816 

1817 

1818 

1819 



Domestic. 



Foreign. 



tl2,123,094 
fl 1,407,225 
f 12,451,860 
115,665,744 
119,815,741 
128,793,684 
40,764,097 
29,850,206 
28,527,097 
33,142,522 
31,840,903 
47,473,204 
36,708,189 
42,205,961 
41,467,477 
42,387,002 
41,253,727 
48,699,592 
9,433,546 
31,405,702 
42,366,675 
45,294,043 
30,032,109 
25,008,152 
6,782,272 
45,974,403 
64,781,896 
68,313,500 
73,854,437 
50,976,838 



:t8,082,u26 

t7,604,816 

*8,301,238 

no,443,828 

+13,210,492 

+19,195,788 

26,300,000 

27,000,000 

33,000,00C 

45,523,000 

39,130,877 

46,642,721 

35,774,971 

13,594,072 

36,231,597 

53,179,019 

60,283,236 

59,643,5581 

12,997,414] 

20,797,531 

24,391,295 

16,022,790 

8,495,127 

2,847,845 

145,169 

6,583,350 

17,138,556 

19,358,069 

19,426,696 

19,165,68.3 



Tot..!. 



^1,058,800,898 



^710,519,854 



20,205,156 

19,012,U41 

20,753,098 

26,109,572 

33,026,233 

47,989,472 

67,064,097 

56,85u,206 

61,527,097 

78,665,522 

70,971,780 

94,115,925 

72,483,160 

55,800,033 

77,699,074 

95,566,021 

101,536,963 

108,343,150 

22,430,960 

52,203,233 

66,757,970 

61,316,833 

38,527,236 

27,855,997 

6,927,441 

52,557,753 

81,920,452 

87,671,569 

93,281,133 

70,142,521 



§1,769,311,698 



Average g35,293,363 ^23,680,000 §58,977,056 



The surplus productions of the united states, the great and 
legitimate basis of our foreign trade, are, as appears from this 
table, far below what might have been expected from the popu- 
lation, and the resources of the country. They average, as we 
see, only about 35,OCK),000 of dollars, or about S,5()0,000 pounds 
sterling per annum, from the organization of the government to 
the close of the last year. The average population of that period 
has been about 6,500,000 souls. It therefore appears that we 
have exported only about five dollars and a half per head of our 
whole population. This nearly corresponds with our recent ex- 
perience. 

During the last five years we exported of domestic productions 
about 305,000,000 dollars — or 61,000,000 per annum. Our 
population during this period has probably averaged about 



* Seybert, 93. -j- Estimated at three-fitths of the whole. 

+ Estimated at two-fifths. 



358 TttE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 

9,500,000 souls ; which gives an export of only six dollars and 
a half per head. 

It is thus indubitable that this department of our commerce, 
obviously the most important, has been vastly overrated, and 
sinks into insignificance, on a comparison with our domestic 
trade, which, as may be seen (page 335) is nearly fifteen hun- 
dred per cent, beyond it. The food and drink of Philadelphia^ 
New York, Boston and Baltimore, supposing them to contain 
400,000 souls, at a quarter of a dollar per head daily, amount to 
more than the average of the whole of our domestic exports ! 

400,000 persons at a quarter of a dollar per day, 

consume per annum . . . jg36,500,00O 



Yet there are hundreds and thousands of citizens of the uni- 
ted states unalterably convinced that the united states owe 
nearly all their prosperity, all their improvements, all their 
wealth, to commerce ! ! 

I have in vain sought for a general statement of our imports. 
It is not to be found either in Seybert or Pitkin. The former, 
however, gives one for seven years, from 1?'95, to 1801, inclu- 
sive, viz. 

1795 - - - - - ^69, 756,258 

1796 ' - ' ' - - 81,436,164 

1797 - - - - - 75,379,406 

1798 - - - - - 68,551,700 

1799 - - - - - 79,069,148 

1800 - . . . . 91,252,768 

1801 - - - - - 111,363,511 



^576,808,935 
Average - - . - g82,401,276 



It is difficult to calculate the amount of foreign goods consu- 
med in this countr)'^. The foreign exports for the seven years 
above stated, amounted to 236,792,386 dollars. Deducted from 
the above sum of 576,808,935 dollars, there is, for that period, a 
balance for home consumption of 34v),0 16,549 dollars, being an 
average of above 48,000,000 dollars annually. But during this 
time our commerce was far more flourishing than in other years. 
I shall, therefore, assume an average consumption of foreign 
merchandize of 40,000,000 per annum, for the 30 years from 
1789 to 1819, which will not be regarded as far from the fact. 

Dr. Seybert has hazarded a calculation, that the profits ol 
Havigation, are at the rate of fifty dollars per ton — and he there- 



THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 359 

fore sets down an average annual profit of 34,459,350 dollars ! 
which would amount to 1,(>33, 780,500 dollars in thirty years ! 

It is easy to perceive how extravagantly erroneous this calcu- 
lation must necessarily be. A vessel of three hundred tons 
would make, by freight alone, a profit to her owner annually 
of 15,000 dollars. Yet many of our merchants have had two, 
three, four, five, and six vessels of this size constantly employ- 
ed for years — have not lived extravagantly — and yet have finally 
become bankrupts. 

Were the doctor's statement correct, the great body of ship- 
owners would have become as wealthy as the members of the 
Medici family. 

Ten per cent, is regarded as a fair average of the profits of 
commerce. For freight I shall assume an equal sum. 

Hence is deduced the following result — 

Average annual domestic exports - )g35,293,363 

Foreign goods consumed here, estimated at 40,000,000 

gr5,293,363 



Ten per cent, profit - - - 7,529,336 

Add an equal sum for profit on freight - 7,529,336 

Total ... - ^15,058,672 

The carrying trade is far less important. Without much par- 
ticipation in it, the nation might have enjoyed, and may still en- 
joy, a most enviable state of prosperity. And it will probably 
appear, in summing up its advantages and disadvantages, dur- 
ing the whole of our career, that the latter at least equipoise the 
former. 

To form a correct decision on this point, it is necessary to as- 
certain its extent. 

It consists of two distinct branches. In the first, the foreign 
merchandize m trajisitu touches at our ports. In the second, 
the voyages are made from one foreign port to another. 

Of the first branch we have an accurate account. The trea- 
sury returns distinguish between the exports of foreign and do- 
mestic articles. But of the second we can only form an estimate. 

The foreign exports from the united states, as appears by 
the preceding table, (page 357) have averaged about 23,680,000 
dollars per annum for thirty years. 

It is probable that the other branch of the carrying trade is 
about one half this amount. Some intelligent merchants whom 
I have consulted, estimate it at from 10 to 15,0(X),000 of dollars 
annually. But to afford the utmost latitude to the contrary side 
of the question, I shall suppose it equal to the first branch. 



360 THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 

Thus, then, stands the account of the carrying trade for 30 years. 
Foreign exports . - _ ^23,680,000 

Voyages from one foreign port to another, estima- 
ted at - - - - - 23,680,000 

^47,360,000 

Profit, ten per cent. - - - ;S4,736,OuO 

Add an equal profit for freight, - - 4,736,000 

Total profit of carrying trade - - §9,472,000 

Summary. 
Profits of trade in exports, and in imports for home 

consumption - - - - jgl 5,058,672 

Of carrying trade - - - 9,472,<;00 

Coasting trade, supposed - - 4,000,000 

Average for 30 years, §28,540,672 

These profits are the utmost that can be claimed on the most 
liberal calculation. But I must observe that it is difficult to 
conceive that half of them could have ever accrued j as a very 
large portion of the merchants who are supposed to have ac- 
quired them, have been reduced to bankruptcy. This strong 
fact is utterly incompatible with the idea of such profits, and I 
am persuaded would warrant a reduction of fifty or sixty per 
cent, of the amount. 

The offsets have been immense. Shipwrecks — falling mar- 
kets—and depredations to the amount of probably one hundred 
millions by the belligerents, under the various orders in council, 
decrees, &c. The aggregate of all these would probably amount 
to thirt}^ per cent, on the assumed profits. 

But even admitting that the whole sum of twenty-eight mil- 
lions has been gained annually by commerce, it is worth while 
to consider whether it has not been rather a dear purchase. 

It has cost us from 1796 to 1815 — 

For foreign intercourse - - - - §9,615,140 

Naval department - - - - - 52,065,691 

Barbary powers ----- 2,349,568 

War debt - 78,579,022 



§ 142,609,421^ 



Average per annum § 7,130,471 

*Seybert 713, 



THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 361 

The expenses chargeable to this account at present, and like- 
ly to continue, are — 

Interest on war debt of S 78,579,022 - - ^4,71 4,741 
Secretary's estimate for the navy, 1820 - - 3,527,600 

Per annum $ 8,242,341 



This is above twenty-five per cent, in perpetuity on those 
profits of commerce, which are .supposed to have accrued during 
the whole of the period in which it had every possible advantage 
that could be desired by its warmest advocates. It is, moreover, 
above twenty per cent, of the whole average amount of the ex- 
ports of the country, embracing the period in which our staples 
commanded exorbitant prices, which we aie never again likely 
to realize. 

I therefore confidently rely, that those who have condescend- 
ed to " A^flr," though they may have '' struck^'' will, however 
reluctantly, acknowledge that at the touch of the talisman of 
truth, the boasted advantages of commerce have greatly dimin- 
ished in amount — and that, however valuable it truly is, it has 
indubitably cost the country more than it was intrinsically worth. 

In taking an account of the numerous offsets — the collisions 
with the belligerents — the chief part of the expense of the navy 
— our war — the war debt,-— and its interest — it would be unfair 
not to draw a line of distinction between the diffeient branches 
of commerce. That important one which consists in the ex- 
portation of our surplus productions, and procuring necessary 
supplies in return, ought certainly to be exonerated from any 
portion of these heavy items. It might be carried on for a cen- 
tury, without producing any of those consequences. They have 
sprung almost altogether from the extraneous trade in the co- 
lonial productions of the belligerents, which arose from the 
general state of warfare in Europe, and from the cupidity with 
which commerce was pursued by our merchants. If this point of 
view be correct, then the account is reduced within a narrow 
compass. 

It may be useful to hazard a calculation on the present and 
probable future profits of commerce, in order more fully to prove 
my position, that it has cost too dear* 

The domestic exports of 181 9, were - - g 50,976,838 
Foreign exports ------ 19,165,683 

Foreign goods consumed here, in 1819 suppose - 60,000,000 

% 130,142,521 

46 



362 THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 

As our markets have stood lately, a profit of eight per 

cent, is a large allowance - _ _ - 10,41 1,40J 
Pr- sent profits on freight and carrying trade - 2,000,000 

Coasting trade 3,000,000 



$ 15,411.401 



Thus it appears, that for every dollar of the present gain of 
the merchants by commerce, the nation at large pays above 
fifty cents of tax entailed on it by that commerce ! 



I now invite the attention of the reader to my last position, 
•which is — 

IV. That the numerous bankruptcies among our merchants 
have chiefly arisen from the want of protection to manufactares. 

That an immoderate number of our merchants has been re- 
duced to bankruptcy, is universally admitted. The exact pro- 
portion cannot be ascertained. It has been carried as high as 
jnine-tenths in Philadelphia, New York and Baltimore. This I 
believe extravagant. I assume two-thirds, which is supposed 
to be a low calculation. It remains to enquire how this calami- 
tous result has taken place, under what is so generally styled a 
flourishing state of our commerce. 

Various causes have conspired to produce this eifect. 

Commerce in this country has partaken of the nature of a lot- 
tery. The prizes were immense, but very rare — the blanks 
numerous. It has been attended occasionally with immoderate 
profits, which have been succeeded by great losses. The pro- 
fits fostered a spirit of extravagance and luxury, which wasted all 
the previous temporary advantages, and rendered the merchants 
unable to contend with the storms of adversity. 

But the chief source of the misfortunes of our merchants has 
been the extravagant number of them — which, as I hope to make 
appear, has proceeded from the ruinous policy of our tariff. 

Had the great leading manufactures of cotton, wool, and iron, 
with some others, which were arrested by foreign importation, 
been, as sound policy dictated, duly protected, during the thir- 
ty' years of the existence of our government, thousands of young 
meh in every part of the united states, who have been devoted 
to the mercantile profession, and immoderately increased its 
Itiumbers, would have been employed in those branches. 

Many parents have destined their children to the pursuit of 
cornmerce, without either the requisite capital, talents, credit, 
tirfrientis, merely for wantjof other suitable employment. Hence 



THE NEW OLIVE BRANCHT. 363 

most of our merchants have generally had two or three, and 
some as many as four apprentices, who, when free, have become 
supercargoes, or commenced a profession for which tiiey Wf-re 
>\hoIl)' incompetent, and thus added to the long list of bank- 
rupts. 

The effect of this state of things is, that there have been aijd 
probably are more shipping and importing merchants in the 
united states than in the British dominions in Europe. Almost 
every little port from Passamaquoddy to St. Mar\''s, has its 
body of merchants and importers, more or less numerous, who 
are constantly supplanting each other in the home and foreign 
markets, to their mutual ruin. The West Indies have thus 
proved the grave of the fortunes and happiness of half the mer- 
chants that have carried on trade uith them. The trade to that 
quarter, as the prices are constantly fluctuating, affords neither 
certainty nor security. The markets are either overstocked, 
or visited by a dearth. When the latter takes place, prices rise 
extravagantly. Intelligence arrives in this countiy. Our 
ports are crowded with shippers, who outbid each other, and 
raise the prices. Vessels full freighted are dispatched from all 
our ports. The first cargo, perhaps the second, or third, is sold 
at a great profit. The glut sinks the price, and all the i-emain- 
der sell at, and often below, cost. The majtr part of the busi- 
ness is almost wholly a lottery, or species of gambling, which 
regular commerce altogether disclaims. 

The price of flour in the West Indies frequently rises, and as 
frequently falls, to the amount of three, four, and five dollars 
per barrel, in the course of two, three, or four weeks. Hence 
the merchant whose vessel sails at the rate of nine knots an 
hour, often makes a fortune — while his less fortunate neighbours, 
whose rate of sailing is only eight knots, are ruined. 

The injurious effects of the inordinate competition, which is 
the natural consequence of the extraordinarj'^ number of our 
merchants, are fourfold : — 

1 . Our staples are raised too high at home by the extent of 
this competition. 

2. The same competition reduces them in the foreign markets. 

3. It raises the return cargoes in those markets — and finally 

4. Reduces the prices of those cargoes in our ports. 

These are among the most striking causes of, and satisfacto- 
SHly account for, the ruin of so large a portion of the mercantile 
class, and have obviously resulted chiefly, if not altogether, from 
the depression of manufactures. 

I offer a calculation on the subject, which, even if somewhat 
erroneous, may prove useful. 

Suppose the whole number of merchants in the united states, 
since the year 1789, to have averaged constantly 15,000 — and 



364 'i'HE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 

that two thirds of them have failed. Had manutacturing es- 
tablishments been properly patronized, there probably would 
not have been more than 10,000; to the mass of whom the pro- 
fession would have afforded a decent subsistence. In this case, 
it is probable that the bankruptcies would not have exceeded 
2,000. Of course, 80U0 would have prospered out of 10,000 ; 
whereas, only 5000 have succeeded out of 15,000. Whatever 
deduction from, or addition to, this calculation may be made, 
the inference caiinot fail to be highly favourable to the general 
scope of my argument, and to pronounce a strong sentence of 
condemnation on the ruinous policy this nation has pursued. 
Another view may be taken of the subject. 
It appears that a large portion of our commerce consists in 
the transportation of the merchandize and manufactures of other 
nations from the places of production to this country, and 
hence to those of consumption respectively. But might not our 
merchants employ themselves as well in lending facilities to the 
industry of their fellow citizens as to that of foreign nations ? 
Would not broadcloths from Young & Son's, or Dupont's^ 
or Sheppard's manufactories^:— or shirtings and sheetings from 
Schenck's, or from Waltham, load a vessel as well, and pay as 
good a freight, as from Leeds or Manchester ? Would it not be at 
least as profitable to themselves, and as useful to their fellow citi- 
zens and to their country, to export cargoes of home-made goods 
to South America, and import specie, as to deluge their native 
country with foreign goods, drain it of its specie, and destroy 
its productive industry ? 

As the want of correct views on this point has been among 
the primary causes of the present distresses of the country, I 
hope to be pardoned for once more presenting it to the reader. 
The idea that the want of protection to manufactures has proved 
highly pernicious to the merchants , by an undue increase of 
their numbers, will appear plain to those who reflect, that, whefi 
by the restrictive system, and the war, there was a market open 
for, and protection afforded to, domestic manufactures, great 
numbers of respectable merchants, in all our cities, devoted their 
time, their talents, and their capital to the cotton and wbollen 
branches, very advantageously for themselves and for the coun- 
try, while this protection continued — but ultimately to the 
ruin of many of them. It is obvious that the inducements to 
commence an early career in manufacturing are greater than to 
quit another business, arid enter on this at an advanced period 
of life. And therefore it irresistibly follows, that the suc- 
cessful opposition to the establishment of manufactures ha? 
been the great cause of the superabundance of merchants^ and 
that from this superabundance has flowed the bankruptcy of so 
large a portion of them. 



THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 365 

It is frequently asserted, that though so many of the mer- 
chants have been reduced to bankruptcy, the country has gained 
even by their ruin. This doctrine, which I have tried to de- 
velope, I do not understand. Let us investigate it. 

Suppose a farmer to sell 5000 bushels of wheat at two dollars 
per bushel. The miller grinds it — and sells to the flour mer- 
chant, who sells to the shipper. The latter becomes bankrupt, 
and pays two, three, five, or ten shillings in the pound, as the 
case may be. Of course the flour merchant, or the miller, or 
the farmer, suffers a heavv loss. I cannot see how, from a trans- 
action of this kind, which is an epitome of a large proportion of 
our mercantile business for years past, the country can be said 
to have gained. Money ,^ it is true, is put into the pocket of one 
man, but it is withdrawn from the pocket of another. There is 
no increase of the national wea:lth. 

Having in this chapter taken ground wholly new, with no 
former lights to illuminate my path, I may have occasionally 
wandered into error. But I trust the deviation, whatever it rnay 
have been, has not led me far astray — and that the positions I 
have assumed, and the inferences I have deduced, if not wholly 
right, are not materially wrong. 



CHAPTER XVI. 

Fostering care of commerce by congress. Monopoly of the coast- 
ing and China trade secured to our merchants from the year 
1789. Revolting partiality. Wonderful increase of tonnage. 
Act on the subject of plaster of Paris^ Laxv levelled against 
the British navigation act. Rapidity cf legislation. 

The records of American legislation bear th(6 moist satisfac- 
tory testimony of the transcendant influence of the mercantile 
interest, and of the unceasing exertions made to fence it round 
with every species of protection the government could bestow. 
No fond mother ever indulged a beloved child more than con- 
gress has indulged commerce — attended to all its complaints — 
and redressed all its wrongs. 

My limits forbid a detail of the great varietv of ae^s passed 
for the exclusive benefit of commerce, with which the statute 
book abounds. I shall confine myself to a few of the most pro- 
minent and important. 

I. The second act passed by the first congress coiatained 
clauses which secured to the tonnage of our merchants, a mono- 
poly of the whole of the China trade — and gave them paramount 
advantages in all the other foreign trade. 



3B6 THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 

The duties on teas were as follow : 



Boheateas - - per lb 
Souchong' 8c other black teas 
Hyson teas 
All other gi-e en teas - 



la foreign 
vess'i'.s. 




The annals of legislation furnish no instance of grosser or 
more revolting partiality than is displayed in this act, which es- 
tablished the first tariflf. A pound of hyson tea, which cost fifty-six 
cents, if imported in a foi-eign, paid twenty-Jive cents more duty 
than in an American vessel. Whereas a yard of broad cloth, or 
two 3'^ards of silk, cambric, or muslin, value five doW-nr?,^ paid but 
twenty-five ceiits^ all together, or five per cent. Thus the foreign 
ship-owner was at once shut out of our ports, so far as the China 
trade was concerned, beyond the power of competition, for the 
benefit of the American merchant ; whereas the foreign manu- 
facturer was invited in by a low duty : and the possibility of 
competition on the part of the American manufacturer wholly 
precluded ! Let me not be misunderstood to regard as incorrect 
the decided preference given to the American merchant. By no 
means. My object is to point out the immense inequality of the 
treatment of two great classes of citizens, which, to the great 
discredit of our legislation, and the incalculable injury of our 
country, as I hope is proved in the preceding chapter, per- 
vades our statute book. This is a digression, which the oc- 
carion called for. I return. 

II. The same act gave our merchants an additional decisive 
advantage, by allowing a discount of ten per cent, on the duties 
upon goods imported in American vessels. 

III. Such was the fostering care bestowed on the mercantile 
interest, that the third act was directed wholly for their security. 
By this act the tonnage duty on vessels belonging to American 
citizens was fixed at six cents per ton ; on American built ves- 
sels, owned wholly or in part by foreigners, thirty cents ; and on 
all other foreign vessels, fifty cents. 

IV. In order to exclude foreign vessels from the coasting 
trade, they were subjected to a tonnage duty of fifty cents per 
ton for every voyage j whereas our vessels paid but six cents, 
and only once a year. 

These four features of decisive protection, were enacted in a 
single session, the first under the new government. They placed 
the mercantile interest on high ground, and gave it overwhelm- 
ing advantages over foreign competitors. In fact, they almost 
altogether destroyed competition. I shall state their effects at 
the close of this chapter. 



THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 367 

It is not difficult to account for this parental care. The mer- 
cantile interest was ably represented in the first congress. It 
made a judicious selection of candidates, and carried the elec- 
tions pretty generally in the seaport towns. Philadelphia was re- 
presented in the senate by Robert Morris, and in the house of 
representatives by Thomas Fitzsimons and George Clymer, 
three gentlemen of very considerable talents, and great influ- 
ence, particularly the first, who then bore a high rank among 
the mcst celebrated merchants of the world. The representa- 
tion in congress was divided almost wholly between farmers, 
planters, and merchants. The manufacturing interest was, I 
believe, unrepresented ; or if it had a ft w representatives, they 
were not distinguished men, and had little or no influence. It 
shared the melancholy fate of all unrepresented bodies in all 
ages and in all nations. 

The tariff" bears the most unequivocal marks of this state of 
things. Agriculture and commerce engrossed nearly the whole 
attention of congress. Their interests were well guarded. 
Manufactures, as may be seen (page 274) were abandoned to an 
unequal conflict with foreign rivalship, which consigned a large 
portion of them to ruin. 

I have shewn the revolting neglect, so highly discreditable to 
congress, with which the applications of the manufacturers have 
been treated. It now remains to contrast this procedure with the 
kind attention and fostering care bestowed on the merchants, 
and the rapidity of motion in their concerns. 

On the 29th of July, 1816, the governor of Nova Scotia, by 
proclamation, announced the royal assent to an act of the legis- 
lature of that pro\ ince, whei-eby the trade in plaster of Paris was 
intended to be secured to British or colonial vessels. 

To counteract this insidious measure, Mr. Rufus King, on the 
17th of February, 1 817, in the house of representatives of the uni- 
ted states, presented a resolution, which was carried, "that the 
committee on foreign relations be instructed to report such mea- 
sures as they may judge necessarv to regulate the importation of 
plaster of Paris, and to countervail the regulations of any other 
nation, injurious to our own, relating to that trade." 

In four days afterwards, vjz. on the 21st, Mr. Forsyth, chair- 
man of that committee, reported a bill to regulate the trade in 
plaster of Paris, which was read the first and second time on 
that day, and the third on the 3d of March. The yeas and nays 
were called, and it was passed by a majority of eighty to tliirty- 
nine. It xvas then sejit to the se?iate; there read three times on 
the same day, and passed with some amendments — then return- 
ed to the house of representatives, who concurred in the amend- 
ments, and finaiiv passed the bill. Thus it was actually read four 
times, amended and passed in ojie day — a case probably without 



368 THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 

example. It was only fourteen days from its inception to its 
approbation by the president. 

Let it be observed further, that the hostile measure which call- 
ed forth this spirited act, was only about seven months and a 
half in existence, when it was thus decisively counteracted. 
What a contrast between this celerity of operation and the lame 
and sinister policy observed towards manufacturers ! 

The all-important act prohibiting the entry into our ports of 
British vessels arriving from places from which American ves- 
sels are excluded, was reported and twice read in senate on the 
1st of April, 1818. On the 4th it was read the third time, and 
passed. On the same day it was read twice in the house of represen- 
tatives. On the 11th it was read a third time, and passed. On 
the 16th it was presented to the president — and approved by 
him on the 18th. Thus it became a law in seventeen days from 
its presentation. 

Let any man, however hostile to manufactures or manufactu- 
rers, compare the progress of these two bills, involving such im- 
portant principles, particularly the latter, with the snail's pace of 
any bill for the relief of manufacturers, and he will be obliged 
to confess that congress is actuated by a very different spirit tOi- 
wards the two different descriptions of citizens. The first of 
these acts is manly and dignified, and worthy of the legislature 
of a great nation, determined to assert a reciprocity of advan- 
tage in its intercourse with foreign nations. The policy and 
prudence of the second are rather questionable. It was not verj^ 
likely to succeed ; as it was a bold attempt to coerce the British 
nation to rescind one of the most important features of its navi- 
gation act, regarded as the basis of its power and greatness. 
Both their pride and interest revolted at the measure ; and 
having wholly failed of accomplishing the object in view, its 
operation is highly pernicious to this country. It has in many 
instances sacrificed the sale of our staples, in the unavailing ef- 
fort to obtain the freightage of them. At all events, consider- 
ing its great magnitude, and its important effects on the agricul- 
tural interest, there can be no doubt, that it was too precipitate- 
ly passed. It was only four days on its passage in the senate — 
and eight in the house of representatives. Be this, however, as 
it may, my present object is only once more to place in contrast 
the paternal care of commerce and the frigid and withering in- 
difference, not to say hostility, towards manufactures, displayed 
in that body, which ought to " look with equal eye" upon, and 
to dispense equal justice to, all classes of citizens. 

And to close the catalogue, a bill for the protection of com- 
merce is now before congi'ess,* and not likely to meet with much 

* Tlijs bill was passed in a few days after the above was written — and has 
equally failed in the grand object of forcing Great Britain to open the ports of 
her colonies to our shipping-. 



THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 



369 



opposition, which cannot fail to affect the agricultural interest 
severely, by very materially abridging the markets for their pro- 
ductions. It is calculated to effect the object contemplated by 
the last mentioned act. 

More detail is unnecessary. The position is fully established, 
that commerce has steadily enjoyed all the protection the go- 
vernment could afford. Every hostile movement on the part of 
foreign nations, to the injury of our merchants, has been deci- 
dedly met and counteracted. 

The consequence of this system bas been to insure our mei*- 
chants — 

I. The whole of the coasting trade, amounting to 400,000 tons 
per annum. 

II. Eighty-six percent, of the tonnage engaged in the foreign 
trade, viz. 

Total tonnage in the foreign trade for twenty-two 

years, from 1796 to 1817, - - tons 18,200,541 

Of which there was American - 15,741,632 

Foreign - - 2,458,909 

18,200,541 

And III. An increase of tonnage unexampled in the history 
of navigation : — 



Tonnage of the united states. 
Tons. 

In 1789 - - 201,562 In 1806 

1790 - - - 478,377 1807 ■ 

1792 - - 564,437 1808 

1794 - - - 628,816 1809 - 

1796 - - 831,900 1810 

1798 - - 898,328 1811 - 

1801 - - 1,033,218 1812 

1802 - - 892,102 1813 - 
18(j3 - - 949,171 1814 

1804 - 1,042,402 1815 ■ 

1805 - - 1,140,368 | 1816 



Tons. 
1,208,735 
1,268,548 
1,242,595 
1,350,281 
1,424,783 
1,232,502 
1,269,997 
1,166,628 
1,159,208 
1,368,127 
1,372,218 



Seybert, 



47 



370 THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 



CHAPTER XVII. 

Erroneous views of the tariff^. Protection of agriculture in 1789, 
Prostrate state of the staples of South Carolina and Georgia. 
Ninety per cent, on snuffs and one hundred on tobacco. Striking 
contrast. Abandonmeiit of manufactures. 

Numbers of the farmers and planters of the united states are 
under a strong impression — 

I. That the tariff aifords a decided protection to the manufac- 
turers. 

II. That it operates as a " heavy tax on the many for the be- 
nefit of the few." 

And III. That there is no reciprocity in the case — as agricul- 
ture is not protected. 

That the first position is radically erropeous, is self-evident 
from the lamentable situation of so large a proportion of the 
manufactures and manufacturers of the united states, on which 
I have already sufficiently descanted. 

The second is disproved in the eleventh chapter. 

To the discussion of the third, I devote the present one. 

Few of the productions of agriculture require protection. 
Their bulk, and the consequent expense of freight, afford them 
in general tolerable security. But such as are imported, or like- 
ly to be, have been subject to high duties from the commence- 
ment of the government to the present time. 

The articles of which the importation materially affects the 
interests of the landholders do not much extend beyond hemp, 
cotton, malt, tobacco, cheese, indigo, coals and potatoes, which, 
by the tariff of 1789, were subject to the following duties. 

Cents 
Hemp ^ , - per cwt. 60 
Malt - per bushel 10 

Coals - - do. 2 
Cheese - per lb. 4 

Manufactured tobacco do. 6 

The duty on cheese was equal to fifty -seven per cent. ; oil 
Indigo about sixteen ; on 
Snuff, ninety ; on 
Tobacco, one hundred ; on 
Coals zbonX. fifteen per cent. 

The duty on the raw materials, hemp and cotton, demand par- 
ticular attention. They were about twelve per cent. — imposed, 





Cents. 


Snuff 


per lb. 10 


Indigo 


- do. 16 


Cotton 


do. 3 


Potatoes 


per cent. 5 



THE NEW OLIVE BUANCir. Sfi 

In compliance with the suggestions of Mr. Burke, to aid the! 
agriculturists of South Carolina and Georgia, " because they 
hoped to be able to raise those articles'''' 

South Carolina and Georgia at that period Avere at a very low 
ebi.. Their great staples, rice and indigo, had greatly sunk ia 
price — :uid they had not as yet entered on the culture of cotton. 

TEdavius Burke, in a debate on the tariff, on the 16th of April, 
17S9, to induce the house to lay a considerable duty on hemp 
and cotton, gave a melancholy picture of the situation of those 
stat-s — 

" The staple products of South Carolina and Georgia," he 
observed, '• were hardly v/orth cultivation, on account of their 
*' fall in price. The lands were certainly well adapted to the 
*■■ grov, 1 1 of hemp : and he had no doubt hut its cultuie would 
" be practl -.ed with attention. Cotton was likexvise in contempla^ 
" tion among them: and 'tf good seed could he procured^ hl hoped 
" MIGHT sucgej;d ! ! But the low strong rice lands would pro- 
*' duce hemp in abundance, many thousand tons even this yearj 
" if it^was not so late in the sea on."* 

In iA. debate on the same subject, Mr. Tucker, another of the 
representatives from that state, re-echoed the plaintive strains of 
his colleague : — 

"•' The situation of South Carolina Was melancholy. While 
" the inhabitants were deeply in debt, the produce of the state 
" ivas daily falling in price. Rice and indigo were become so 
*' low, as to be considered by many not objects worthy of culti- 
" vation. Gentlemen" he added, '' will consider that it is not 
" an easy thing for a planter to change his whole system of hus- 
" landry in a moment. But accumulated burdens will drive to 
" this, and increase their embarrassments."! 

The duty on manufactured tobacco was intended to operate 
as an ahjs olute prohibition — and was liberally proposed with this 
view by Mr. Sherman, a representative from Connecticut. 

"■ Mr. Sherman moved six cents per pound on inanufactured 
*' tobacco ; as he thought the duty ought to amou7it to a prohibi- 
« tionr] 

While these high duties were imposed upon such of the pro- 
dvictions of the farmer and planter, as were likely to be imported, 
all the great leading articles of manufactures, as may be seen, 
(Chapter III.) were subject to only five per cent. ! ! ! 

A striking contrast in the tar'rfffor 1 789. 

Per cent. Per cent. 

Snuff > _ - 9<.; Woollens * - 5 

Tobacco - - 100 Cottons . - _ 5 

* Debates of congress, vol. I. p. 79. 
t Idem, 70. % Idem, 93. 



THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 




Per cent. 


Per cent. 


16 Pottery 


- 5 


- 15 Linen 


5 


12 Manufactures of 


iron - 5 


12 


lead - - 5 




copper - 5 



372 

Indigo 
Coals 
Cotton 
Hemp 



In the last chapter, I gave a sketch of the fostering care of 
commerce : Here we see, in the very outset of ihe government, 
the same care extended to agriculture, and a most culpable ne- 
glect of manufactures — the germ of that cruel and withering 
system, that has, I repeat, placed this country nearly in the state 
of a colony to the manufacturing nations of Europe — which, 
without expending a single cent for our protection, have enjoyed 
more benefits from our commerce than ever were enjoyed by the 
mother country, during the colonial state of this continent — and 
more benefits than any nation ever enjoyed from colonies, ex- 
cept Spain. Perhaps even this exception is superfluous. 

In 1790, the tariff was altered, when indigo was raised to 
twenty-five cents per pound, and coals to three cents per 
bushel. 

In 1 792, it was again altered, and hemp raised to twenty dol- 
lars per ton, and coals to four and a half cents per bushel. 

This was about twenty per cent, on hemp, and txventy-five on 
coals — whereas the leading manufactures of cotton, wool, leath- 
er, steel, brass, iron, and copper, were only raised to seven and 
a half per cent. 

Passing over the intermediate alterations of the tariff, which 
all bear the same stamp of inequality and partiality, I shall notice 
the protection afforded at present to the class of articles whereby 
the interests of the owners and cultivators of the soil, are af- 
fected, in contra-distinction to the description of citizens pro- 
perly styled manufacturers. 



1820. 


Prices* 


Rate oj 
duty. 


Duty 
Per cent. 


Hemp, per ton 

Cotton, per lb. 

Cheese in Holland 

Coals, per bushel . - - - - 

Snuff, average per lb. . - . - 
Manufactured tobacco-j- - - - 

Segars per Mf ...... 

Geneva, per gallon . - - . 

•Jamaica rum do. 

Brown sugar, per lb. - - - . 


S 114.00 
.10 
.10 
.13 
.16 
.10 
5.00 
.42 
.70 
.6 


S 0.0 

.o 

.9 

.5 

.12 

.10 

2.5>, 

.42 

.48 

.O 


26 
30 
90 
38| 
75 
100 
50 

loo 

68 
50 



* At the places of exportation respectively. 

f See page 374 for the reason why these two ai-ticles are placed in this class. 



THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 



573 



All the other articles, of this class, are su]>ject to fifteen per 
cent, duty ; which, be it observed, is the same as the duty on 
more than half the manufactures imported into this country. 

We find cotton, the staple article of South Carolina, Georgia, 
Alabama, &c. of which the freight is about thirty per cent, se- 
cured by thirty per cent, duty — the staple of Virginia by sev- 
entv-five, and one hundred — and the peach brandv and whiskey, 
of the farmers generally, by sixty-eight and one hundred, while 
the cotton and woollen branches are exposed to great depression 
and have been paralized, for want of a duty of thirty-three per 
cent. ! ! ! 

To display the monstrous partiality of this procedure — I shall 
contrast the duty and freight of a few articles of both descrip- 
tions — 





Duty 


Fi eight 


Total 


„ 


Duty 


Freight 


Total 




Per ct. 


Per ct. 






Per ct 


Per ct. 




Hemp - - 


26 


24 


50 


Cotton stockings 


25 


2 


28 


Cotton - - 


30 


30 


60 


Cambrics - - 


25 


2 


27 


Cheese - - 


90 


10 


105 


Woollen cloths 


25 


2 


27 


Geneva - - 


100 


15 


110 


Silks - - - 


15 


1 


16 


Rum - - - 


68 


10 


78 


Woollen stockings 


20 


2 


22 


Snuff' - - - 


75 


5 


80 


Thread stockings 


15 


2 


17 


Tobacco 


100 


5 


105 


Gold leaf - - 


15 


1 


16 


Coals - - - 


38i 


12 


i 


Linens ... 


15 


2 


17 


Sugar - - 


37i 


6 


m \ 









It is scarcely possible to conceive of a more revolting arrange- 
ment — or one that more completely violates the holy, the golden 
rule — 

" All things whatsoever ye would that men should do to you, 
"do you even so to them." 

Now, in the face of this nation, I venture to ask, is there a 
respectable^an in society, who considers the above items, and 
will not allow that the protection of agriculture is incomparably 
more complete than that of manufactures ? 

And yet, wonderful to tell, the extravagant protection bestow- 
ed on the manufacturers, and the want of protection to agricul- 
turists — the insatiable appetite of the former, and the liberality 
and disinterestedness of the latter, are preached in long-winded 
speeches in, and memorials to, congress, and as long-Avinded 
newspaper essays, and are received as undeniable truths ! 
Another contrast. 



Potatoes 

Butter 

Flour 

Malt 

Onions 



Tobacco in the leaf 



Present Duty. 




Present Duty. 


Per cent. 




Per cent. 


15 


Watches 


rr 1 


. 15 


Jewelrv 


. 7k 


15 


Inkpowder 


IS 


. 15 


Printed books 


. 15 


15 


Worsted shoes 


15 


\i . .15 


Linens and silks 


- 1 5 



S74 THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 

Potatoes^ oniojis^ and tobacco — linens^ silks, and printed books — 
subject to the same duty ! What wonderful talents this tariff 
disolays ! How admirably it corroborates the fond " day dreams" 
in which we indulge ourselves, of our immense superiority over 
the benighted Europeans, who, mi'rabile djctu, according to 
judge Story, are studying lessons of political economy under 
congress — 

" The statesmen of the old world, in admiration of the success 
" of our police, are relaxing the rigour of their own systems ! !" 

So says the celebrated Salem memorial, edited, according to 
public fame, by this most learned judge. 

Objections have been made to the classification of manufac- 
tured tobacco and snuff among the ai-ticles dutiedfor the benefit. 
of agriculture ; as they fall under the denomination of manufac- 
tures. They are, it is true, manufactures. But that they are so 
extravagantly taxed, is not from any partiality towards the man- 
ufacturers of them — but to protect the planters. It requires no 
moderate share of modesty to assert, and of credulity to believe, 
that regard for the manufacturers leads to lay a duty of one hun- 
dred per cent, on manufactured tobacco, when for five years the 
manufacturers of woollens and cottons have in vain implored to 
have the duty on superfine cloth, muslins, and cambrics, raised 
beyond twenty-five per cent. Even the Jew Apella, capacious 
as was his gullet, would not be able to swallow this fiction. 

I wish it distinctly understood, that as the prices of hemp, 
Geneva, rum, coals, &c. are subject to frequent fluctuations in 
foreign markets, I do not pretend to vouch for the critical ex- 
actness at the present time, of the preceding quotations. I have 
collected my information from merchants of character, on whom 
reliance may be placed, and have every reason to believe that it 
is substantially correct. 



CHAPTER XVni. 

A}i axvful contrast. Distress in Great Britain, because she can- 
not engross the supply of the xvorld. Distress in the united 
states, because the home market is inundated with rival manu- 
factures. 

This shall be a short chapter. But I hope it will make a deep 
and lasting impression. The subject is of vital importance. 

I have drav/n several contrasts between our policy and that 
of foreign nations, to evince the unsoundness and pernicious 
consequences of the former. To one more contrast I request 
attention. 



THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 375 

Great distress pervades the manufacturing districts of Great 
Britain, in which commerce largely partakes. And whence 
does it arise ? Because her merchants and inanufacturers can- 
not engross the supply of the world ; for their capacity of pro- 
ducing every article made by machinery is commensurate with 
the wants of the whole human race ; and, could they find a pas- 
sage to the moon, and open a market theie, they would be able 
to inundate it with their fa'>rics. 

Their government, with a fostering and paternal care, which by 
the contrast reflects discredit on ours, secures them the unlimited 
range of the domestic market; and loses no opportunity, by boun- 
ties, drawbacks, and every other means which can be devised, 
to aid them in their efforts to engross our and all ether itiarkets. 
But the wisdom of the other nations of Europe, guarding the 
industry of their subjects, excludes them from various markets 
which they were wont to supply — and baflRes their skill and sa- 
gacity. The great mass of their surplus productions, is, there- 
fore, disgorged on us, to the destruction of our inanufaciurers 
and the impoverishment of the nation. 

What a lamentable contrast we exhibit! Our manufacturers suf- 
fer equally. Their capital is mouldering away — their establish- 
ments falling to ruins — themselves threatened with bankruptcy, 
and their wives and children with dependence — their workmen 
dispersed and driven to servile labour and mendicity — and why ? 
Not because they are excluded from foreign markets. They 
aspire to none. Their distress arises from being debarred of 
so large a portion of their home market, to which our mistaken 
policy invites all the manufacturers of the earth! 

Thus, while the British government uses all its energies to 
enable the manufacturers of that nation to monopolize the mar- 
kets of the united states, our government looks on with perfect 
indifference, while the ill-fated, depressed, and vilified American, 
defeated in the unequal struggle with powerful rivals and an 
energetic government, is bankrupted or beggared — or in danger 
of bankruptcy or beggary — and in vain invokes its protection ! 
In a word the representatives of the freest people on the globe, 
have less regard for, and pay less attention to the happiness of, 
their fellow citizens, than the monarchs of the old world to 
their subjects. 

This is a strong declaration. But it is delivered with great 
deliberation, and with the most undaunted confidence of its cor- 
rectness. The shameful and contumelious neglect of the memo- 
rials of the manufacturers at each successive session of congress, 
from 1816, down to the present time, cannot, I am persuaded, 
be paralleled in the history of England or France. Let it be 
observed, I except the dependencies of both nations. If the 
smallest body of manufacturers in England finds itself aggrieved, 



376 TilE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 

and applies to the British parliament for redress, a committee 
is appointed to examine into the case, and to devise a remedy. 
If such remedy is practicable, it is applied. But we have seen 
that the petitions and memorials from the great cities of New- 
York, Philadelphia, Boston, and Baltimore, were not only not 
complied with, but not even read or reported on, to the indeli- 
ble discredit of the fourteenth congress. 

Our citizens merely seek a portion of that protection which 
the most despotic monarchs in Europe afford their subjects. But 
they seek in vain. Pharaoh did not turn a more deaf ear to the 
applications of the Israelites, than congress have, for five years, 
to those of their fellow citizens who have contributed to elevate 
them to the honourable stations they occupy — and who pay their 
proportions for services from the benefit of which they are in a 
great measure precluded. 

What a hideous, what a deplorable contrast! What a libel on 
republican government! What a triumph for the friends of mon- 
archy — for those who hold the appalling heresy, to which our 
career affords some countenance, that man was not made for 
self-government ! 

This is so shocking a state of things that with all the evidence 
^f the facts before my eyes, I can scarcely allow myself to credit 
?t ! Would to God, it were not true — but alas ! it is a most af- 
flicting reality. 



CHAPTER XTX. , 

]^ncoii,rageme:nt and patronage of immigrants^ by England and 
France. Advantages of the united states. Great numbers of 
immigrants. Their sufferings. Return of many of them. 
Interesting table. 

, 3oME political economists have asserted that the strength of 
a nation consists in the number of its inhabitants. This, with- 
out qualification, is manifestly erroneous. A numerous popu- 
lation, in a state of wretchedness, is rather a symptom of debilit\^ 
than of strength. Such a population is ripe for treason and spoil. 
But a dense population, usefully and profitably employed, and 
in a state of comfort and prosperity, constitutes the pride and 
glory of a statesman, and is the basis of the power and security 
of nations. Hence there is scarcely any object which the most 
profound statesmen and monarchs of Europe, have for ages mof^ 
uniformly pursued than the encouragement of immigrants pos(Cf 
sqss^d of^iy.sefyiltalpn;ts. i; rjiit i^'^" ' 



THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 377 

Under all the governments of Europe, therefore, even the 
most despotic, inducements have l.een frequentlv held out to in- 
vite a tide of population of this description. And the wealth, 
power, and prospt-rity cf some of the first rate nations, date their 
commencement from migrations thus promoted and encouraged. 
The decay and decrepitude of the naiions from which the immi- 
grants have removed, have been coe\ al and proceeded pari passu 
with the prosperity of those to which thev have migrated. 

The woollen manufacture, the mam source of the wealth and 
prosperity of England, dates its great extension and the com- 
mencement of its prosperity from the wise policy of Edward III. 
who invited over Flemish workmen, and accorded them most 
important privileges. 

The horrible persecutions of D'Alva in the Netherlands, and 
the repeal of the edict of Nantz, in France, at a more recent pe- 
riod, drove thousands of artists of every kind, possessed ot great 
wealth, and inestimable talents, to England, whence she derived 
incalculable advantages. 

Spain, whose policy we despise, repeatedly encouraged set- 
tlements of immigrants to establish useful manufactures, which 
had a temporary success. But the radical unsoundness of her 
system, and her spirit of persecution, blasted all these promising 
attempts. 

France, under Louis XIV, pursued this system to a greater 
extent than any other nation. That king gave titles of nobility 
and pensions and immunities, to various artists and manufac- 
turers, who introduced new branches of industry into his domin- 
ions : and a great porton of the wealth which he squandered on 
the splendor of his court, and on the ambitious projects of his 
reign, arose from his protection of those immigrants, and the 
manufactures they introduced. 

If this policy were wise, and had the sanction of the statesmen 
of nations of which the population was comparatively dense, 
how much more forcibly does it apply to the united states, of 
which the population bears so small a proportion to the territory ! 

No country affords more room for immigrants — none would 
derive more benefit from them — none could hold out so many 
solid and substantial inducements — and there is none to which 
the eyes and longings of that active and energetic class of men 
who are disposed to seek foreign climes for the purpose of im- 
proving their condition, are more steadily directed. We have 
the most valuable staples — the greatest variety of soil, climate, 
and productions — an almost unlimited extent of territory — and 
the most slender population in proportion to that territory, of any 
nation in the world, except the Indians, and perhaps the wan- 
dering Tartars. And had manufactures, particularly the cotton, 
woollen and iron, instead of the paltry duty of five per cent, been 

48 



378 



THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 



early and decisively taken under the protection of the govern- 
ment, at its first organization, in 1789, after the example of other 
nations, there is no doubt we should have had a tide of immigra- 
tion beyond any the world has ever witnessed. 

From the oppression and misery prevalent in various parts 
of Europe — from the high idea entertained of the advantages of 
our government — and from a variety of other circumstances, it 
is fair to presume, that had immigrants been able at once to find 
employment at the occupations to which they were brought up, 
AVt" might have had an annual accession of 30 or 40,000 beyond 
the numbers that have settled among us. But I shall only sup- 
pose 20,000. 

To evince what might have been, from what has taken place, 
I annex the only two tables of immigration I have been able to 
find. And let it be observed that the first is necessarily very 
imperfect ; as there was no governmental regulation to enforce 
the collection of accurate statements. 

In 18ir, 22,240 immigrants arrived in ten ports : — 









18,114 


In Boston 


2,200 


In Baltimore 


- 1,817 


New York 


- 7,634 


Norfolk 


- 520 


Perth Amboy 


637 


Charleston 


- 747 


Philadelphia 


7,085 


Savannah 


- 163 


Wilmington, D. 


- 558 
18,114 


New Orleans 


- - 879 




22,240* 



In New York, from March 2, 
numbers reported at the mayor's 



English 

Irish 

French 

Welsh 

Scotch 

Germans 

Spaniards 

Hollanders 

Swiss 

Italians 

Norwegians 

Swedes 



7,539 

6,062 

922 

- 590 
1,942 

- 499 
217 

- 255 
372 
103 

- 3 
28 

18,532 



1818, to Dec. 11, 1819, the 
office, were 18,929.f 

18,532 
54 
5 
- 48 



Portuguese 
Africans 
Prussians 

Sardinians _ - 3 

Danes - - - 97 

Russians - - 13 

Austrians - - - 8 

Turk - - - - 1 

Polander - - - L 

Sandwich Islanders - 2. 

Europeans not described 52 

Passengers do. do. 113 



18,920 



*Sevbert, 29. ^ - v-.: 

f Report of the society for the preveirtion of pauperism, p. 67. 



THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 379 

The mavor of New York* has given a calculation, that these 
were but two thirds of the whole number that arrived. Admit- 
ting this estimate, the whole number in twenty-one months was 
about 28,000, or 16,000 per annum. 

Twent)^ thousand, which I have assumed, as what might have 
been annually added to our population by a sound policy on the 
subject of manufactures, will be regarded as probable on a con- 
sideration of the preceding statements — particularly the table of 
the enormous arrivals in New York, notwithstanding a variety 
of discouraging circuni stances, of which the tendency was to re- 
press or even to destrov the spirit of immigration. 

Among these, the principal one has been the calamities and 
Avretchedness endured by most of those immigrants, whose fond 
hopes and expectations wei'e wholly blasted on their arrival here. 
Thousands and tens of thousands of artists, mechanics, and manu- 
facturers, with talents bejond price, and many of them with 
handsome capitals, escaped from misery and oppi'ession in Eu- 
rope, and fled to our shores as to a land of promise, where they 
expected to find room for the exercise of their industry and ta- 
lents. But the fond delusion was soon dispelled. As soon as 
they arrived, they sought employment at their usual occupations. 
None was to be found. Those whose whole fortune was their 
industry, wandered through our streets, in search even of me- 
nial employments, to support a wretched existence. And nu- 
merous instances have occurred, of cotton weavers and clothiers, 
as well as persons of other useful branches, who have sawed and 
piled wood in our cities — and some of whom have broken stones 
on our turnpikes, for little more than a bare subsistence. Many 
hundreds have returned home, heart-broken, and lamenting their 
folly, after having exhausted all their funds in the double voy- 
age and inevitalile expenses. Their misfortunes operate as a 
beacon to their countrymen, to shun the rocks on which they 
have been shipwrecked. 

It is easy to estimate the effects that must have been produ- 
ced by the dismal tales in the letters written by those who re- 
mained, and by the verbal accounts of those who returned. I^ 
is not extravagant to suppose, that every returned emigrants 
prevented the emigration of twenty persons, disposed to seek< 
an asylum here. And the melancholy letters, transmitted by 
those who had no means of returning, must have had nearly- 
equal influence. ^r;V i 

Many of those who were unable to return, rendered despe- 
rate by distress and misery, have proved injurious to the coun^ 

• "The chief magistrate of tliis city has calculated tliat this number does no* 
" 'nciude more thaa two thirds of the real number." rt 



380 



THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 



try, which from their labour mig!it have secured the most emi- 
nent advantages. 

I hazard an estimate of the gain that might have been made 
by a sound policy, which would have encouraged manufacturing 
industry, and promoted immigration, to the extent I have as- 
sumed, viz. 20,000 additional per annum, since the commence- 
ment of our present form of government. 

I will suppose the value of the productive labour of each in- 
dividual to be only a quarter dollar per day beyond his sub- 
sistence, which, for 20,000, would have amounted to S 1,500,000 
per annum. The whole number th^t would have arrived in the 
thirty years, would have been 600,000. The annexed table ex- 
hibits a result, which petrifies with astonishment, and sheds a 
new and strong stream of light on the impolicy of our system. 





jVo. of im- 
migrants. 


Value of 
labour. 




jYo. of im- 
migrants. 


Value of 
labour. 


1789 
1790 
1791 
1792 
1793 
1794 
1795 
1796 
1797 
1798 
1799 
1800 
1801 
1802 
1803 


20,000 

40,000 

60,000 

80,000 

100,'JOO 

120,000 

140,000 

160,000 

180,000 

200,000 

220,000 

240,000 

26ij,000 

180,800 

300,000 


S 1,500,000 

3,000,000 

4,500,000 

6,000,000 

7,500,000 

9,000,000 

10,500,000 

12,000,000 

13,500,000 

15,000,000 

16,500,000 

18,000,000 

19,5uO,000 

21,000,000 

22,500,0.j0 


1804 
1805 
1806 
1807 
1808 
1809 
1810 
1811 
1812 
1813 
1814 
9815 
1816 
1817 
1818 


320,000 
340,000 
360,000 
380.000 
400,000 
420,000 
440,000 
460,000 
4.^0,000 
>00,000 
520,000 
540,000 
560,000 
580,000 
600,000 


180,000,000 
24,000,000 
25,500,000 
^7,000,000 
28,500,000 
30,000,0^0 
31,500,000 
33,000,000 
34,500,0iJG 
36,UOO,OuO 
37,500,000 
39,000,OOU 
40,500,000 
42,000,000 
43,500,000 
45,000,000 




fy 180,000,000 1 




*g 697,500,000 i 



, The natural increase of the immigrants by generation, at five 
per cent, per annum, would make the number amount to above 
1,000,000. Of the addition I take no account. I barely men- 
tion, that an immigration of 10,000 annually, would, according 
to this increase, have produced nearly the same result as the as- 
«:)imed number 20,000. 

. Let us then state the results of different numbers : — 



* This table, altlioug-h tolerably plain and simple, may require some explana- 
tibn. it is assumed, tliat 20,000 iiiimi^-ants would have arrived yearly ; of course, 
in 1789, there would have been in this country 20,000— in 1790, 40,000~in 1791, 
60 000, and so thr:.ug-hout the whole series of years. There is no accour" 
taken of the increase of the immi^ants by generation. 



THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. 381 

10,000 immigrants, with the natural increase of 
fi\ e per cent, per annum, at a quarter of a dol- 
lar per day, would produce in 30 years about 8650,000,000 

That of 5,000 with the same increase . . §325,000,000 



It is fair to suppose that the articles produced by 
them would be worth double the labour, or, in . 
the first case, . . . . SI, 300,000,000 

In the second .... g65O,O0f),O0O 

These immense advantages we blindly threw away, while 
we were scufflmg through the world at every point of the 
compass, and " in every bay, cove, creek, and inlet /" to which 
we had access, for a precarious commerce, which ruined the 
great mass of the merchants who pursued it — exposed our hardy 
seamen to stripes and bondage — involved us in unnecessary 
collisions with the belligerent powers, and finally in war, — and 
entailed on us a host of foreign ministers — a wasting navy that 
will cost above 3,500,000 dollars this year — and a debt of near- 
ly 8' -.000,000 ot dollars ! 

Other views of the subject present themselves. 

Although a large proportion of the immigrants who arrive in 
this and other countries, are dependent on their labour for sup- 
port, yet many capitalists immigrate ; and there would be double, 
treble, perhaps quadruple, the number of this class, could they 
employ their capitals advantageously. I will assume an average 
of one hundred and fiftv dollars for each immigrant, in money 
and property. This would amount to 3,(jU0,000 dollars per 
annum, or in the whole 30 years to 90,000,000 of dollars. 

The consumption of the productions of agriculture by those 
immigrants, according to the calculation in page 332, at the rate 
of a quarter dollar per day, would be at present per annum 
54,000,000 of dollars, and their clothing and furniture at 40 dol- 
lars per annum, 2 i, 000,000. 

Calculations have been made of the value to a state of an ac- 
tive efficient individual. In England it was formerly, I believe, 
supposed to be about 100/. sterling. I will suppose each immi- 
grant to be wortli three hundred dollars — this would make the 
amount of the 600,000 immigrants assumed, §180,000,000. 

These calculations are ail necessarily crude — and admit of 
considerable drawbacks. But whatever may be the drawbacks, 
sufficient will remain to prove to the world, that there proba- 
bly never was a nation which had so uiany advantages within its 
grasp — and never a nation that so wantonly threw its advanta- 
ges away. 



382 THE NEW OLIVE BRANCH. ^ 

Summary. 
Suppose 10,000 immigrants annually, with the na- 
tural increase of five per cent. 
A mount of labour in thirty years . S650,000,00O 

Value of their productions . . Si, 300,000,000 

Amountof property imported . • g90,000,0U0 

Present annual consumption for food, clothes, and 

furniture, .... S78,000,00O 

As this chapter drew to a close, I met with a report made 
to the house of representatives of the united states, on the sub- 
ject of immigrants, which deserves some notice. 

An application has been recently made to congress by a body 
of Swiss, for a quantity of land, on more advantageous terms 
than those on which it is sold by law. The committee, after 
stating the necessity of lessening the existing indulgences in the 
sale of the public lands, adds — 

" If the public interests should ever justify a relaxation from 
" them, it would be in favour of American citizens :" 

And recommends to the house the following resolution — 

" Resolved^ that the prayer of the petitioners ought not to be 
" granted." 

So far there are reason and propriety in the report. The 
terms on which lands are sold by the united states are sufficient- 
ly favourable for foreigners as well as natives. But when the 
committee notices the depressed situation of American manu- 
factures, and assigns it as a reason against encouraging the im-. 
migration of such a useful body of men, possessed of invaluable 
talents, it is a full proof that the members did not study the 
subject profoundly. 

" In answer to that part of the petition which declares that one 
" of the principal objects is ' the domestic manufacture of cot- 
" ton, wool, flax, and silk ;' the committee will only say, that it 
" may be well considered, how Jar it would comport with sound 
'■^policy to give a premium for the introduction of manufacturers ^ 
•" at a moment when, hy the almost unanimous declaration of our 
" mamfacturers, it is said they cannot live zvithout further pro- 
*' tectionP 

A more obvious idea would have been, to suggest such en- 
couragement of manufactures, as would have relieved our citi- 
zens actually engaged in those branches, and held out due in- 
ducements for accessions to our population of the sterling cha- 
racter 6'fth'eapplrcaiits in question.' 

FINIS. ■ 



ADDRESS TO CONGRESS 



BEING 



^ wumw 



OF 



THE RUINOUS CONSEQUENCES 



OF A 



DEPENDENCE ON FOREIGN MARKETS 



FOR THE SALE OF THE 



GREAT STAPLES OF THIS NATION, 

FLOUR, COTTON, AND TOBACCO. 



Head before, and ordered to be printed by, the Board of Manufactures of tiie 

Pennsylvania Society for the promotion of American 

Manufactures. 



SECOND EDITION. 



FIBST PtTBLISHED, MAT 10, 1820- 



" Our fast-sailing ships which traverse the ocean ; our steam-boats which as- 
" cend our magnificent and rapid rivers ; our improved roads and canals of inte- 
" rior commimication — all of which were devised for our peculiar benefit — are 
" at pi^esent employed prindpaUy to aid our rivals, and to transport commodities 
" into the central regions of this great continent, which check every effort ofprO' 
",fitable indiisti'y, and blast every gei-m of patriotic CTJ<er/»me.">— Governor Wolcott. 

" Qincquid delirant reges, plectuntur .4cAm. "—Horat. 



ADVERTISEMENT. 



The object of this pamphlet is plain and simple. It is, to 
prove the ruinous consequences which have attended the depen- 
dence on foreign markets for the sale of our staples ; the very 
precarious tenure bv which those markets are held ; and the su- 
periority, to the agriculturist, of a certain domestic, to a preca- 
rious foreign market. 

In this address, as in all he has written hitherto on collateral 
subjects, the writer has depended more on strong and decisive 
facts, than on abstruse reasonings. The former are almost uni- 
versally safe guides — the latter mere ignes fatui^ which too ge- 
nerally lead astray. 

The facts respecting the loss of the indigo market, are pecu- 
liarly interesting to the cotton and tobacco planters. There is 
a perfect analogy between the dangers that threaten the trade in 
their two important staples, and those which formerly threat- 
ened and finally supplanted the indigo trade of South Carolina. 

Of a rise in the price of either cotton, tobacco, or flour, there 
is no prospect. 

The importation of cotton into Great Britain in 1819 was one- 
sixth less than in 1818 ; and yet, notwithstanding this impor- 
tant circumstance, and all the predictions hazarded, and the 
hopes entertained, of an advance of price, it was by the latest 
accounts declining. 

The prospects for tobacco are still more discouraging. The 
continental markets are greatly circumscribed by the extension 
of the culture in that quarter. 

The fact of flour being advantageously shipped from France to 
the West Indies ; and the amount of the export of wheat from 
Odessa, exclude all hopes of advantageous foreign markets for 
our bread stuffs. 

The necessity, therefore, of increasing the domestic market 
for our cotton and flour, and of limiting the culture of tobacco, 
appears as plain as the noon-day sun. This can be done effect- 
ually, only by the encouragement of our own manufactures, 
whereby some of the thousands of our citizens whom the de- 
pression of manufactures has compelled to become agricul- 
turists, may be induced to return to their former pursuits. 
The conviction of this truth is rapidly spreading — and cannot 
fail finally to become general. It is not, however, within hu- 
man foresight, to divine how long and how severe a course of 



ADVERTISEMENT. 385 

suffering we must go through, before our councils are influenced 
by the salutary conviction. 

Those merchants, farmers, and planters, who ha^'e opposed 
the protection of manufactures, ought to study the fable of the 
bellv and the members. It is fraught with instruction. Their 
jealousy of, and refusal of protection to, the manufacturers, form 
a complete exemplification of that fable, and have led to nine- 
tenths of the distress and impoverishment of the nation, which 
have fallen heavily on themselves. For let theorists sav what 
thev will, miserj?^ and wretchedness must as certainlv attend na- 
tions, which expend more than their income, as individuals : 
ind had manufactures been properlv protected, our imports 
would have necessarily been limited within narrower bounds', 
and kept on a level with our exports, so as to prevent that ruin- 
ous drain of specie which has paralized everj'^ species of industry. 

The destruction of so many manufactories throughout the 
imion has deprived the neighbouring farmers of a market for 
their wool, their garden stuffs, their grain, and a varietv of other 
articles. To this likewise is due the destruction of the merino 
sheep. The loss of the fleeces of those valuable animals is in- 
comparably more than the farmers gain by buying foreign goods 
cheap, whereby they consign their brethren to bankruptcy, the 
nation to impoverishment, and our working people to idleness 
and want. 

The merchant suffers still more severely. If he looks abroad 
for a profitable market for our staples, disappointment awaits 
him. For return cargoes, he experiences equal straits. A large 
portion of his customers are bankrupt, and others on the verge 
of bankruptcy. Can commerce fail to be ruinous under those 
circumstances ? Was the trade of an embarrassed nation ever 
advantageous to those who pursued it ? Is it wonderful, there- 
fore, that bankruptcy has spread among the merchants in as great 
a degree as among the manufacturers ? It is impossible that so 
important an interest as that of the manufacturing class, can ex- 
perience the destruction which has for years befnlTen it, Mithout 
the two other classes partaking largely of the misfortune. Our 
» history and that of Spain and Portugal are pregnant proofs of 
this theor)'. • , ' ' * . 

As well might we expect tfci a'mplit^te'thfe ife'gS 6i^''drms of'a 
human being, without affecting the head or the heart, as that sb 
large a portion of the manufactufer^ could be consigned to barik- 
riijitcy — their capitals to ruin— ^and the productive industry of 
p^obabh- 60 to 80,000 pebple be destroyed, without producing 
deleterious consequences on th«; whole nation. It will be a sub- 
ject of astonishment to our posterity how our statesmen coulH 
shut their eyes to such an important and obvious truth. They 
ha\'te dt^reefarded the lessons' afforded Hr^'theTilfitorv of mankind 

49 



386 ADVERTISEMENT. 

in every age in which a fatal policy has led governments to ne- 
glect the protection of national industry. 

The views of the author have been unjustly regarded as hos- 
tile to farmers and merchants. Never was there a more un- 
founded idea. He is a warm friend to both. He has beeii 
pleading in their behalf full as much as in that of the manufac- 
turers. There is an identity of interests between them : and 
until this great truth is fully understood and duly apprecia- 
ted, this country can never extricate itself from a situation, 
which has been thus justly characterised by the secretary of the 
treasury : " Few examples have occurred^ of a distress so gene- 
ral^ and so severe^ as that which has been exhibited in the united 
states.''"' 

In truth, however extraordinary it may appear, the policy he 
has advocated would be advantageous to the merchants of Great 
Britain, who, by their cupidity and the inundation of their mer- 
chandize, have destroyed their best market, and bankrupted their 
most valuable customers. Had we gold and silver mines, like 
Spain and Portugal, to enable us to pay for the extravagant 
amount of our imports, foreign nations would benefit by the 
suppression of our industry. But as we depend wholly on the 
proceeds of that industry, to discharge our engagements, it is 
their interest t6 cherish it, and to promote our prosperity. To 
the mere wily foreign politician, who dreads us as a rising ri- 
val, and desires to stunt our growth and enfeeble us, the case is 
far different. To him no sacrifice can be too great for the ac- 
complishment of this grand object. The important question for 
us to decide, is, how far we ought to lend ourselves to, and fa- 
cilitate the accomplishment of, such a sinister and mischievous 
policy. 

Among the considerations which have influenced the writer 
to pursue these subjects to the extent he has done, one remains 
to be stated, which is of immense importance. 

This is a government of opinion. It is not,at cannot be, sup- 
ported by physical force against that public opinion. It there- 
fore behoves our rulers to cherish the good will of the citizens, 
which is the bulwark of our peace and happiness. — But it is fa- 
tally true, that a conviction is generally spreading, — that the 
sufferings of our manufacturers — who constitute one-fifth of the 
white population of the country — how great and oppressive so- 
ever they may be, excite no sympathy in, and look in vain for 
alleviation from, the congress of the united states — and that the 
manufacturing subjects of some of the most high-handed des- 
potisms of Europe are treated with infinitely more attention and 
fostering care by their monarchs, than that useful body of citizens 
experience from the men whom they aid to clothe with power 
The fact is of public notoriety, that for five successive years they 



ADVERTISEMENI". 387 

have besought their fellow-citizens in vain for relief from most 
intolerable evils ; that few or none of their ynemorials have ever 
been read; and that mamj of them have not even been reported on. 
And, from the ruinous policy we pursue, whereby bankruptcy and 
distress are spreading through the union, and so many of the 
working part of our citizens are devoted to idleness ; the attach- 
ment to the government is naturally impaired. These are weighty 
considerations, which cannot be disregarded with impunity. 

A parent who kept his own children in idleness and want, and 
fostered and nourished strangers, would be deserving of unquali- 
fied censure. Is not this equally true with respect to nations ? 
Have we not thousands of citizens unemployed and in distress, 
while we lavish our wealth to support and foster tbe industry of 
foreigners ? 

One consideration pleads loudly for a radical change. Our 
present system has hurled us precipitously from a towering- 
state of prosperity into an abyss of embarrassment, distress, 
bankruptcy, idleness, failure of revenue, and destruction of 
credit. May we not solemnly ask our rulers, can any change 
be for the worse ? 

POSTSCRIPT. 

This pamphlet was written in the hope of its arriving in season 
at Washington, previous to the fatal vote which rejected the 
new tariff, and of its evincing to the farmers and planters in 
that body, the utter impolicy of the system they have pursued, 
merely as respects their own interests, abstracted from all re- 
gard for the sufferings of their fellow citizens, or for the general 
welfare, topics already copiously discussed. It unfortunately is 
too late for that purpose — but is nevertheless offered to the pub- 
lic, in order to bring this important subject under discussion 
during the recess. 

The result of this vote is to the last degree appalling to the 
manufacturers. At least thirty thousand of them, in every part 
of the middle and eastern states, writhing in distress, many of 
( them in positive misery, have respectfully memorialized con- 
gress for relief from their intolerable evils. But all their me- 
morials have been in vain. During a tedious session of live 
months not one of their grievances has been redressed — not one 
of their sufferings relieved ! 

This affords an awful view of our situation — of our future 
prospects. The mind revolts at the considei'ation. 

I believe it may be asserted with safety, that, under circum- 
stances in the least degree similar, such a total disregard of the 
voice of the people — such a total want of sympathy for their 
sufferings, has never been exhibited. 

Philadelphia^ Maij 10^1^20. 



ADDBESS TO CONGRESS. 



lELLOW CITIZENS, 

You have now to decide on a modification of the tariff, in- 
tended to afford protection to that portion of the national indus- 
try, devoted to manufactures — as important a question, proba- 
bh, as any ever submitted to congress, since the organization 
of the government. Indeed, to those of our citizens engaged in 
that useful department, the subject is as important as the decla- 
ration of independence itself. Should it be decided in the nega- 
tive, bankruptcy and ruin will be the fate of vast numbers of • 
them, which will render the benefits of independence to them 
very problematical, I am as ardent a friend of liberty as any man. 
But liberty is only valuable as it affords security to person and 
property. And to those who have been, or may be, ruined for 
want of protection, it is idle to declaim on the advantages of > 
liberty, when property, which gives value to life and liberty, is 
destroyed — and when distress and dependence are to be their 
portion. Few will hesitate to subscribe to the strong sentiment 
of Postlethwaite, " that men will sooner live prosperously under 
the -worst government^ than he ruined under the hestP 

So much has been written on the distresses and bankruptcy of ,♦.: 
the manufacturers — the ruin of their establishments — the pover- 
ty of those who are deprived of employment, and whose only 
property is in the labour of their hands — that the topic is al- 
most exhausted, and I shall not therefore touch it. Nothing I 
could state would enhance the affecting portraits, which have 
been offered to public inspection. 

Another fertile topic is the effect the proposed measure would 
produce on the natipnal prosperity. This has been copiously *^ 
discussed, as well by those opposed to, as those who advocate, a ' 
change of system. I shall therefore waive it, and for the present Sl 
merely request your attention to considerations of a totally dif- 
ferent character, bearing upon your own personal interests ; to 
facts and arguments, which I have subjected to strict scrutiny., 
and which, I trust, will stand the test of the most rigorous in- 
vestigation. 

Abstracted from the influence of national considerations, 
your grand object, as members of this community, is to secure 
good markets and fair prices for your staples. This is not only 
natural and allowable, but laudable. It is as perfectly right, 
and as obviously a duty, for planters and farmers to guard their 



^ ADBR£SS TO CONGRESS. 389 

interests, as for merchants and manufacturers to pursue the 
same system. 

I shall treat separately of our three great staples, cotton, flour, 
and tobacco. And first of 

COTTON. 

In the opposition the cotton planters have hitherto made to 
affording full and complete protection to the cotton manufactu- 
rers, I presume they supposed they were promoting not only 
their own interests, but those of the country at large. They 
were, probably, apprehensive that it would be highly injurious 
to throw any difficulty in the way of the commerce in a staple 
which, for four successive years, formed nearly two fifths of the 
domestic exports of the nation. 





Total exports. 




Cotton. 


Value. 


1815 


845,974,000 


lbs. 


82,998,747* 


Sl7,529,000t 


1816 


64,782,000 




81,947,086 


24,106,000 


1817 


68,313,500 




85,649,328 


22,627,614 


1818 


73,854,437 




92,471,178 


31,434,258 



8252,923,937 §95,696,872 



It is not necessary to criticise this policy severely. The 
greatest statesmen that ever lived, have erred. And it is not 
' therefore wonderful that our career should be occasionally 
marked with error. 

But I may be permitted to observe, that had the subject re- 
ceived that deep and profound consideration which its impor- 
tance required, it would have been seen, that the extreme de- 
pression of the domestic market, and limiting the nation chiefly 
to a few foreign ones, could scarcely fail to be pernicious, 
under any circumstances. 

I presume it is scarcely necessary for me to prove, as it is no- 
torious, that the prices of our cotton have been subject to fre- 
ll quent and ruinous fluctuations — and that those fluctuations have 
i arisen from our dependence for the sale of the chief part of our 
jcrops, on foreign markets, wherein we meet with formidable 
"competitors. 

Great Britain has been for years, and is, the principal market 
for the cotton of the united states. She receives about three- 
fourths of this staple exported from this country. The pri- 
ces here have been uniformly regulated by those in Liver- 
pool, since we commenced the culture of cotton. And the for- 

* Seybert, 152. t I<iein, 147. 



390 



ADDRESS TO CONGRESS. 



tunes of our planters and merchants have at all times hung in 
suspense on the news from that port. Hundreds of the latter, 
who in the morning regarded themselves, and were regarded by 
others, as men of affluence, have gone to bed in crippled cir- 
cumstances, or ruined, by the news of a great and u.nexpected 
reduction of the price of cotton in Liverpool. 

There are now before me two tables of the variations of the 
prices of cotton in that port, one from 1801 to 1811, and the 
other for 1813, 1814, 1815, from which I annex abstracts, which 
afford matter for deep and serious reflection to every person in- 
terested in the sale or purchase of this grand staple. 

Monthly average prices of upland cotton in Liverpool from 1801 

to ISll. 





Pence. 


Pence. 


Pence- 


1801. July 


26 


1805. July 20 


1808. Sept. 34 


Sept. 


23 


Dec. 23 


Oct. 37 


Dec. 


21 


1806. Jan. 20 


Dec. 35 


1802. Jan. 


22 


March 17 i 


1809, Jan. 32 


Feb. 


21 


June 19 


March 29 


March 20 


Sept. 23 


April 21 


April 


19 


Nov. 20 


May 18 


May 


18 


Dec. 19 


July 16 


June 


16 


180r.Jan. 18§ 


Aug. 20 


July 


17 


March 20 


Dec. 22 


Sept. 


18 


Oct. 17 h 


1810. Feb. 21 


1803. Feb. 


16i 


1808. Jan. 17 


April 18 


April 


15i 


Feb. 18 


Nov. 16 


June 


16i 


March 19 


1811. Feb. 15 


Oct. 


16 


April 21 


June \H 


1804. Oct. 


19 


June 24 


Sept. 12$ 


Dec. 


21 


July 30 





Monthly average prices of upland cotton tJi Liverpool, for three 

years. 





1813. 


1814. 


1815. 




Pence. 


Pence. 


Pence 


January 


211 


354 


20i 


February 


251 


324 


- 204 


March 


234 


- 31| 


2()| 


April 


214 


29 


224 


May 


23 


25 


191 


June 


20i 


24i 


- - - I7i 


July 


211 


26i 


184 


August 


214 


31 


224 





1813. 


1814. 




Pence. 


Pence 


September 


22* 


31* 


October 


23 


- 30* 


November 


23§ 


28* 


December 


24* 


225 



ADDRESS TO CONGRESS. 391 

1815. 

Pence. 
234 
21 
181 
- 161 

These tables alone would afford a solution of the problem of 
the failure of so large a portion of our exporting merchants, for 
past years. 

Great must have been the ruin produced by some of those 
heavy reductions, of four, five, and six pence per pound in a sin- 
gle month, sometimes in a few days. 

The most ruinous consequences attended the reductions of 
price last year ; which arose from the extraordinary increase of 
the importation into Great Britain of Brazil and East India cot- 
ton in 1818: — 

Of the former, the importation in 1817 was bales^ 114,816 

1818 - - 180,07r 



Or almost sixty per cent, increase _ _ - 65,261 

Of the East India the importations were — 

In 1816 bales 30,670 

1817 - - - 117,454 

1818 247,604 



395,728 



Thus our cotton planters are at the mercy of the seasons and 
industry of Brazil and Hindostan. If the seasons be very fa- 
vourable, and the people very industrious in those countries, an 
. American planter's income may sink down to one or two thou- 
sand dollars. But in the contrary case, it niay rise to five ! 
Il, What a subject for serious reflection ! 

East India cotton had been little used in Great Britain before 
the year 1817. The extreme carelessness in the preparation and 
cleansing of it, had in a great measure excluded it. But in 1816, 
on the opening of the trade to the East Indies, the British mer- 
chants, induced by the very high price of American and Brazil 
cotton, turned their attention to the East Indies, where they sent 
large orders for the ensuing year. 

Intelligence of this operation, so very important to the vital 
interests of this countrv, was received about the close of the 



392 ADDRESS TO CONGRESS. 

year 1816 ; and, in the following February, published in detail, 
with suitable comments* calculated to excite alarm, and produce 
such precautionary measures as might avert the impending con- 
sequences. But the admonitions were wholly disregarded. Not 
a single measure was predicated on them. 

The importation in 1817" of East India cotton into Great Bri- 
tain was, as already stated, fourfold that of the preceding year. 
We still reposed in full security, all sails set, gliding before the 
wind. Not a speck of the approaching storm could be disco- 
vered by our statesmen. 

In 1818, a new scene opened. The great abundance and the 
low price of the East India cotton induced the British manufac- 
turers to erect new and alter the old machinery, for the purpose 
of working up the short staple. Of this important circumstance 
intelligence was received in all our seaports from the British 
merchants, who deserve great credit for their candour on the 
subject. Their letters warned our merchants and planters of 
the impending danger. 

Unfortunately all these symptoms and admonitions were wholh 
disregarded, like those which had preceded them. Yet there was 
ample time to have guarded against the fatal result, by reviving 
the expiring domestic market. An act of twenty lines, subject- 
ing all cottons, helo-w Jifty cents per yard, to duty as at fifty, on 
the principle that prevails with respect to those below twenty- 
Jive cents — and an increase of the duty on higher-priced goods to 
thirty-three or thirty-seven and a half per cent, would have ap- 
plied a remedy to the existing, and a preventive to the threatened 
evils. It would have secured a domestic consumption for such 
a proportion of the crop, as would have reduced the quantity of 
our cotton in the British market, and prevented the reduction 
that took place, with all its ruinous consequences. This mea- 
sure, the obvious dictate of policy and prudence, was neglected. 
and dearly have the planters and the nation paid the forfeit. 

The British markets were in the summer and fall of 1818 
crowded with Brazil and East India cotton. As the importation 
of ours had not increased, the market was not much overstocked 
with it.' — It is a melancholy fact, nevertheless, that it felt * 
the consequences of the glut and consequent depression of the 
other species. ^ 

On the 28th of Nov. 1818, New Orleans cotton in Liverpool * 
was at an average of twenty pence half penny. From that period 
it began to decline — and continued falling gradually till the 12th 
of May, when it sunk to twelve pence three farthings. For 

* Memoir on the culture and manufacture of cotton, by Tench Coxe,Esq. passim. 



ADDRESS TO CONGRESS. 



393 



some time it remained stationary, when it begah to rise slowly, 
and on September 30th w2l^ ffteen pence halfpenny. 

It is worthy of observation, that the depression here is gen- 
erally much greater than in the Liverpool market. The above 
reduction from November 1818, to May 1819, was only forty 
per cent. Whereas, the reduction in the Philadelphia market, in 
the corresponding period from January to June 1819, was from 
thirty-three cents to sixteen and a half, ox fifty per cent. 

During the course of last fall and winter, the cotton planters 
were assured with great confidence, that the East India cotton 
was found so worthless as to be unfit for use ; that the machine- 
ry employed to manufacture it was altering for the purpose of 
being employed on the long staple ; and that therefore the prices 
of united states cotton would rise perhaps to the former grade. 
" What we wish to be true, we are fond to believe." Implicit 
credit was given to the information. But it was " hoping 
against hope ; for the predictions have been wholly belied by the 
fact, as may be seen by the following table. 

Prices of Cotton in Liverpool, extracted from the prices current of respectable mer- 
chants there. 





1818 
Nov. 28.* 


1819. 
May 12.1 


1819. 

ept. 25.+ 


1820. 
Jan. 20.§ 


1820. 
March 1 .l| 


New Orleans 
Bowed Georgia 
Surat 
Bengal 


d. 

18 to 23 

17 to 20 

10 to 16 

7 to 12 


d. 
11 to 14i 
11 to 13 

7 to 10^ 
5^ to 8 


d. 

13§ to 17 

12| to 14^ 
8 to 13 
7J to 9i 


d. 
13 to 16^ 

12 to 13 
7-h to lOh 
nio 8J 


d. 

in to 15^ 

11 to 12A 
7 to 10 
6Ato 8A 



Average. 





1818. 


1819. 


1819. 


182(;. 


1820. 




Nov. 28. 


May 12. 


Sept.25. 


Jan. 20. 


Mar. 1. 


New Orleans 


20^ 


12| 


15i 


14| 


13i 


Bowed Georgia ov'i 


18J 


12 


^H 


12^ 


^H 


Upland - 5 










Surat 


13 


8^ 




9 


8i 


Bengal 


n 


^ 


8 


73 



••' There have been several fluctuations during this month in 
"the state of the demand for cotton; but although it has been 
" generally good, and was at one period very brisk, yet a decline 
" has taken place in the prices of almost every descHption : in sea 
" island, chiefly of the middle qualities, of Id. to 3d. — New Or- 
" leans, also in the middle qualities, and which does not there- 
*' fore sd much affect the extreme quotations, ^ to Id.; upland 

* Bagot & Parr's Price Current. f Rathbone, Hodgson & Co. 

± "William & James Brown & Co. § MoiTaU and Watson. 

d Rathbone, Hodgson & Co. 

50 



394 ADDRESS TO CONGRESS. 

" hd.; Brazil # to Id.; and in East India ^ to hd. per lb." Rath^ 
bone and Hodgson^ s Price current^ Liverpool., March 1 , 1 820. 

It is hence perfectly obvious, that there is no rational prospect 
of any favourable change in the price of this important article. 
On the contrary, it has heen falling from the cotJimencement of 
the year : and on the first of March, it appears that New Orleans 
and irplands were eight or ten per cent, lower than on the 20th 
of January ; and this, let it be observed, after the predictions so 
explicitly and confidently hazarded, of a great rise of price ! 

Notwithstanding the unfavourable character given of the East 
India cotton, the reduction on it has been rather less than on 
that of the united states. Since January, Surat cotton, as ap- 
pears above, has fallen only eight, and Bengal only six per cent. 

What renders the recent reduction of our cotton more extra- 
ordinary, is thp.t the total importations of 1819 have been very 
considerably below those of 1818. 

Importations of 1818 - - « - bales, 665,300* 
1819 547,247 



J)ecrease ., ^ - ,. ^ - - 118,053 



It cannot fail to be useful to examine into the extent of the 
British market for our cotton, the preservation of which excites 
so deep a solicitude. I therefore annex— ^ 

A table of the importation of united states cotton into Great 
Britain for Jive years. 

In 1815 ....... bales, 103,03r|j 

1816 -,.-,- 166,077|] 

1817 « - - - - - - 198,9171 

1818 205,8811 

1819 - " - - ^ * - 206,000J: 



879,912 



Average - . - . , "- . 175,982 



According to the celebrated report of the committee of com- 
m,erce and manufactures of the house of representatives, in 1816, 
the consumption of cotton in the united states in 1815, was 
90,000 bales — or above half the average exportation to Great 

* Barber & Co's. price current, Liverpool, January 17, 1820, 
II Seybert, 92. f Journal of Trade and Commerce, vol, 11. p. 113. t Barber 
& Co's. price current, January 17, 1820. 



ADiikESS TO CONGRESS. 395 

Britian ! What an important fact ! This invaluable market, which, 
by excluding foreign raw cotton, might have been rendered se- 
cure from any sensible fluctuation, and which would have been 
annually increasing, has been nearly destroyed for the sake of 
securing a foreign market of not double the extent^ subject to ab' 
ritpt, daily ^ and most pernicious depressions ! — depressions which 
have involved in ruin, or at least severely crippled, orie-half the 
merchants engaged in the commerce of tbis staple ! 

And it is worthy of the most serious consideration, that al- 
though the consumption of cotton in the united states in 1810", 
was onlv 10,000 hags, it rose, as before stated, in 1815, to 
90,0(>0 ; of course it had increased nine-fold in five years, merely 
by the restrictions on British goods previous to, and their ex- 
clusion during, the war. It is therefore easy to conceive what 
progress it would have made since the war, had adequate pro- 
tection been afforded, and what effect that progress would have 
had on the prices in foreign markets. Probably half or two- 
thirds of the quantity exported in 1818 would have been consum- 
ed at home. 

The eflfects of a glutted market in the reduction, and of a 
scarce one in the rise, of prices, are well known. And there- 
fore it is perfectly clear, that so much of our cotton as is con- 
sumed at home, operates at all times to prevent a reduction, and 
frequently to produce a rise, in the foreign markets. This 
places in a strong light the utter impolicy of the course we have 
pursued. 

A single fact will exemplify this position more completely 
than a long train of arguments. The total importation into 
Great Britain in 1819, was, as we have seen, 547,000 bales — ■ 
and the consumption 420,00Q. Yet the arrival of so small a 
quantity as 8000 bales, in the month of January last, produced 
a reduction of price, of almost ten pet cent, on the quantity then 
in the market ; — 

" Since the arrival of eight thousand bags of the new crop of 
*' upland cotton, the prices have fallen from thirteen pence and 
" three quarters to twelve and a half; and heavy at the latter 
*' rate. Sea Islands two pence to txvo pence half penny loxver — 
*' and the general opinion is in favour of a further reduction. The 
*' prices are thirty per cent, lower in united states cotton, as 
*' well as in many other articles of American produce, than this 
" time last year,"^ 

Now if eight thousand bales recfuced the price nearly ten per 
cent, at once, it is easy to conceive the effect of the increased 
quantity in the market, arising from the destruction of so great 
a portion of our manufactories as fell sacrifices in 1817 and 1818. 
It can scarcely be doubted that this cause alone would be suf" 

* Barber & Co's. Price Current, Liverpool, Jan 17, 1820. 



396 ADDPvESS TO CONGRESS. 

ficient to account for the ruinous reduction that took place be- 
tween November 1818 and May 1819. 

Our policy is very different from that of the Dutch, respecting 
their spices in former times. When their crops were so abundant 
as to exceed the usual or probable demand, they destroyed the 
surplus quantity, in order to prevent the article from becoming 
a drug. We, on the contrary, by fatally allowing the chief part 
of the domestic market to be destroyed, so far increased the 
quantity in the British market, that the price was, as we have seen, 
reduced forty per cent. 

A due consideration of the foregoing facts and reasoning will 
render it probable that the cotton planters would have benefited 
even by the destruction, on the Dutch plan, of thirty or forty 
thousand bales of cotton in the summer of 1818 ; as they might 
have received more for the remainder than they did for the whole 
crop ; and of course that the loss of the domestic market, which 
would have consumed far more than that quantity, has been sig- 
nally injurious to the planters, and probably almost as much as 
to the manufacturers. 

I have not touched on the formidable rivalry in the cotton 
market, which may be confidently looked for fronv the new states 
in South America. In those countries, I am informed, the cot- 
ton is produced by a perennial tree, which requires little or no 
care in the culture. When rivals from this quarter are added 
to those we have to encounter at present, deep will be the dis- 
tress and suffering of the cotton planters, through the want of a 
domestic market, when the capital, to the amount of perhaps 
30 or 40,000,000 of dollars invested in the cotton manufacture, 
is wasted away. Happy will it be for them, if even at this late 
period, they take proper measures to guard against the evil. 

WHEAT AND FLOUR. 

The reduction in the price of wheat and flour, the staples on 
which Pennsylvania, and a large portion of the other middle 
states rely, is generally supposed to have arisen wholly from the 
transition of Europe from a state of general war to universal 
peace. This is an egregious error ; which a consideration of the 
following facts will evince. 

War in Europe ceased in 1814. It was partially and for a 
short time resumed in 1815. The price of flour, nevertheless, 
underwent little reduction till 1819 and 1820, when it sunk gra- 
dually to a rate, which affords the cultivator, whose farm is re- 
mote from a seaport, but a sorry remuneration for his toils. — 
Thus for three or four years the price was not affected by the 
peace : and surely it cannot be supposed that it required that 
space of time to convert swords into ploughshares. 



ARDRESS, TO CONGRESS. 



397 



I shall endeavour to trace the depression to a very difFeient 
and remote source — to a rival likely to become every day more 
and more formidable : but I shall first submit to inspection a 

Table of the prices of fiour in Philadelphia^ Baltimore^ Nexv Tork, 
and Boston^ from the prices current of those places respectively. 





Pliilad. 


rialtimore. 


New York 1 


Boston. 




S 


S 


% 


s 


s s 


1817. Oct. 6, 


9.50 


9.50 


10 to 


10.12 


10. 


1818. Jan. 1. 


9.50 


9.25 


y.37 to 


9.50 


10. ' to 10.25 


Ap.4. 


10. 


9.25 


9.50 to 


9.62 


iO.25 to 10.75 


July 2. 


10. 


10.75 


8.37 to 


8.62 


10.25 to 10.50 


Oct. 4. 


9.75 


9.25 


8.62 to 


9.25 


10.25 to 10.50 


1819. Mays. 


6.50 


6.50 


6.87 




7.25 


July 12. 


6.75 


6.50 


6.25 




7.25 


Dec. 6. 


6.12 


5.62 


6. 




6.75 


1820. Ap.24. 


4.75 


4.75 


4.50 




5.25 



Export of wheat and four from the united states for sev- 
enteen years. 







Bushels of Wheat. 




Barrels of Flour 


1803 


_ 


_ 


686,451 


- 


- 


1,311,853 


1804 


- 


. 


127,024 


- 


- 


810,008 


1805 


- 


- 


18,041 


- 


- 


775,513 


1806 


- 


- 


86,784 


- 


- 


782,724 


1807 


- 


. 


1,173,114 


- 


- 


1, 249,8 1» 


1808 


- 


- 


87,330 


- 


- 


263,013 


1809 


. 


_ 


393,899 


. 


- 


847,247 


1810 


- 


. 


1,752 


- 


> 


778,431 


1811 


. 


. 


216,833 


- 


- 


1,445,012 


1812 


- 


_ 


53,833 


- 


> 


1,443,493 


1813 


. 


. 


288,535 


- 


- 


1,260,942 


1814 


. 


_ 


- 


. 


- 


193,274 


1815 


- 


. 


17,634 


. 


. 


862,739 


1816 


. 


. 


52,321 


- 


- 


729,053 


1817 


. 


. 


96,407 


- 


- 


1,479,198 


1818 


_ 


_ 


196,808 


. 


- 


1,157,697 


1819 


Average 

# 


Seyl 


82,065 


1 
t Idem, 152. 


758,660 




3,578,831* 
210,519 


16,148,6761 


/ 


949,451 




ert, 153. 





398 At>DRESS TO CONGRESS. 

Allowing five bushels of wheat to a barrel of flour, 
949,451 barrels of the latter would be equiva- 
lent to * . . bushels of wheat 4,747,22^ 
Brought forward - - - - 210,519 

Average of fifteen years, equal to - bushels 4,957,744 

This is the average amount of the surplus of this important 
staple for seventeen consecutive years, of a great nation, with a 
population from six to ten millions of souls — enjoying natural, 
moral, and political advantages of the highest order — and for a 
large portion of the time in full possession of the benefits of a 
neutral situation, while more than half the civilized world were 
arrayed in arms for mutual destruction. 

It cannot fail to excite astonishment, that the single port of 
Odessa, which in 1803, contained but 8000 souls, and of which 
the circumjacent country was then a mere wilderness, in 1815, 
twelve years afterwards, exported 6,000,000 bushels of wheat. 
This export was twenty per cent, more than our annual average ! 

Odessa, through the policy of Alexander, the wisest monarch 
in Europe, perhaps in the world, has risen to eminence, to ex- 
tensive commerce, and to a high degree of prosperity, with more 
rapidity than any other spot on the globe. To judge by its past 
progress, it is not improbable that its present exportation of 
wheat equals that of the united states. 

The empress Catharine had formed some magnificent projects 
for the improvement of this town, which were defeated by her 
death, and the eccentric and extravagant views of her immediate 
successor. But Alexander early resolved to make sacrifices for 
the advancement of the place, proportioned to its immense im- 
portance. 

"In 1803, Odessa contained only eight thousand souls : and 
" the surrounding country, for many leagues, was an uncultivated 
" desert. No sound of rural labour broke upon the ear ; not a 
" house or tree ; not a spot of artificial verdure ; no trace of 
" agriculture arrested the eye in wandering over those extensive 
" wastes, which for centuries had not been furrowed by the plough, 
" To render this melancholy prospect more striking, dreary, and 
*' fearful, an ancient tumulus, piled for ages over the sepulchre of 
" some distinguished Scythian chieftain, or the ascending smoke 
" from the carbine of a wandering Tartar, occasionally appeared 
" in the barren distance."* 

To accomplish the emperor's grand views, no expense nor 
effort was spared. 

* Dearborn's Commerce of tbe Black Sea, i. p. 236. 



ADDRESS TO CONGRESS. 399 

" Emigrants were invited from Bulgaria^ Poland^ Hungary^ 
^^ Sclavo?iia, Gennany ^ and otherneighbouring countries. Houses 
*' were built for the accommodation oj the mechanics within the city; 
*' cattle and agricultural implements furnished to such adven- 
" turers as came to establish themselves in the environs, who 
" were divided into villages, and every facility afforded, which 
" might tend to stimulate them to exertion."* 

" Such were the liberal encouragements of the emperor, and 
" the zealous efforts of the governor, that the population of the 
"city, in 1811, amounted to twenty-five thousand souls ; and 
*' the environs, within a radius of eighty miles, were covered with 
" thirty thousand inhabitants, and contained forty flourishing 
" villages. Numerous highly cultivated gardens, and planta- 
" tions well stocked with herds of cattle, not only supplied the 
" market with provisions, fruits and vegetables ; but furnished 
*' large quantities of wheat, merino wool, butter, tallow, honey, 
*' wax, potatoes, beans, peas and other legumes for exportation. 
" Plantations of mulberry trees have been commenced for rear- 
*' ing silk worms : and thus lands, which before had no value, 
*' have not only become a source of individual wealth, but inte- 
" rested the proprietors in the prosperity of the city and whole 
" territory."! 

" Such was the rapid increase of the commerce of Odessa, 
" that in 1805, six hundred and forty-five sail of vessels arrived, 
" which exported wheat alone to the amount of 5^772^,000 rubles: 
*' and in 1815, one thousand five hundred vessels arrived, and 
" were laden with 6,000,000 bushels ofxvheat., and the various 
" products of Russia. The exports for 1816 amounted to up- 
" wards of 60,000,000 of rubles. During the year 1817, 
*i 3,000,000 bushels of wheat -were shipped to the single port of 
" Leghorn.^ the freight of -which amounted to 1,350,000 dollars ; 
" three hundred sail of vessels, averaging 10,000 bushels each, 
*' were employed in this trade : and a third of that number 
" transported one million of bushels to Naples^ Genoa., and Mar- 
" seilles. The present population of the city exceeds 40,000, 
" while that of the surrounding country has increased in an equal 
*' ratio. There are various manufacturing establishments, a 
" number of corn mills, distilleries and breweries. "^ 

Among the causes which have operated to reduce the prices 
of our wheat and flour so low, the success of Odessa holds a con- 
spicuous rank. Many of those markets, which heretofore re- 
ceived our flour at ten, twelve and fourteen dollars per barrel, 
are supplied from thence at half or two-thirds of the price. And 
even European wars, on which so large a portion of our policy 

• Dearborn's Commerce of the Black Sea, i. p. 236. 
t Idem, 237. \ Idem, 240. 



has heretofore beeii unfortunately predicated, will in future af- 
ford us far mpre limited markets than formerly. For the capa- 
city of the countries which discharge their produce through that 
grand emporium, is almost boundless, and the increase of de- 
mand to any extent whatever, will pi-oduce a commensurate sup- 
ply. It is therefore beyond doubt, that our range of markets 
will at all future times be greatly circumscribed by this formida- 
ble rival. 

Various accounts are given of the price of wheat at Odessa. 
The highest is fifty cents per bushel. I have heard forty cents 
stated. But having no means of ascertaining, I do not pretend to 
vouch for either. 

A few observations are called for on the subject of the mar- 
kets for our flour in Great Britain. Whenever a failure of 
crops in that country raises the price of wheat to eighty shil- 
lings sterling per quarter, the ports, in order to prevent the 
dangers arising from starving multitudes, are opened to foreign 
wheat and flour ; to ours of course. But if the average be one 
penn}'* per quarter less, they are closed, except that those arti- 
cles may be stored for exportation. 

In November 1817, when the average of the English wheat 
markets, for the preceding six weeks, was struck, it proved to 
be 79*. 7d. per quarter ; consequently the ports were shut to our 
bread stufl^s. Previous appearances had Warranted the idea, 
that they would continue open, and, in consequence, large ship- 
ments of flour had been made from this country. Five pence 
per quarter more would have prevented their being closed ; made 
an immense difference to our merchants ; and saved many of them 
Jrom the bankruptcy consequent on the reduction of price ! On 
such trifles depend the fortunes of the American merchants ! 
So critically nice are the calculations made by the British go- 
vernment ! so watchful is it of the resources of the nation ! what 
an example does it set in this important respect for other go- 
vernments ! In this country, which has had the experience and 
the wisdom of all nations to profit by, if the capacity of supplv 
be ten-fold the demand, as is the case with some articles, there 
never has been a single prohibition^ of any kind of provisions 
or merchandize whatever. 

During the whole of our progress as a nation, any decisive 
protection of manufactures has been held to be impolitic and in- 
jurious, as interfering with the culture of our lands, an object of 
incomparably higher importance in the opinion of our statesmen. 
The errors of this policy are now made manifest to the world. 
We have an over proportion of agriculturists, for whose produce 
profitable markets are sought in vain. Our vessels, loaded with 
flour, sail from island to island in the West Indies, and from 
port to port in Europe, and generally find it impossible to sell to 



ADDRESS TO CONGRESS. 401 

advantage even at the reduced prices at which the cargoes are 
now purchased in our markets. 

It is scarcel)' possible to conceive of a mere wayward system 
than we pursue. We employ manufacturers in Europe to clothe 

us and we raise here the raw materials to employ, and 

the necessaries of life to feed them ! 1 he world may be 
challenged for a parallel to this policy ! Those necessaries 
are frequently excluded either by restrictionsor by the abun- 
dant crops of the nations which furnish the manufactures : — 
and at present, wherever received, they are, I repeat, generally 
either sold at a loss, or at best without profit. Yet we still 
continue to receive the manufactures, while our citizens, who 
could furnish them, are idle, and our means of payment dai- 
ly diminishing by the reduction of the value of our produce : 
and while the nation is writhing and decaying under this ruinous 
policy, we fondly flatter ourselves that we are the most enlighten- 
ed people in the world. How much sounder policy would it be, in 
the words of Mr. Jefferson, "■ to place the maiufactiirer beside the 
ag-ricu/turht P'' Then the mass of our produce would be sub- 
ject to no restrictions, nor limitations, nor competition. 

In various parts of the union wheat is now sold at twenty-five, 
thirty, and thirty-seven and a half cents per bushel, and dull 
even at those prices. Flour in remote situations is at 300, 350, 
and 375 cents per barrel. It is obvious that at those prices the 
farmer has a very slender remuneration for his labour, and the 
employment of his capital. Even in Philadelphia and Baltimore, 
flour has been sold at 425 cents. Now if some fifty thousand 
of those manufacturers, whom want of protection has succes- 
sively for years past forced " to go back and cultivate the soil^* 
in Kentucky, Tennessee, &c. according to the favourite phrase, 
were employed at their former occupations, providing clothing 
and other articles for the neighbouring farmers, it would pro- 
duce a two-fold beneficial effect. It would diminish the number 
of producers, and of course the surplus of agi-icultural produc- 
tions, with most of which foreign markets are overstocked. And 
it would moreover furnish the farmers with a certain domestic 
market instead of a precarious foreign one. 

I will venture to state the eftect in a loose calculation, which, 
even if incorrect, will enable the reader, after proper drawbacks, 
to form a tolerably accurate estimate on the subject : — 

Suppose each person of the assumed 50,000 manufac- 
turers now employed in agriculture, to raise a sur- 
plus of sixty bushels of grain annually, it amounts 
to ------ - bmhels 3,000,000 

51 



402 AUDRESS TO CONGRESS. 

bushels 3,000,00( 

But if withdrawn from agriculture and employed in 
manufactures, each would consume of his neigh- 
bours' grain annually ten bushels, equal to - 500,000 

3,50' .000 



The assumption might be extended throughout the union to 
100,000 people. The effect would be to diminish the quantity 
in foreign markets to the above extent — and, of course, prevent 
th« gluts in those markets, which produce the pernicious reduc- 
tions of price, so severely felt by our farmers and merchants. 
And further, instead of exhausting the country by the purchase 
of goods manufactured in Hindostan, England and France, the 
farmers would procure supplies at their doors, for which they 
would pay in their own productions. It is unnecessary to enter 
into detail to prove, as it is easy to conceive, what an immense 
advantage this would produce, on a large scale, individually and 
nationally. 

TOBACCO 

The reduction of the price of tobacco in the European markets 
in the course of last summer, spread distress and desolation in 
the state of Virginia. A general paralysis of enterprize and in- 
dustry took place in that quarter. Many of the first families 
were precipitated from a towering state of affluence by this dis- 
astrous event It is not improbable that the losses which arose 
from it, directly and indirectly, w ere above fifty per cent, of the 
amount of the whole crop. Many men were in consequence 
ruined at that period, by indorsation and suretiship, who never 
owned a hogshead of tobacco. 

The result would furnish matter for an ample chapter on the 
subject of dependence on foreign markets. But I shall be very 
brief. 

The observations made respecting the glut of foreign markets 
as respects the cotton of the united states, apply to tobacco, and 
with rather more force ; as the practicability of extending the con- 
sumption of the former is far greater than of the latter, with 
which, of course, the market is more easily and perniciously 
overstocked. But so far as regards the domestic market, there 
is a total difference between the two articles. This market is 
fully secured to tiie manufacturers of tobacco. The importations 
have been at all times unimportant, as will appear from the fol- 
lowing — 



ADDRESS TO CONGRESS. 



403 



Table of imports oj manvjacturfd tobacco^ snulf^ and segars^for 

four years. 





Tobacco. 


Snuff. 


Segars. 


1815 
1816 
18ir 
1818 


lb. 

705 
2,924 
3,059 

103 


lb. 

1,180 

395 

10,925 

000 


M. 

7,657 
12,206 
12,500 
15,723 




6,-91 


12,500 


M. 48,086 



The duties on manufactured tobacco and snufFare prohibitory 
— and were so intended from the origin of the governmtnt ; on 
a reference to the debates of the first congress, vol. I. page 93, 
it will appear that Mr. R. Sherman, \\ho moved the duty of six 
cents per pound on tobacco, distinctly proposed it with this 
view. 

The culture of tobacco in Europe was very inconsiderable for- 
merly. Bat during the derangements of our commerce by the 
lawless outrages of the belligerents, and the restrictive system 
which grew out of them, and more particularly during our short 
war with Great Britain, the scantiness of the supply in Europe, 
with the high prices, the necessary consequence, induced differ- 
ent nations to enter extensively on the culture, so that at present 
there is probably nearly fifty per cent, more tobacco raised in 
those countries, than in the united states. 

" The notion that Europe requires eighty or eighty-four thoU' 
*''■ sand hogsheads from America.^ is without Joxmdation. The 
" mean quantity annually exported from the united states, to all 
" parts from 1800 to 1807, was 80,183 hogsheads. But during 
*' the non-intercourse and the war, Atf e;Y// nations of Europe en- 
" tered very extensively upon the cultivation of tobacco ; and 
^^ continue to do so to this day ; so that -what was formerly requir- 
'•'• ed is no criterion at all of -what is -wanted norv. It is stated 
"that Holland, the Ukraine, France, Bohemia, and Turkey 
"grow 150,0''0 hogsheads a year; but this opinion cannot be 
" founded on any accurate data, and must be considered as 
" vague."* 

The scarcity of united states tobacco in Europe, at the close 
of the war, prevented any depreciation of price, although the ex- 
port in 1815, was 85,189 hhds. which included a portion of the 
old stock. The price was maintained in the two following years, 
by a reduction of the quantity exported : — 

Being in 1816 .... hhds. 69,721 

1817 . . . 64,891 

* Hughes, Duncan & Co, Liverpool, Nov. 10, 1818. 



404 ADDRESS TO CONGRESS. 

But these higli prices encouraging an increase of cultivation, 
particularly in Kentucky, the exportation was increased almost 
30 per cent, in 1818, and amounted to 84,337 hhds. 

The exports from New Orleans were about 80 per cent more 
in 1818 than in 1817; being in the former year 24,138 hhds. and 
in the latter 1 4,451. 

Nearly all the additional quantity exported in 1818, was con- 
signed to Great Britain, the quantity being more than doubled. 

The import in 1817 was about . . hhds. 14,500 

1818 . . , . 31,200 

*' Any expectation of an advance in Virginia must be founded 
" on the prospect of an export demand ; but the large shipments 
" this year ofZOfiOO cfKentuckies., of which all that come to Eu- 
*' rope go to the continent, may be found a siijfficient substitute 
'"'•for Virginias., except for some particular and limited purpose. 
'' The Dutch and some other continental markets are very dull, 
" giving no indications of want of tobacco, though the winter 
" months are close at hand, and will soon exclude any fvirther 
^' supply. There cannot, therefore, be any reasonable grounds 
" of improvement in prices, in v/hatever direction we look." — 
Hughes., Duncan, 8f Co. Liverpool^ Nov. 10, 1818. 

" Tobacco still remains dull., and prices have declined % to hd 
."per lb. A contract has been made in London for 1500 hogs- 
" heads for the French market, since which the holders are 
*■' more firm ; but the stocks in this country are very heavy.'''* — 
John Richardson, Liverpool, December 25, 1818, 

" Tobacco. The import to this port has been 1 1 ,500 hogsheads; 
'•'•to London 17,700 — from this port the export has been 3300, 
" and the home consumption 4500 — and from London 2000 and 
*' 4500-^making a total taken out of both ports of 14,300 hogs- 
'' heads, and leaving a stock here oj" 8600., and in London 16,500, 
'•^ and in other ports about 2700, or a total of 27 p(X) hogsheads — 
" this is a great accumulation since last year, and has had the 
" effect of depressing prices considerably, so that they are 
" now nearly upon a par with those of last Christmas." Broxun 
£ff Co. Liverpool., December 31, 1818. 

The annual average consumption of Great Britain, is about 
11,000 hogsheads,* and the export about 5,000. The stock 
therefore on hand at the close of the year 1818, as stated above, 
was equal to the usual demand for nineteen months. It is not, 
therefore, wonderful, that such a rapid decline took place in the 
price, which began in the autumn of that year, and continued till 

* " The mean consumption of 1817 and 1818 is 10,880 hhds. shipments to Ire- 
«' land inclusive : and twenty months export in 1817 and 1818, is 9287 hhds. ; so 
f that our preseiit stock is equal to one year's home use, and shipment to Ireland, 
J" and twenty months' export, upon the scale of the last twenty months." Hughes, 
JOuncan & Co. JSTov. 10, 1818. ' 



ADDRESS TO CONGRESS. 



405 



June, 1819, when the reduction averaged about sixty per cent., 
as may be seen in the following table. 





1818. 


1818. 


1819 


1819 




Sept. 2.| 


Dec. 5.i 


Mar. 13§ 


Jvne 2." 




d. 


d. 


d. 


d. 


■wS r Low and inferior, sound 
«'5 j Ordinary and mwidling, 
1 i "S Good and fine, 
^4 L Stemmed, 


Site 8* 


6 to 6i 


5 to 6 


3Jto4 


9 to n 


7 to 7i 


e^to 7 


4|to5 


9| to 10| 


8^ to 10 


7ito 9 


6 to 8i 


lOA to 13 


8ito <i 


8 to 9 


6 to8i 


Rappahannock, 


Zito 9 


8ito 9' 


4Ato 7 


34 to sl 


Do- stemmed, . . - 


9^ to Hi 


8 to 10 


7 to 8 


Sl to 6| 


Geor^a and Carolina, 


7 to 8 


6 to 8 


4ito 7 


3} to 5 


Kentucky, . . . - 


7 to 9 


6 to 8 


4ito 7 


3i to 5i 



The complaints of overstocked markets and the interference 
of European tobacco with the sales of that of the united states, 
on the continent, are to be found in the various prices current 
received from Liverpool during the last and present years. 

" Tobacco continued in a very depressed state till near the close 
" of last months when some purchases were made for export, of 
" Virginia and Kentucky, at a reduction in the former of hd. and 
" in the latter id. to \d. per lb. from last quotations. The mar- 
*' ket is again very dull., and the stock still heavy., amounti7ig to 
*' 7100 hogsheads. A small parcel of jive bales has been received 
^'■from the East Indies.''"' Rathbone, Hodgson, & Co. Liverpool, 
May li2, 1819. 

" The stocks of Virginia on the continent are light ; but Ken- 
" tucky heavy. As, however, of this latter description there is 
" very little in this kingdom but what is held here, we may ex- 
" pect to reap the benefit of any orders that may arrive for Ken- 
*' tucky for export. It is stated that the consumption., 07i the con- 
" tinent., of Ainerican., is materially lessened by theuse of tobacco of 
'■*■ native groxvth.'''' Brown & Co. Liverpool, 31st Dec. 1819. 

" The stocks of Kentucky on the continent of Europe are heavy ^ 
"other sorts are light ; but the consutnption of American there is 
*' said to be much lessened by the use of their native growth.'''' 
William Barber & Co. Liverpool, Jan. 17, 1820. 

Independent of the rivals in Europe, as above stated, another 
is coming into the field, which bids fair to become more formida- 
ble than any of them, and ultimately perhaps as formidable as 
the whole. I mean the East Indies. 

The importation of tobacco from that quarter is increasing 
gradually, in the same manner as that of indigo and cotton has 
done. Want of skill in the packing, it appears, together with 



t Yates, Brothers, & Co. 
§ Morrall & Watson. 



t Myers's Mercantile Advertiser. 
II Yates, Brothers, & Co. 



406 ADDUESS TO CONGRESS. 

the length of the voyage, operates injuriously on the quality, and 
of course on the price. It is not difficult to estimate how slen- 
der a protection this affords our planters — how easily skill 
in the packing is to be acquired — and the inconvenience of the 
long voyage to be guarded against. On the 13th of March, 18 1 9, 
East India tobacco sold at four pence to five pence halfpenny 
per pound in Liverpool. At that date, Rappahannock, Kentuc- 
ky, and Georgia sold at four and a half to seven pence. 

"• Good East India leaf -would sell well ; but owing to the long 
** voyage, and want of skill in the packing, generally arrives in a 
*' heated and damaged state. Good qualities sell generally at four 
" to Jive and a halfpence per pound ; but if heated or damaged, 
" little or no demand."* 

In the Price Current of Rathbone, Hodgson & Co. of March 
1, 1820, it is stated, '■\From the East Indies we have received an 
import of 552 bales of tobacco.'''' 

To superficial readers this rivalship will appear unimportant. 
But such persons are recommended to consider the rapid pro- 
gress of the importation of East India cotton into Great Britain. 

A very slight reflection on this subject, will be ill calculated 
to soothe their minds. To enable them to form a correct view 
of the real extent of the danger, I state the import of this article. 

Total import of East India cotton into Great Britain for seven 

years. 

1812, 2,60r 

1813, 1,429 

1814J 13,048 

1815, - - - 23,357 

1816, 30,679 

1817, - - 117,454 

1818, 247,604 

This table evinces the wonderful capacity of production in 
that country, which is commensurate with any possible demand, 
and applies with as much propriety and force to tobacco as to 
cotton. 

The observations made respecting the glut of cotton, are 
equally applicable to tobacco. Had 20,000 hhds. of the latter 
article been destroyed in 1818, it is not improbable that the resi- 
due of the crop would have undergone no material depreciation, 
and produced far more than the whole. 

The git of these remarks on tobacco has no reference to any 
protection of the domestic market ; which, as I have already sta- 
ted, is completely secured by high duties. My object is to prove, 

* Morrall & Watson, lAverpool, March 13, 1819. 



ADDRESS TO CONGRESS. 407 

that by our dependence on foreign markets for the sale of the 
other e;reat staples, our bread stuffs — as well as by the precari- 
oiisness of their prices, particularly at New Orleanst — he farmers 
of the western country were tempted to go extensively into the 
culture of tobacco, which produced the extraordinary quantity 
shipped in 1818, whereby, as we have seen, the British markets 
were so much overstocked, as to cause the ruinous reduction 
which took place in that and the following year. 

INDIGO. 

While our cotton and tobacco planters are indulging the fond 
hopes of the permanence of the foreign markets, on which they 
place their chief reliance, for their prosperity and that of their 
country, it may not be improper to show the uncertainty oi the 
tenure, by the strong case of the indigo market, which is per- 
fectly analagous. It fully evinces the slipperiness of foreign 
markets, and the impolicy and danger of trusting to them. 

Indigo was formerly the chief production of South Carolina, 
and constituted probably one-third of her exports. At that pe- 
riod there was far less danger of being outdone in that article 
by a rival in a distant hemisphere, than there is at present of our 
cotton and tobacco being supplanted in foreign markets. Yet 
in a few years this rival not only secured those markets, by an 
improvement of the quality, and a reduction of the price, so low 
that the article became scarcely worth cultivation in South Ca- 
rolina, but nearly beat our planters out of their own market. 

" The situation of South Carolina," says Mr. Tucker, in a de ^ 
bate in the house of representatives, in April, 1789, " is melan- 
" choly. While the inhabitants are deeply in debt, the produce 
" of the state is daily falling in price. Mce and indigo have be~ 
" co7ne so /ow, as to be considered by many not objects worthy of 
" cultivati07iy* 

In the East Indies various unsuccessful attempts had been 
made at the cultivation of indigo, which had been abandoned. 
In 1779, it was again undertaken with more spirit, with a liberal- 
ity worthy of imitation, and finally crowned with complete suc- 
cess. 

" Great advances were made to the cultivators^ to the extent of 
" nearly one million sterling on the security of the produce ; inso- 
" much that it ultimately became one of the most valuable arti- 
" cles of exportation from India. Its superior quality recom- 
" mended it to purchasers both at home and abroad, until the 
" sales, (which, in 1786, amounted to 245,011 lbs. producing 

» Debates of Congress, vol. I. p. 70, 



408 ADDRESS TO CONGRESS. 

" 61,533/.) in 1810, advanced gradually to 5,570,024 Ibs.^ pro- 
" ducing at the sales 1 ,942,328/."* 

Thus far Colquhoun. By a more recent publication, it ap- 
pears that the sales 

lbs. 
In 1815 were 6,738,462 value ^9,798,730 
1816 6,978,939 8,571,625 

These facts afford important admonitions. By the loan of one 
million of pounds sterling, a culture was fostered into maturity, 
which now annually produces to the country an income of near- 
ly double the amount. How wise the appropriation! How 
worthy imitation ! It cannot be doubted that had the whole 
sum been, not lent, but absolutely bestowed, the disposition 
would have been eminently advantageous. 

Can it be possible that this warning example will be wholly 
lost on those gentlemen who represent Virginia, South Carolina, 
and Georgia in congress ? Is there any reason to believe that 
the same degree of perseverance and industry which overcame 
the difficulties in the culture of indigo, will not overcome those 
which at present prevent complete success in the production of 
cotton and tobacco equal to ours ? They are both in a more 
promising state than the culture of Indigo was in 1779. The 
East Indies possess population, industry, and suitable soil to 
supply the whole world with those three articles at lower rates 
than we can possibly do. When we seriously reflect on the ex- 
ertions they are now making, it would be insanity to place any 
dependence on their failure. The existing state of affairs, 
therefore, pronounces in loud tones a warning, which cannot be 
disregarded without the most serious and permanent injury to 
the planters as well as the country at large. 

* Colquhoun on the wealthy power, and resources of the British empu-c 
Appendix, page 23. 



^0)II>IEIEl 



TO THE 



FARMERS OF THE UNITED STATES, 



ON THE 



RUINOUS CONSEQUENCES TO THEIR VITAL INTERESTS, 



OF THB KXISTINa 



POLICY OF THIS COUNTRY. 



SECOND EDITION. 



" Quidqtdd delirant reges, plectwitur Achivi." 
Whea we see a suftering people, " with depressed minds and indolent habits, 
«« we do not ascribe theii- poverty to the men who govern them : but no one who 
« sees a mangy, half-starved flockof sheep, ever doubts that it is the fault of the 
" farmer to whom it belongs." — Matirice and Berghetta. 

" At the end of thirty years of its operation, this government finds its debt in- 
« creased §20,000,000 andits revenue inadequate to its expenditure ; the national 
« domain impairedjind g20,000,000 of its proceeds expended ; §35,000,000 drawn 
«« from the peoplety internal taxation ; §341,000,000, by impost ; yet the public 
" treasury dependent on loans. In profound peace, and without any national ca- 
" lamity, the country embarrassed with debts ; and real estate under rapid depre- 
" ciation ; the markets of agriculture, the pursuits of manufactures, diminished 
" and dechning ; commerce struggling, not to retain the carrying the produce of 
" other countries, but our own. There is no national interest which is in a health- 
" ful, thriving condition ; the nation at large is not so ; the operations of the go- 
" vemment and individuals alike labour under difficulties, which are felt by all, 
« and for which some remedy must be discovered. It is not a common occur- 
" rence in the history of nations, that mi peace the people shall call on the govern- 
« ment to relieve their distresses ; the government reciprocate the call, by asking thepeo- 
« pie to relieve theirs ,- the resources of both exhausted ; both marching to p^overty 
« or wealth, (as opinions may vary,) in the same road, on the same principles ; 
« their expenses exceeding their receipts." — Report of the Committee on Manufac- 
tures, Jan. 15, 1821. 



FIBST PUBLISHED FEB. 11, 1821, 



52 



PREFACE. 



To originality this pamphlet makes scarcely any pret6risionV 
The writer has already presented the subject to his fellow citi-» 
zens, under most of the aspects, and in some cases in the same 
words, in which it is placed here ; and numbers of gentlemen, 
of superior talents, have likewise engaged zealously and pro- 
foundly in the discussion. A subject so much investigated ob- 
viously affords bat ah exhausted field for cultivation. 

It may be asked, why, then, attempt to draw public attention 
to topics hacknied as these have been ? Why not let the sub- 
ject rest on its merits, as already detailed ? The reason is ob- 
vious. Those who take the opposite side of the question reite^^ 
rate arguments and. objections fully disproved and obviated from 
year to year, for thirty years past. And as they retrace the 
same ground, with the expectation of influencing the opinions 
and public councils of the nation, it is necessary to follow the 
example, or submit to the imputation that the cause is incapable 
of defence. An argument refuted, or a fact disproved, one oiP 
five hundred years ago, if advanced anew at present, rrlust be 
refuted or disproved by nearly the same reasons as formerly. 

Some of the topics, however, are new. Others are placed in 
new points of view, particularly the pernicious eflfects of the 
prevailing system on the interests of the farmers. This is ato- 
pic of the deepest interest to that class of citizens, and to the 
nation at large. If the view here taken of it be correct,- or not 
radically erroneous, the agriculturists of this country are as deeply 
interested in a total change of policy, as the manufacturers. 
With the latter the suffering began, but the former at present 
feel it with equal severity. 

Manufactures and manufacturers have been sacrificed to re- 
venue, for which our chief dependence has been placed on the 
impost, which, from 13^,000,000 dollars in 1811, was by the war 
reduced to 5,998,000 dollars in 1814 : and should war be light- 
ed up in Europe, and the flames envelope us, which would not 
be so extraordinary a circumstance as hundreds that have oc- 
curred within the last thirty years, will it not experience the 
same reduction ? In such case, how can revenue be derived 
from a people, impoverished and embarrassed as so large a per- 



412 PREFACE. 

tion of our citizens are ? The committee of ways and means on 
the 6th inst. declared, that " the imposition of an excise at this 
" TIME OF EXTREME DISTRESS, would be unwise^ and is not 
" demanded by the state of the treasury ; that, if imposed, it 

" WOULD BE difficult TO COLLECT ; and^ IF COLLECTED, it 

" would in some parts of the union be in paper little avail- 

" ABLE." 

Can any man of public spirit, interested in the welfare of the 
nation, without shuddering, read such a lamentable official pic- 
ture of its situation, after six years of profound peace ! Com- 
ment is wholly unnecessary. It proclaims in a voice of thun- 
der, that a policy which has precipitated us into such a state, 
from the high ground we occupied at the close of the war, must 
be transcendently pernicious — cannot be too soon changed — and 
that human ingenuity could scarcely devise a change which 
would not be an improvement. We may truly say with the great 
lord Chatham, " If any thing can prevent the consummation of 
'' public ruin^ it can only be new councils — a sincere change, from 
" a sincere conviction of past errors.''^ 

A large portion of our citizens suffer intensely. The means 
of relief are solely within the power of congress. To that body 
they have applied from year to year in vain. Their petitions 
have been treated in many instances with such extreme neglect 
as not to be read or reported on. There has not been the slightest 
attempt to apply a remedy to any of the evils under which at 
least a third part of the nation is writhing. This is not the 
mode in which the attachment of our citizens is to be conciliated- 
I forbear to prosecute the train of serious and distressing ideas 
such a view is calculated to excite. 

PhiladelphittyFeb. 11, 1821. 



ADDRESS 



TO THE 



FARMERS OF THE UNITED STATES. 



CHAPTER I. 

Object of this address. Immense advantages enjoyed by the 
united states. Results naturally to have been expected. Cruel 
disappointment. Lamentable picture of the distressing situa- 
tion of Pennsylvania. Sketch of the sufferings of the zuestern 
part of the state of New-Tork. Delusive idea of prosperity 
from the cheapness of provisions. A heavy direct tax would 
scarcely be felt^ were industry protected. 

Friends and jellow citizens, 

I earnestly entreat your serious attention to the discussion ot 
the most important subjects that can occupy your minds — the 
causes and remedies of your present sufferings. I shall endea- 
vour to point out both, to your conviction. Should I succeed, 
there is almost a certainty, that these sufferings will be removed, 
as you have in a great measure the legislation of the nation in 
your own hands. 

Subject my facts, and the deductions from them, to the most 
severe scrutiny. Give credit to nothing which will not 
stand that ordeal. For the correctness of my intentions I ap- 
peal to that awful tribunal, before which a very few years must 
necessarily place me. But correctness of intention, as every day 
evinces, is no security against error. With all the care I have 
employed to arrive at correct results, a strong degree of excite- 
ment — incapacity — or rooted prejudice, — may lead me a devi- 
ous course, as they have done thousands of men, infinitely my 
superiors. Therefore, I repeat, investigate for yourselves. 

Impressed with a deep conviction that there is an identity of 
interest between the farmers and manufacturers of this and eve- 
ry country — that one class cannot suffer severely without the 
other partaking of the calamity — and that the distress and em- 
barrassments under which the farmers, particularly those in the 



414 ADDRESS TO THE FARMERS 

interior of the middle, and nearly throughout the whole of the 
western states, are at present writhing, are the result of an er- 
roneous policy, predicated on the idea of a supposed hostility of 
interests between the cultivators of the soil and the manufactur- 
ers ; I shall endeavour to prove the utter fallacy of the idea of 
this hostility, and that there ^s nothing wanting to render our 
farmers the most prosperous class in the world, but a liberal pro- 
tection of their fellow-citizens engaged in manufactures. 

As a preliminary, I shall take a brief view of the manifold 
blessings, natural, political, and moral, which this nation enjoys 
— blessings, never exceeded, a,nd rarely, if ever, equalled. 

1 . We have almost every possible variety of soil, climate, and 
natural productions. 

2. Our country is intersected by navigable waters to an ex- 
tent not exceeded by any commercial country in the world. The 
large rivers on the continent of Europe in general pass through 
different nations, which m most cases impose restrictions and 
levy duties, whence arise burdensome obstructions to trade and 
commerce. Our rivers, great and small, on the contrary, are 
free as air. 

3. Our, government is the most free of any that ever existed. 

4. Our citizens are industrious, enterprizing, ingenious, and 
intelligent. 

5. We enjoy the blessings of water power for machinery to 
an extent commensurate with the wants of the whole world. 

6. Our farmers are almost universally possessed of the fee 
simple of the lands they cultivate. 

7 . Fertile lands can be had in fee simple, and be cleared, for 
less money than the rent of lands in some parts of Europe. 

8. We have no monarchy — ^no nobility — no established hie- 
rarchy. 

9. We pay no tithes. The support of the clergy is wholly 
voluntary. 

10. We have no exclusive privileges. Every man can follow 
whatever trade, profession, or calling, he chooses. 

1 1 . Our national debt is very light, not more than ten dollars 
per head for our white population. 

12. Our government is unexpensive. Our contributions to its 
support are only about three dollars and a half annually per head 
for the free population, and in the least oppressive form, that of 
duties on imports. 

It can scarcely admit of a doubt, that no natiori, ancient or 
modern, ever possessed more solid advantages than are here enu- 
merated. And it would be natural to presume, that this nation 
must necessarily enjoy a higher degree of prosperity and happi- 
ness, than ever fell to the lot of any other. It is perfectly obvi- 



OF THE UNITED STATES. 415 

ous that nothing but a most erroneous and ruinous policy could 
possibly prevent that result. Indeed it would be difficult to con- 
ceive, if the fact did not stare us in the face, how any policy could 
possiialy be devised, which could strugle with and defeat such a 
splendid constellation of the choicest blessings, natural, moral, 
and political, and produce such suffering as pervades a large por- 
tion of this nation. 

From what might be our situation, let us turn our eyes to what 
it is. In this view, I shall, as I hinted above, chiefly confine my- 
self to the farmers of those portions of the country specified. 

1. Agricultural produce has fallen, in the interior, so low as 
not to afford an indemnification for the labour and capital it re- 
quires ; nor will its price bear carriage 150 miles. 

2. The farmers in those parts of the country are almost wholly 
destitute of a circulating medium, and obliged to transact their 
business by barter. 

3. They are harassed with suits, executions, and sacrifices of 
property at one-half, one-third, and one-quarter of its real value. 

4. Besides private debts to a most oppressive amount, a con- 
siderable portion of the farmers in the western states, and in the 
interior of New York, are indebted for instalments on their 
lands, which they are destitute of the means of paying, and 
which they have no hopes of ever being able to pay, without a 
total change of system. 

5. One, two, and three instalments are paid for lands, which, 
by the present reduction of the price of produce, are not worth 
the balance remaining unpaid. 

6. Many farmers cultivate lands, which cost twenty, thirty, 
and even fifty dollars per acre, of which they sell the produce, at 
twenty-five cents per bushel for wheat, twelve to fourteen cents 
for oats — and all other articles in the same proportion. 

To this brief statement, let me add a picture of the situation 
of the great state of Pennsylvania, with a population, at present, 
probably of about 1,000,000 souls. It is entitled to full credit, 
as it bears the stamp of a public document. It will apply with 
sufficient accuracy to all the western states. 

During the session of the legislature of Pennsylvania, 1819-20, 
a committee of the senate was appointed, 

" To inquire into the extent and causes of the present gen- 
" eral distress, and to recommend to the consideration of the 
" legislature such measures as in their opinion may be calculated 
" to alleviate the public sufferings, and to prevent the recurrence 
" of a similar state of things," 

This committee consisted of seven members, Messrs. Raguet, 
Hurst, Eichelberger, Markley, M'Mecns, Rogers, and.Breck, 



416 ADDRESS TO THE FARMERS 

who drew a most distressing picture of the state of affairs, imder 
the following heads : — 

1. " Ruinous sacrifices of landed property at sheriffs' sales ^ 
" whereby in many cases, lands and houses have been sold at 
*' less than a half a third^ or a fourth of their former value^ there- 
*' by depriving" of their homes and of the fruits of laborious years, 
"" a vast number of our industrious farmers^ some of whom have 
*' been driven to seek^ in the uncultivated forests of the xvest, that 
" shelter of which they have been deprived in their native state. 

2. " Forced sales of merchandize^ household goads ^ farming 
*•'■' stock and utensils^ at prices far below the cost of production, 
" by which numerous families have been deprived of the com' 
'■'■ mon necessaries of life ^ and of the implements of their trade. 

3. ^'■Numerous bankruptcies^ and pecuniary embarrassments of 
" every description, as well among the agricultural and manu- 
" facturing as the mercantile classes. 

4. " A general scarcity of money throughout the country, which 
* ' renders it almost impossible for the husbandman or other 
*' owner of real estate to borrow even at a usurious interest, and 
*' where landed security of the most indubitable character is of- 
*'fered as a pledge. A similar difficulty of procuring on loan 
" had existed in the metropolis previous to October last, but has 
" since then been partially removed. 

5. " A general suspension of labour^ the only legitimate source 
'■'■ of wealthy in our cities and towns-, by which thousands of our 
*' most useful citizens are rendered destitute of the means of 
" support, and are reduced to the extremity of poverty and 
^^ despair. 

6. " An almost entire cessation of the usual circulation of com- 
" modities, and a consequent stagnation of business, which is limi- 
" ted to the mere purchase and sale of the necessaries of life, and 
" of such articles of consumption as are absolutely required by 
"the season. 

7. '* An universal suspension of all large manufacturing opera' 
" lions, by which, in addition to the dismissal of the numerous 
*' productive labourers, heretofore engaged therein, who canfnd 
*' no other employment, the public loses the revenue of the capital 
" invested in machinery and buildings. 

8. " Usurious extortions, whereby corporations instituted for 
" banking, insurance, and other purposes, in violation of law, 
*' possess themselves of the products of industry without grant- 
*' ing an equivalent. 

9. *' The overfioxving of our prisons with insolvent debtors, 
"most of whom are confined for trifling sums, whereby the com- 
" munity loses a portion of its elective labour, and is compelled 
" to support families by charity, who have thus been deprived of 
"their protectors. ''.^. 



FARMERS OF THE UNITED STATES. 417 

10. " Numerous law suits upon the dockets of our courts^ and 
" of our justices of the peace, which lead to extravagant costs, 
" and the loss of a great portion of valuable time. 

11. " Vexatious losses arising frona the depreciation and fluc- 
" tuation in the value of bank notes, the impositions of brokers, 
" and the frauds of counterfeiters. 

12. " A general inahility in the community to meet xvith punc- 
'■'■tuality^ the payment of their debts even for family expenses^ 
" which is experienced as well by those who are wealthy in pro- 
" perty, as by those who have hitherto relied upon their current 
" receipts to discharge their current engagements."* 



Two reports made by committees of the house of repre- 
sentatives, confirm the above statements, by the following 
details : — 

One committee states, that " that portion of the industry of 
" our citizens, devoted to manufactures, is too getierally poroli- 
" zed; that great numbers of extensive manufacturing establish- 
*' ments, in which immense sums have beeii invested^ and which 
" might be multiplying the xvealth and happiness of our citizens^ 
" and the resources of the state, are lying idle and falling to 
'* decay ; that a considerable proportion of their proprietors are 
" reduced to bankruptcy ; that thousands of the workmen, whose 

* It is a lamentable fact, scarcely credible, that althoug-h this dreadful and ai- 
fecting" picture of general distress, which embraces above a third part of the 
population of the united states, was either presented to the view, or witli- 
in the knowledge of congress, at the session of 1819-20, that body adopted no mea- 
sure whatever towards its alleviation. It may be questioned whether a more com- 
plete or unfeeling disregard of such complicated suffering was ever before exhi 
bited by any government whatever. 

The words "one-third of the population," embrace the interior of Pennsylvania 
and New Yoi-k — and the states of Oliio, Kentucky, Tennessee, and Indiana, of 
which the population by the late census, is 4,137,952. 

Indiana 147,178 

New York 1,372,812 

Pennsylvania . . - . 1,049,398 

Ohio ..... 581,434 

Kentucky - - . . . 564,317 

Tennessee - - - 422,813 



4,137,952 



Deduct for persons probably not affected by the 
general distress - - - 837,952 

Remains ... - 3,300,000 



The total population of the united states, in 1820, was 9,625,734. 

Thus it appeal's that the intense distress and sufferings of above three millions 
of free citizens, were as wholly disregarded by congress, as the sufferings of so 
many Helots, by their lords and masters, the Spartans. 

53 



418 ADDRESS TO THi: 

" sole dependence is on the labour of their hands, are destitute 
'* of employment^ and thus unable to support themselves and 
'■' their families, who are reduced to waut^ and exposed to the se- 
-'■• ductions of vice and guilt ; in a word, that manufacturers and 
*'- manufactures are every where in a state of such extensive de- 
" pression as to require tvhatever aid and support the state and 
'^*' .general government can afford^to restore them to that life and 
• ** vigour which they enjoyed during the late war." 



The other report corroborates this statement by the following 
, extracts from memorials to the legislature : — 

From the fall of every kind of produce, the scarcity of the 

^alating medium, and other causes, the general distress of 

:*'■ This part of the state hath become so great and alarming, as to 

' call for the exercise of the attention and wisdom of the legis- 

" lature : our most industrious citizens are no longer able to 

" meet their engagements: but their hard-earned property is 

;' ciaily sacrificed at a nominal value, and falling into the hands 

' * of a few monied speculators. 

' That the mass of the people are utterly unable to pay their 
debts : that their property is selling at such a rate, that even the 
• fees of law officers are not realized : that the industrious are 
'* impoverished, whilst the speculating part of the community 
^■^ are growing daily more wealthy : that the evil is only begin- 
" ning, and demands legislative interposition." 



To this picture of the situation of Pennsylvania, I shall add 
a recent one, of the western section of New York, which is its 
exact counterpart. It equally and irresistibly evinces how^ deep- 
rooted is the evil, how pernicious has been our policy, how in- 
tense the degree of suffering, and how imperiously a remedy is 
required. 

)<Extr act from an Address delivered before the Genesee Agricultural 
• Society^ at their Cattle-shoxv and Fair^ held at Batavia, on the 
iSth of October, 1820. By Samuel M. Hopkins, Esq. Pre- 
sident. *~" 

•'' It is now rendered certain, that the conjecture which I of- 

'' fered last year, as to the amount of our land debt, was much 

<■' below the truth ; so that we have probably 4 or 500,000 dol- 

^'■_ iars of annual interest accumulating against us — exclusive of 

"^tlie commercial debt. So totally has money disappeared, that it 

^'- niay be doubted whether there is in this district enough to f)ou 



FARMERS OF THE UNITED STATES. 4l9 

^'- interest on the amount of interest. The country is so newly 
*' settled, that the inhabitants have not in general had time to 
*' raise from the soil, those supplies which an American farm, 
*' under good improvement, is capable of producing. We may 
" be said to have but three articles of any moment for exporta- 
*•'■ tion, namely, flour, cattle, and potashes'; and as far as I know, 
*' the depre&sio7i in the prices of these is without a parallel.* Last 
*' year roe talked of the difficulties of paying for our lands ; this 
" year the question in, how to exist. Ihe straggle is not now for 
'"'•property ; from this time onxvards we shall have to contend for 
'' clothing., and a few other necessaries., without zuhich xve must 
" become a iniserable., and., if^f^^-, (' barbarous people. 

" On this subject I confess that I am an alarmist. My first 
" wish would be, if it were possible, to speak in a tone that 
*' should rouse the tenants of every log-house in these counties, 
" and make them stand aghast at the prSspect of fami'-es naked 
" — children freezing in the xvinter''s storm — and the fattier > xvith- 
" out coots or shoes to enable them to perform the necessary la- 
*' bows of the inclement season. 

" If I am to be told that my apprehensions are extreme, then 
"I desire to be informed from whence the supply is to come. — 
^' Can the merchant import clothing, and can we pay for it ?-^ 
" Will labour or produce exchange for imported goods as it 
" used to do ? Are there sheep enough in the counties to give 
" wool for half a suit of clothes to every person ? Is enough flax 
" raised to make one shirt a piece ? 

*'^But supposing these few pressing wants to be supplied in 
" time, the general prospect of our affairs is still very gloomy. 
" There can be no industry without a motive .• and it appears to 
" me there is great danger that our people xvill soon limit their 
" exertions to the raising of food for their families. It is very appar- 
" ent that much less ground is sown and planted the present fall 
" than in late years. A people without income, and without indus- 
" try will soon neglect those institutions which tend to humanize, 
'* civilize, and improve mankind ; there cannot be much ambition 
*■'■ or hope ; education will decay, and the decencies of social life 
*' be neglected : Such is the stupid and barbarous condition of 
" every people in the world who are not spurred on to industry 
" by a just reward for labour. 

" This picture of evils, in all its colouring, is a faithful repre- 
" sentation of those parts of the country only, which are new — 
"where the lands are unpaid for — and which are rcwo^e/rom 
" market. But, with mitigated shades., it is the picture of the 

* " A quantity of good wheat stored at the mills, has been sold at 37^ cents, at 
«« a voluntary saJe. A quantity of excellent Hour scift to New York, and sold in 
« the most economical manner, Wfis found, on an accurate statement, to net 17e, 
«6«/.perbarrel, (S3 190" ' - 



420 ADDRESS TO THE 

" xvhote northern half of the united states. As a people we are 
'^^ growing' poor. Those who have capital can find no safe and 
" productive employment for it. Commerce and navigation lan- 
" guish ; agriculture xvill not pay expenses. We need to import 
" immensely more than we have means to pay for. The cities 
'■''■ are eating up their capital ; the country is wearing out clothes 
" without sufficient means to get new ones^ either by manufac- 
" ture or purchase. Meantime our importattojis of goods go on ; 
" specie is plenty in afexv hands — but the country at large., though 
" overflowing with abundance of its products., has nothing with 
" which to buy money ; and all the ordinary pursuits of life art 
'•'■ palsied for xvant of a medium of exchange.'''' 



These statements are given at full length, because there are 
many citizens, in and out of congress, whose circumstances se- 
cure them from a participation in the general distress, and 
therefore cannot believe in its existence. They decry those who, 
by pointing out the evil, in its fullest extent, evince the neces- 
sity of applying a speedy and radical remedy. This is an ex-i-' 
trem.ely erroneous procedure. The unvarnished truth in public.' 
and private affairs, is incomparably more safe and more politic, 
than deception or concealment, with whatever view they may be. 
employed. It is as unwise and pernicious to disguise and palli>6 
ate the evils of the state, when it is writhing in distress, as 
for a patient in a dangerous malady to conceal the extent of his 
disease. 

A writer, in a very respectable gazette, lately scouted the idea 
of distress, when five pounds of flour could be purchased for 12 
cents ! A most admirable illustration of political economy !— - 
What avails it to the labouring man, who seeks in vain for em- 
ployment, that flour can be procured at this low rate, and other 
articles in the same proportion, when he has not wherewith to 
purchase ? His labour is his only fund. The prevailing sys- 
tem annihilates that fand, while the resources of the na- 
tion are devoted to support foreign labourers. Better far it 
were, that he had to pay fourteen dollars per barrel for flour, a^^' 
he did some years past, and earned five or six dollars per week, 
than that flour should be, I v/ill not say at three or four dollars,/ 
but even at half a dollar per barrel, while he is unable to procure*' 
that employment, the want of which disables him from pur- 
chasing at any price. 



On the situation of the western states, I cannot give any infor- 
mation, of equal authenticity ; that is, in the documental form,— 



FARMEK.S OF THK UNITED STATES. 421 

But numberless private letters, from respectable citizens, fur- 
nish similar statements, and prove the existence of an equal de- 
gree of distress. 

Just as this page was going to press, I was furnished with a re- 
cent New Orleans price current, in which fresh flour is quoted 
dt three dollars to three dollars and a half — and sour at one dol- 
lar and a quarter. The quantit}^ of sour flour is very great ; as 
the glut in the market occasions it to be long on hand — and 
finally renders no small portion of it unfit for use. 

A letter, just received from one of the most respectable mer- 
chants in Philadelphia, engaged in the New Orleans trade, 
states, as follows : — 

" Wheat without price or sale ; and flour scarcely saleable 
even at three dollars and a half for the best. Neither of these 
articles will pay from the ivestern country this year?'' 



From the preceding view it is manifest that the best form of 
government affords no security for prosperity. The pinching 
distress under such a form of government, may, by impolicy, be 
as great and even greater, than under despotisms and wasteful 
governments. What, in a word, can be more hideous, so far as 
property is concerned, (and what avails a free goveniment, if it 
does not afford protection to property, or security' for its acqui- 
sition ?) than — " a general scarcity of money'''' — as " general a 
suspension of labour''^ — " ruinous sacrifices of landed property at 
sheriffs'' sales^ whereby lands and houses have been sold at less 
than a half a th'ird^ or a fourth of their former value''* — '''•forced 
sales of merchandize^ household goods ^farming stock and utensils^ 
at prices far belo-w the cost of production''' — "an almost entire 
cessation of the usual circulation ofcom?nodities — " an universal 
suspension of all large mamfacturing operations — the overfoxu- 
ing of our prisons with insolvent debtors'"' — '-'•property selling at 
such a rate that even the fees of ojffice are not real'ized^''^ ^gX^^c. 

* Some gentlemen severely censured me last year for the strong pictures I 
drew of tke calamitous state of affairs, and for " tlie misen," wliich I asserted 
spread over a large portion of the land. They even went so far as to assert that 
thSSe writings were likely to be highly pernicious to thecountn', by their effects 
in Europe, as they might prevent emigration from that quarter. They denied 
the existence of " misery" in any shape or form. With those docti-ines I cannot 
accord. The best mode of inducing our iiilers to apply remedies to the public 
distress, is to depict that distress in its proper coloiu-s. To decide on tlie subject 
of *' misery" it is necessary to ascertain what " misery" is» Walker explains it 
— " wretchedness — ^unhappiness. — calamity — misfortune." I respectfully ask 
those fastidious gentlemen, whether " numerous families being deprived of the com- 
man necessaries of life" — the "prisons overflo-Ming xviihintolvent debtors" — and" vast 
itumbers of industrions farmers being driven from their homes, and forced to seek in 
the uncidtivated forests of the -west, that sfielter of which they have been deprived in 
their native state," be not as complete proofs of misery as can be exhibited ? 



'422 ADDRESS TO THE 

However extraordinary or unpalatable it may be, I will risk 
the consecjuences of stating a bold truth, that more distress than 
is here displayed might be sought for in vain, under some of the 
worst governments in Europe. And further, that this country 
would be incomparably more prosperous, if we paid direct taxes 
to the amount of ten, fifteen, or twenty millions of dollars per 
annum, provided the productive industry of our citizens were 
adequately protected. While those who depend on their labour, 
are steadily employed — and those who carry on business have a 
ready market for the proceeds of their industry, high taxes are 
never oppressive. 

To illustrate this position, I will take the case of a farmer 
with only one hundred acres of land, and a family of ten per- 
sons. I will suppose his land to produce only fifteen bushels 
per acre ; and his surplus, beyond what he consumes, and what 
he sells, in order to procure such necessaries as he is obliged to 
purchase, to be only six bushels per acre, or six hundred bushels 
in the aggregate. Assuming, as I hope will be admitted, that 
the gain by having a market at his door, instead of sending his 
produce to a distance of two, three or four hundred miles, as is 
the case with so many of our farmers, would be at least a quarter 
dollar per bushel ; the establishment of manufactures in his 
neighbourhood, which would furnish such a market, would se- 
cure a clear gain of one hundred and fifty dollars per annum ; 
whereas his share of a direct tax of twenty millions of dollars 
per annum, could not be ten dollars. I might have assumed an 
increase of price of three quarters of a dollar per bushel, which 
would make the gain four hundred and fifty dollars. 

The above reasoning applies equally even to journeymen, 
whose wages I will estimate at only five dollars per week, of 
whom a large proportion have for a considerable time been un- 
employed a quarter or half their time. 

One quarter of his time, lost to a journeyman, work- 
ing at five dollars per week, would be per ann. - ^65 
Deduct amount of tax on a family of sis persons - - 6* 

Saving ___--_--- 59 



I* This is an exti-avagant assumption for a person in this sphere of life — and the 
more completely proves the theory. 



FARMERS OF THE UNITED STATES. 423 



CHAPTER II. 

Alleged causes of the general distress. Transition from a state 
of war to peace. Great increase of banks., and their misma- 
nagement. Fallacy of these allegations. Exports during and 
since the war compared.- Real amount of the increase of hank- 
ing capital far below what is generally believed. List of coun- 
try banks in Pennsylvania paying specie. Vessels employed in 
the India trade. Enormous export of specie. 

The preceding chapter contains a view of the immense ad- 
vantages this nation enjoys, and of the lamentable situation in 
which a large and interesting portion of its citizens are plunged, 
a situation s '^ little corresponding with those advantages. I shall 
now endeavour to unfold the causes which have produced so to- 
tal a failure of the expectations which might have been rational- 
ly formed of the state of this country. 

Various opinions have prevailed on this subject — and three 
principal sources of our calamities have been stated. 

1. The transition from a state of war to a state of peace, with 
the general change in the state of affairs in Europe. 

2. The undue extension of banks, and their mal-administra- 
tion. 

3. The paralysis of so large a portion of the manufacturing 
industry of the country by extravagant importations. 

Transitioji to a state of peace. 

It requires but a very cursory examination to see, that the 
operation of this cause, if not wholly ideal, is at least prodi- 
giously overrated. In fact, it would appear more rational to sup- 
pose that this " transition" would be salutary than otherwise. 
Much of the prosperity of all nations depends on having good 
markets for their surplus produce. The want of them produces 
stagnation, distress and embarrassment. And as the late war 
in a great measure deprived us of those markets, and " the tran- 
sition to peace" restored them to us, it is not easy to compre- 
hend how it can be fairly charged with producing such baleful 
consequences. 

During the war, our exports were reduced within very narrow 
bounds. Hostilities commenced in June 1812, and peace was 
signed on the 28th of December, 1814. The war of course con- 
tinued but about two years and a half. The exports of 1812, 
were !S30,032,100. It is impossible to ascertain what propor- 
tion of that amount was shipped before the declaration of war. 
I shall therefore omit that year, and compare the exports of 
1813 and 1814, with those of the subsequent years, in order to 
decide this important question, and to evince the yery unstable 



424 ADDRESS TO THE 

foundation on which rests the opinion I have undertaken to 
combat. 

The domestic exports of 

1813 were g25,008,152 

1814 6,782,272 



S3 1,790,424 



being an average of less than sixteen millions per annum. 
The domestic exports since the war, have been 

1815 - - - - - ^45,974,403 

1816 - - - - - 64,781,896 

1817 - - » . 68,313,500 

1818 - - - - . ^^ 73,854,437 

1819 - - - - - 50,976,838 

1820 - - - - - - 51,683,640 



)355,584,ri4 



being an average of nearly sixty millions per annum, or almost 
four times as niuch as the average of the exportation during the 
war. 

In one sense the " transition" may be said to have produced 
our calamities. It took away the bar that previously existed 
against the deluge of foreign merchandize by which so large a 
portion of our manufacturing establishments were subsequently 
prostrated, and their owners ruined. More of this anon. 

That so great an increase in the exports of a country could 
have any other than a beneficial effect, will not be asserted by 
any man of candour : and therefore the idea that this produced 
the general distress is swept away by the force of fact and faij- 
induction, as completely as the mists and fogs which overspread 
the ho;rizon are swept away by the radiant beams of the sun in 
his meridian splendor. 

It can scarcely be necessary to add any thing further on this 
subject. But there is another fact w^hich so strongly corrobp^ 
rates the conclusion here drawn, that it would be injustice to the 
cause, to omit it. War ceased every where early in 1815 ; aild 
had " the transition from a state of war to astute ofpeace^"* pro- 
duced the ruinous situation of affairs which exists at present, its 
most oppressive effects would have been felt immediately. Dis,* 
tress and calamity would at once have overspread the face pf 
the land, and the country would have been gradually restored in 



ADDRESSES. 425 

the following years, to that state of prosperity', to which its va- 
rious blessings afford it a fair claim. But what is the fact? with 
the exception of some of the manufacturing districts, where in- 
dustry was paralized early after the war, by a most immoderate 
influx of foreign merchandise, as, for instance, more particularly 
Pittsburg, Wilmington, &c. &c. the country in general was pros- 
perous, or at least the range of distress was limited in 1815, 
1816, and part of 1 8 1 7. It was only in 1818 that stagnation and 
embarrassment began to spread generally, and, in fact, large por- 
tions of the country did not feel them even till 181 9. 

It is to be presumed that these facts are completely conclusive, 
and finally settle this important question for ever. 

Operations of the Banks. 

The first alleged source of the prevailing distress being set 
aside, it is necessary to examine the second, that is, the extra- 
vagant extension and mismanagement of banks and banking cap- 
ital. 

That the chapter of banks is a deep stain on the annals of 
this country, cannot be denied. In various quarters, it has ex- 
hibited a high degree of turpitude. In some places, where 
banks were wholly unnecessary, they were established, for their 
own particular advantage, by a few individuals, who engrossed 
a large portion of the stock for the purposes of speculation, and 
as soon as it was raised to 20 or 30 per cent, above par, they 
sold out, having cleared hundreds and thousands of dollars ; and, 
in many instances, without the advance of a single dollar. In 
some quarters, likewise, banks have been grossly mismanaged, 
through the sinister views, and as often through the inexperience 
of the directors. But that a large portion of them have been 
conducted fairly and honourably — and that the evils the others 
have produced, have been extravagantly over-rated, is more 
than probable, as may, in some degree, be inferred from the 
following facts, respecting these institutions in Pennsylvania, in 
which state the outcry against extravagant banking has been as 
loud as in any other part of the union. The great " litter of 
hanks'''' of 1814, has been a fertile topic of invective in and out 
of the state. 

Pennsylvania at present, as I have already stated, contains 
about 1,000,000, souls — 46,O0O square miles — in 1810, it Carried 
on manufactures to the amount of 44,194,740 dollars — audits 
domestic exports in 1816, were 7,196,246 dollars. And is it. 
possible, th^t the extra bank capital, created in this state in 1814, ' 
which, beyond the limits of Philadelphia, was only about 5,000,000 
of dollars, could account for distress and embarrassments, which 
were not universally felt for vears after, and which increase in 
pressure, in proportion to our distance from, that year ? Had 

54 



426 



ADDRESS TO TH£ fjARMERS 



this whole sum, or twice as much, been most egregiously mis* 
employed, or even wholly squandered away, although it would 
have ruined many, it would not l>ave been felt by the state at 
large, provided we had a market for our productions, or had our 
exports borne a proper proportion to. our imports. 

But thev subject may be presented in another point of view. 
The country banks, which went into operation under the act of 
1814-, were thirty-three in number. Of these the notes of no 
less than nine are at present at par in the city of Philadelphia — 
and those of eight others are only at one, one and a half, two, 
and three per cent, discount, notwithstanding the pressure and 
embarrassment of the times. 

It will not admit of a doubt that these banks must have been 
not only ably, but in general correctly managed, to maintain 
specie payments from the year 1817, when those payments wiere 
resumed, to the present time. 

It is, however, beyond a doubt, that much mischief has arisen 
from the banks — and that many useful and worthv men have 
been ruined by their operations. But, as I observed on a for- 
mer occasion, they have, in many cases, been far " more sinned 
agaii-st than sinning." The extravagant drain of specie for the 
China trade, exhausted them of the basis on which the credit 
and security of banking operations rest, and left them no alterna- 
tive but to press on their customers, or to stop the payment of 
specie. They began with the former measure, which produced 
great distress gind emb^irrassment — but many of them, after all 
their efforts, ;found it impossible to continue specie payments. 

I annex a list of those seventeen banks, alluded to above, with 
,the state of their notes in the city of Philadelphia, and the amount 
of their capitals. 

Farmers' Sank of Lancaster, 
Easton, - - . . 

Germantown, - . . - 
Northampton, ... 

Monty-emery County, 
Fmmers' Bank of Bucks County, 
jHan-isbuFg", - - . . 
Delaware County, 
Chester, .... 

Farmers' Bank of Reading 
Lancaster Bank, ... 

3fork Bank, ... 

Chambersburg, - . . 

iGettysburg-, ... 

Carlisle Bank, • ... 

Bank of Swatara, 
Pittsburg, - . . - 



discount per cent. 





Capital. 


Par 


S 600,000 


do. 


214,770 


do. 


152,000 


do. 


125,000 


do. 


76,286 


do. 


60,090 


do. 


168,036 


do. 


77,380 


do. 


90,000 


3 


300,350 


1 


159,710 


H 


192,940 


H 


266,765 


1* 


154,553 


H 


162,950 


H 


75,075 


2 


341,035 



STet capital of th? thirty-three banks 



]S3,216,940 
8-5,000,000 



OF THE UNITED STATES. 



42r 



Thus, the capitals of those banks, chartered in 1814, which, 
by mismanageinent or the drain of specie, or both, have been 
unable to supp- rt their credit, by the continuance of specie pay- 
ments, are about 1,800,000 dollars. To ascribe the mass of buf- 
fering, under which this mighty state is agonized, to the opera- 
tions of these, and indeed of all its banks united, would be as 
absurd, as to ascribe the death of a man who had been for years 
taking slow poison, to a slight fever or cholic, which immediate- 
ly preceded his dissolution. 

To enable the reader to form an idea of the excessive extent 
of the drain of specie for the India trade, I annex a list of the 
vessels, which, on the 3d of February, 1818, wer<e'either absent 
from the port of Philadelphia, on, or preparing for, voyages to 
Jndia, China, and other places beyond the Cape of Good Hope, 
with which our commerce is carried on almost altogether with 
specie. .^, 



Ships. 


Commanders. 


Thomas Scattergood, 


Wanington, 


Phrenix, 


M'Kibbon, 


Clothier, 


Phillips, 


Hope, 


Moore, 


Columbia, 


Laler, 


George and Albertj 


Donaldson, 


Cruttenden, 


Turner, 


London Trader, 


Harrison, 


Augustus, 


Ohver, 


Natcliez, 


Warnock, 


Bengal, 


Ansley, 


Eliza 


Cornish, 


Margaret, 


Benners, 


Pacific, 


Shaa-p, 


'Atl.is, 


Gordon, 


Neptune, 


Fisher, 


Governor Hawkins, 


Coffin, 


Dorothea, 


Harman, 


Delaware, 


M'Pherson, 


Coromandel, 


Day, 


Bainbridge, 


Tomlinson, 


Caledonia, 


Hill, 


America 


Eldridge, 


Sachem, 


Fennel, 


Benjamin Rush, 


Wiltberger, 


Helvetius, ' 


Gallegar, 


Rousseau, 


M'LeVan, 


North America, 


Brwin, 


Bingham, 


Wdson, 


ArcJiimedes, 


Nea', 


Brigs. 




Levant, 


Skinner, 


Saundersi 


Clunie, 



Destination. Tons. 

Canton, via Livei-pool, - • 399 
Canton, via Liverpool, - - , 404 
CantoiY) via Liverpool, - - 285 
Canton, .... 256 

Isle of France and Batavia, - 263 

Canton, 349 

Calcutta, .... 315 

Canton, - - - , * - 377 
N. W. Coast and Canton^ - 279 
Batavia, .... 296 

N. W. Ccast and Canton, '- 329 
Cape of Good Hope & East Indies, 406 
Batavia, - - - - 292 

Canton, - - . , 332 

Sumatra, 416 

Canton - 292 

Pacific Ocean, - - - 219 
Calcutta, via Marseilles, - -453 
Calcutta, .... 338 

India, via Antwerp, - - 340 

Calcutta, 368 

Calcutta, .... 445 

Batavia, .... 297 

Cape of Good Hope, &c. via Brazils, 215 
Canton, via Liverpool, - - 385 
Batavia, .... 330 

Batavia, .... 306 

Batavia, - - - - 388 

Batavia, .... o75\ 

Pacific Ocean, .... 354' 

China, via Leghorn and Smyrna, 210 
Manilla, .... 196 



Cai-ried forward 



10,3U9 



428 ADDRESS TO THE FARMERS Of THE 

Brought forward 10,509 

Ship China Packet, Hewnit, Canton, fitting' out at Pliilada. 35" 

Sailed from JV. York on Philada, account, ~\ 

Ship Rosalie, Merry, Canton, I 

Sliip Athens, BurdJiam, Calcutta, I 

Fitting out at JV. York on Philada. account, }■ Amount of tonnage 

Ship Solon, , Batavia, | about - 1,500 

Ship Edward, , Calcutta, J 

Total, 42 vessels ... tonnage 12,366 



Estimating the specie of each vessel at ^100,000, which I pre- 
sume to be a low calculation, it would amount to above 4,000,000 
of dollars from one port alone, and in one season ! How im- 
mense must have been the sum exported from all our ports ! 
Is it then wonderful, that the currency of the country has been 
so prodigiously reduced as is declared by the secretary of the 
treasury : — 

" In 1815, the whole circulation was estimated to have arisen 
" to 1 10,000,000 of dollars ; and this amount was probably aicg- 
" mented in 1816. At the close of 1819, it has been estimated, 
" upon data, believed to be substantially correct, at 45,000,000 
" of dollars. According to these estimates, the currency of the 
" united states has^ in the space of three ijears^ been reduced from 
" one hundred and ten millions to forty-five millions of dollars. 

" This reduction fKC&€.di^ffty-nine per cent, of the xvhole cir- 
'■'• culation of 1815. The fact that the currency in 1815 and 1816 
" was depreciated, has not sensibly diminished the effect upon 
" the community, of this great and sudden reduction. What- 
" ever was the degree of its depreciation, it was still the mea- 
" sure of value. It determined the price of labour, and of all 
" the property of the community. A change so violent could 
" not fail, under the most favourable auspices in other respects, 
" to produce much distress, to check the ardour of enterprise, 
"and seriously to affect the productive energies of the nation. 
"The reduction, was, in fact, commenced under favourable aus- 
" pices. During the year 18 17", and the greater part of 1818, all 
" the surplus produce of the country commanded in foreign mar- 
" kets higher prices than ordinary. The rate of foreign ex- 
" change afforded no inducement for the exportation of specie 
*' for the purpose of discharging debts previously contracted. 
" The only drain to which the metallic curre^icy xvas subject., -was 
" the demand for it., for the prosecution of trade to the East Indies 
" and to China. In this trade., specie being the principal commodi- 
" ty., and indispensable to its prosecution., the aviount exported 
" during those years was very great., and seriously affected the 
" amount of circulation .^ by compelling the banks to diminish their 
'■^discounts. 



OF THE UNITED STATES. 4-29 

'' All intelligent ruriters upon currency agree that ivhere it is 
" decreasing in amount^ poverty and misery must prevail. The 
" correctness of the opinion is too manifest to require proof. 
" The united voice of the nation attests its accuracy. 

'■'• As there is no recorded example in the history of nations^ of 
" a reduction of the currency., so rapid., and so extensive., so., but few 
*' examples have occurred., of distress so general and so severe., as 
*■'' that which has been exhibited in the united states .^''^ 

From a calm review of the preceding facts and statements, we 
shall be led to wonder, not, that so many of the banks stopped 
the payment of specie, but how it was possible for any of them 
to stand so severe and oppressive a shock — and we shall like- 
wise equally wonder that our distress, great as it is, has not ex- 
ceeded what we have experienced. 

In the course of 1817-18, the Bank of the united states at the 
great expense of 525,927 dollars, imported 7,311,750 of dollars 
in specie ; but nearly as fast as it arrived, it was swept off into 
the unfathomable gulf of this exhausting commerce. 



CHAPTER III. 

Objectio7is to the protection of manufactures. High price of la- 
bour. Want of capital. Their fallacy. Labour cheap.^ and 
capital abundant., at present.^ and manufactures not so prosper^ 
ous as formerly . 

From the organization of the federal government to the pre- 
sent time, whenever memorials or petitions were presented to 
congress, or any efforts made, to procure such a legislative pro- 
tection for manufactures, as would shield them from the over- 
whelming competition of foreigners, who enjoyed the advanta- 
ges of drawbacks and bounties from their respective govern- 
ments, an ardent opposition has been excited, and numberless 
objections raised to defeat the applications : and such has been 
the industry and influence of those citizens hostile to the mea- 
sure, that however deficient of foundation the objections were, 
they almost universally sufficed to defeat the object in view. 

Particular emphasis has been laid on three of those objec- 
tions which require some examination. 

1. That we were not ripe for manufactures. 

2. That protecting duties would tax the many for the benefit 
of the few — giving the latter a monopoly at the expense of the 
former. 

* Report of Secretary of the Treasury', on the currency, pp. 8, 9. 



430 ADDRESS TO THE .FARMERS 

3. That protection of manufactures would lead to extortion 
and imposition, as was said to have taken place during the late 
war. 

Of each in order. 



I. Thative -were not ripe for manufactures. 

This objection rests on two grounds — the high price of labour 
here — and the want of sufficient capital. 

It was asserted with oracular confidence, that until labour was 
reduced to a level with its price in Europe, we could not possi- 
bly compete with the manufacturers in that quarter. They re- 
ceived only enough for a bare subsistence — and as our journey- 
men and labourers could not be compelled to work on the same 
terms, it was asserted that manufactures could not possibly 
flourish here.* 

It was replied — but in vain — that numerous branches of man- 
ufactures, in which manual labour alone was employed, had, in 
consequence of public patronage, arrived at perfection, and 
prospered for many years — witness the manufacture of hats, 
shoes, boots, paper, books, &c. of which our citizens supplied 
more than three-fourths, probably nine-tenths, of the whole con-* 
siimption. 

It was equally in vain, to urge the simple, but decisive argu- 
ments, that reasoning grounded on the dearness of labour could 
not by any possibility apply to manufactures carried on by ma- 
chinery ; that our water power gave us an inestimable advantage 
over those who were obliged to depend on the more expensive 
operations of steam ; that the manufactures in which we were 
most completely defeated — the importation of which produced ■ 
the greatest impoverishment of the country — and which most 
loudly called for protection — were those executed by machinery 
and water power, aided by the labour prmcipally of women and 
children ; and finally, that the labour in this case was cheap, 
and of little account, a^ the chief part of it would otherwise be 
lost. 

These conclusive arguments ought to have decided the ques- 
tion, as they fully proved that whatever difference there might 
be in the price of labour, public patronage alone was wanting to 

* The wages in many branches of business in England have been at all times 
as high as in Philadelphia, as may be seen by the following extract : 

« The average wages of journeymen artisans and manufactm-ers in London may 
« be taken at 30s. per week, in other cities and towns at 26s. and of labourers in 
" the field including the addition for harvest work, at 14s. i , 

" Boys of ten years of age, can almost maintain themselves ; and girls fi;oin 
"twelve to fourteen, healthy and well brought up, may do the ^UTXt"—Ttacim' 
saving banks, by Horace Tiviss, London, 1816, 



OF THE UNITED STATES. 4-31 

enable our artisans and manufacturers fully to compete with 
their rivals in every branch of business. The difficulty and im- 
practicability of struggling with foreign nations, under the dis- 
parity of the price of labour, were nevertheless re-echoed through 
the nation, in spite of these irrefragable facts and reasonin>i:s ; 
found ready belief with a large portion of our influential citizens ; 
and aided to defeat the applications of the manufacturers. 

It was further asserted, that sufficient capital could not be 
spared for the purpose of establishing manufactures ; that the at- 
tempt would force capital into employments less, from those 
which were more advantageous ; and therefore that e\ en on this 
ground, were there no other objection, the project was prema- 
ture — would be injurious — and ought to be discountenanced. 

The plain inference from these assertions was, that when la- 
bour became cheap, and capital abundant, then manufactures 
would arise as it were spontaneously, as the countiy would be 
" ripe for them?'' 

Time always decides between truth and error — strips the lat- 
ter of its glare of plausibility — and exposes its intrinsic defor- 
mity. Pity, however, that this result most frequently does not 
take place till error has done immense mischief, as has been the 
case in this instance. The present state of affairs indubitably 
proves, that to the success of manufactures in this country 
neither a reduction of the price of labour nor any additional ca- 
pital was necessary ; and that " the one thing needful," was such 
governmental support as all the wise nations of Europe afford 
their manufactures. 

The period so long hoped for by our political economists has 
arrived, when the country is, according to their views of the 
subject, " r?/?e" for manufactures. Labour is now so low that 
great numbers of people in various quarters of the union, have, 
during the last eighteen months, worked for their board alone — 
and thousands have been unable to obtain work on any terms. — 
Our cities swarm with men, women and children, who, able and 
willing to work, but, unable to procure employment, immoder- 
ately swell our lists of paupers, are supported by the overseers 
of the poor and by soup-houses — and a gangrene on that society 
to whose wealth and prosperity they might daily make additions. 
A statement was lately published by the society for the preven- 
tion of pauperism, that there were thirteen thousand paupers, in 
the city of New York. I cannot ascertain the number in Phila- 
delphia ; but it is oppressively great. 

Capital, too, is so abundant, that the owners cannot find ade- 
quate emploj^ment for it. They dare not invest it in manufac- 
turing establishments themselves, from the awful memento af- 
forded by the fate of so large a portion of the manufacturers who 
9iinistered so usefully to the wants of the country during the 



432 ADDRESS TO THE FARMERS 

Avar, and who were so shamefully and ungratefully sacrificed by 
the policy pursued soon after its close. Nor can they with safe- 
ty lend it to manufacturers, whose prospects are so precarious and 
so gloomy. 

This, then, according to those citizens, is precisely the time 
when, from the cheapness of labour, and abundance of capital, the 
nation is ripe for manufactures — and when they ought to flour- 
ish spontaneously. 

But, alas ! these " day dreams'^'' of our political economists are 
not only not realized, but are put down forever. Manufactur- 
ing establishments, on which millions were expended, and 
which prospered during the war, when labour was dear, are now 
closed, and sinking into ruins, when labour tan be had on the 
average for two-thirds of the price it commanded at that period 
— when the necessaries of life are in almost unexampled abun- 
dance, and cheaper than they have been for above thirty years 
— and when, I repeat, the wealthy part of the community know 
not how to find employment for their capital. 

On the question of " ripeness for manufactures," the follow- 
ing opinions of Gen. Jacob Brown, as enlightened an agricul- 
turist, as he proved himself during the war a brave and skilful 
commander, are entitled to the most serious attention — ought to 
settle this question — and produce a totally new system of policy* 
It is impossible for a mind open to conviction to resist the force 
of his reasoning. 

" Other governments do not leave manufactures to force their 
" way, without public aid, into our markets. They grant premi- 
" ums and bounties, for the purpose of enabling their manufac- 
"turers to undersell their rivals. Besides, combinations are 
^'- formed among joreign manufacturers to beat down a manufacture 
'■'■that is beginning to show itsef in a country^ which they have 
" been in the habit of supplying — combinations, acting upon the 
" principle of making a temporary sacrifice to secure a perma- 
" nent good, and looking, too, to their own government, when the 
*' sacrifice is great, for some sort of remuneration — a remuner- 
" ation often cheerfully bestowed. Thus our country being ripe 
" for the introduction of a particular manufacture, some public 
" spirited citizens embark a large part of their property in the 
'* enterprise. After they have^ by great expense^ brought their 
^'■schemes to inaturity^ and begin to be cheered with the prospect 
" of success^ the country is flooded with the article by foreigners^ 
" who sell it at a very loxv price ^ and continue so to act, until the 
" domestic establishment is ruined, calculating, that the com- 
" plete failure of the plan, with the ruin of the persons engaged 
*' in it, will prevent all similar attempts in future, and thus se- 
" cure to them, for a lopg time, the undivided nossession of the 
" market. 



OF THE UNITED STATES. 433 

" Here, then, the domestic manufacture fails ; not because 
" the country was not ripe for it : not because, things being left 
" lo their natural course, it could not thrive. It is beat down by 
'' an artificial policy. And we may take it for granted, that the 
" cupidity of foreigners will postpone the suecessfid prosecution 
" of manufactures in this country, long beyond the natural peri- 
" od for their introduction, unless our own govei-nment adopt a 
" strong system of counteraction. 

"When we consider how very difficult it is at first to compete 
" with old establishments, which have attained great skill in the 
" business, in which they are to be contended with, and hav6 
" been long in undi\iced possession of the market, with the fear 
" of failure, which always exists in reference to new enterprises ; 
*' it will not be thought extravagant to say, that a country viay 
'* remain destitute oj manij important manufactures fo'r half a cen- 
'•'' tury after it has really became ripe for theni^ unless relieved 
" from the pressure of the difficulties in question, and encouraged 
*' to look them strongly in the face, by a well-founded reli- 
" ance on the patronage of the government. In no country have 
*' manufactories, requiring great capital and skill, sprung up, in 
*' the first instance, of their own accord, in consequence of the 
" ripeness of the country for them. No — they have always been 
" inti'oduced by efforts of public policy. How emphatically was 
" this the case with respect to England ! If she had acted upon the 
" principle now contended for, that manufactories will always 
*' grow up as soon as it is the interest of the country that thej- 
" should do so, she never would have entered into competition 
"with Flanders. Instead of rising to her present state of wealth 
" and resource, she would have sunk into a second or third rate 
"power — comparatively poor and inefficient. And the instan- 
"ces are not rare, as if in derision of this principle, in which 
" countries, low in manufacturing industry, have been raised in 
" a few years, by a wise, protecting policy, to a very high point' 
" of prosperity and wealth. 

" Prussia, under the government of the sa:ga'cious f'redencky 
" furnishes a splendid exemplification of this remark. In his 
" reign, the population and Xvealth of Prussia were more than 
" doubled; to which nothing so much contributed as the policy, 
"which he so firmly and persevefingly pursued, of introducing 
" the most valuable branches of manufactures into his dominions. 
" What would have been the reply of this great man, if he had 
" been told, that it was unwise in him to force up ma:nufactures? 
" that they should be left to the natural course of things ?— 
" Things, in this respect, can neveT take thei'r natural course, 
" until a wise government, by strong protecting duties, gives an 
"opportunity for the establishment' of manufactures within its 
*' limits, and carrying them through the period of infancy. — 



434 ADDRESS TO THE FARMERS 

" Things are prevented from taking their natural course, by the 
" artificial policy of foreign governments, and the avaricious 
" combinations among foreign manufacturers. The moment we 
"attempt to get rid of then- monopoly, by efforts to supply our- 
" selves, thev defeat those efforts by a temporary departure from 
" their ordinary conduct — the Avounds inflicted being not so 
" much by blows, given in fair combat, as by those, which, if 
" continued for any length of time, would destroy equally him 
" who gives, and him who receives them."* 

II. That protecting' duties would tax the many for the benefit 
of the few — giving the latter a monopoly at the expense of the for- 
mer. 

This objection enlisted the honest feelings and prejudices of 
a large portion of the community against their fellow citizens 
engaged in manufactures. They fondly believed that compli- 
ance with their wishes, was little less than a license to depredate 
on the community. 

It would not be easy to point out an error in political econo- 
my, which has inflicted so much distress on a nation, as this has 
done on the united states. More than three fourths of the cala- 
mities which we have suffered for years past, have arisen from 
this source ; as it has been the principal means of preventing 
such a modification of the tariff, as would have averted most of 
the evils under which this nation is writhing. 

It is an egregious error to suppose that high duties or prohi- 
bitions afford a " monopoly'''' to those in whose favour they are 
imposed. In order to clear up this point, it is necessary to as- 
certain the precise import of " monopoly ^'' which the most ap- 
proved dictionaries explain to mean " the exclusive privilege of 
selling any thing.^'f Now a moment's consideration will evince 
that there is no power in this nation which can or dare attempt 
to confer, " the exclusive power of selling any thing^'' except in 
the case of inventions or discoveries, which may be patented. 
But this is a case not contemplated by the objection. 

"We have imported in a single year, to the injury of the culti- 
vators of the soil, 1,027,95 1 //'A', of cheese,:!: notwithstanding it 
^as subject to a heavy duty. Suppose the article had been 
wholly prohibited. Would there, in that case, be any thing like 
" a monopoly?'''' Not in the least. The making of cheese would 
e open to every citizen of the united states — manufacturer or 
merchant, as well as agriculturist, without a single exception. 
In like manner, were cottons or woollens wholly prdbibited, 

* Address of Major-General Jacob Brown, Vice-President of the Agricultura.' 
Society of Jefferson county, New- York, to the Society, Sept. 1819. 
t See Walker and Johnson. i Seybert, p. 165, 



OF THE UNITED STATES. 435 

instead of being subject to a duty of thirty-three per cent, as con- 
temphited by the new tariff, there would not be the slightest 
trace of '"■ tnonopo/y ;^- as every citizen might, and hundreds 
would, at once commence the manufacture. 

The prices at first would proijably in both cases rise conside- 
rably. But the higher they rose at first, the more certain and 
the greater would be the reduction afterwards. Allured by the 
extraordinary profit , so much capital would take that direction, 
that a glut would be produced — and hence the result would be, 
what has ever followed a glut, that the article would sink below 
its value. 

On this subject the opinion of Alexander Hamilton has been 
repeatedly and deservedly quoted. It is conclusive and unan- 
swerable : — 

" Though it were true, that the immediate and certain effect 
*' of regulations controlling the competition of foreign, with do- 
*' mestic fabrics, was an increase of prices ; it is universally true, 
" that the contrarij is the ultimate effect xvith everif succes.sjui ma- 
" nufuctiire. When a domestic manufacture has attained to 
" perfection, and has engaged^in the prosecution of it a compe- 
*' ttnt number of persons, it invarvibly becomes cheaper. Being 
*' free from the heavy charges which attend the importation of 
" foreign commodities, it can be afforded cheaper, and according- 
" ly seldom or never fails to be oold cheaper, in process of time, 
*' than was the foreign article for which it was a substitute. 
" The internal competition which takes place, soon does away 
*' every thing like monopoly ; and by degrees reduces the price 
" of the article to the minimum of a reasonable prof t on the capi- 
" tal employed. This accords with the reason of the thing, and 
*' with experience."* 

This opinion is strongly corroborated by the facts contained 
in the following letter, from as respectable a citizen as any in 
Philadelphia : — 

Sir, January 30//?, 1820. 

" In answer to your note of 24th instant, I reply, that the ar- 
*' tides in our line of business, which have been selling at reduced 
" prices since they were manufactured in this country, are win- 
•"' dow-glass, white lead, oil of vitriol, Glauber's salt, and nearly 
" all the chemical articles. Window-glass 8 by 10 formerly 
" cost the importer from 9 to 9^ dollars per box ; the manufac- 
" turers here now sell at 7 dollars. White lead formerly cost 
" from 14 to 15 dollars ; we are now selling at 12 dollars. Oil 
" of vitriol formerly cost 1 1 cents per lb. the manufacturer here 
" now charges 8 cents, and the imported article has lately sold 

* Hamilton's Works, Vol. I. Report on Manufactures. 



436 ADDRESS TO THE FARMERS 

" in this'city at 6 cents. Glauber's salt formerly cost 305. ster-> 
" ling ; but, by the late prices current, 185, sterling ; it would 
'' therefore cost to import it about ^ cents per lb. including the 
" duty, which is 2 cents per lb, ; it is now selling by the manur 
" facturer at from 2i to 3 cents per lb, and has not been above 
^' that price for some years past. With respect to chemicals, 
" there is no probability of their being again imported ; the com- 
^' petition here will ever keep down the prices ; nor is it proba- 
" ble that window-glass will be imported, as the/manufactories 
^* now established can supply more than the demand ; the prices 
" will therefore be kept down by competition. 
*•' I aiTj very respectfully, 
,t6 Yours &c. 

" SAMUEL WETHERILL. 
*•' Mr. Mathew Carey." 

To these facts it may be added, that, in almost every case, the 
establishment of a manufacture in this countrv has kept down 
the price of the imported article. One item, of public notoriety, 
often quoted, but unfortunately nat sufficiently attended to, de- 
serves more detail than any other, as affording a most practical 
illustration of this theory . 

Immense quantities of low priced muslins were formerly im- 
ported into this country from the East Indies, which were in- 
voiced at 6, 7, and 8 cents per yard, and sold in our markets at 
20 and 25 cents. As they did not yield much to the revenue, 
and interfered with the consumption of our cotton wool, they 
were subjected to a duty equivalent to a prohibition : that is to say, 
all imported cotton goods, below 25 cents per square yard, were 
dutied as if they had cost 25 cents. 

For example — 

1000 square yards muslin at 8 cents . . ^80 00 

Duties on 1000 square yards at 6i cents . 62 52 



This is about 77 per cent, and has altogether closed our mar- 
kets against those goods. 

In consequence of this duty, so much capital has been employ- 
ed in that manufacture, that American cotton goods, greatly 
superior in quality and texture, are now sold throughout the 
united states at 14 and 15 cents, and afford a fair profit to the 
manufacturer, and a great saving to the nation, independently 
of the immense sums they retain in the country. 



OF THE UNITED STATES. 437 

This was a proper opportunity of testing the soundness of 
the specious idea of " taxing the manij for the benept of the fhu''' 
by prohibitions or prohibitory duties. It did not stand the test. 
It was found hollow and fallacious, however plausible in appear- 
ance. This fact ought of itself to have finally settled the ques- 
tion beyond appeal. 

Steam boats afford another satisfactory test, of which the re- 
sult is the same. The capital requisite to build them being very 
great, so as very much to circumscribe competition, and being 
in some degree patented, it might be expected that high prices 
would be extorted, and the public be imposed on. But in this, 
as in all other cases, facts put down the theory completely. The 
rates of freight and passage in these useful vessels are every- 
where moderate ; and in many cases competition has reduced 
them so low, that the boats are a losing concern. 

Thus it happens in a variety of manufactures. As soon as 
they are completely established, and have the market secured, so 
many persons engage in them, and so great is the competition, 
that the prices are frequently reduced below those which afford 
a fair profit ; and many of the competitors, whose means are 
slender, are actually ruined. 

I shall doubtless be pardoned for stating the great effect of 
competition in a case somewhat analagous, which is calculated 
to throw important light on this subject. The West Indies, de- 
pending in general for their bread stuffs, on the united states, 
are frequently in a state of dearth, approaching to famine. Pri- 
ces, rise to an exorbitant height, so as to afford an immoderate 
profit to those who can reach the markets in season. So great 
is the competition, that, in the course of a few weeks, some- 
times a few days, the price is reduced within reasonable boundsj 
and often so low as to produce actual loss. 

A few months since, the price of flour at the Havanna was 
from twenty-five to thirty dollars per barrel. Two or three 
cargoes ai-rived, and were sold at those rates. The intelligence 
reached this country, and so many vessels were despatched 
hence, and arrived there, nearly together, that the price was re- 
duced to twelve or fourteen dollars, although the duty is St>| per 
barrel, and freight probably half a dollar. 



III. That protection of manufactures xvould lead to extortion 
and imposition^ as is said to have taken place during- the late war. 

This objection has been refuted times without number, and a 
sense of propriet}?- ought to consign it to oblivion. But ha^'ing 
recently been confidently advanced by an agricultural society in 
Virginia, not only as if it had never been answered, but as if it 



438 ADDRESS TO THE FARMERS 

were unanswerable, it cannot be improper to devote a page to 
the discussion of the foundation on which it rests. 

To this allegation it might be sufficient to reply, that those 
who raised the price of flour from four dollars to fourteen — of 
tobacco from ninety-five dollars to one hundred and eighty-five 
perhhd. — of cotton from twelve to thirty cents — and of wool 
from seventy-five cents to three and four dollars per pound, 
ought to be eternally silent on the subject of extortion. 

However, I shall not rest the defence on this ground. 

The war cut off" the supplies of foreign goods of almost every 
kind. As there was a vast amount of capital unemployed, and 
a prospect offered of a steady and profitable market, manufac- 
turing establishments arose as it were by magic. Numbers of 
merchants and farmers embarked in the business. 

All novel undertakings, particularly when on an extensive 
scale, are liable to various obstructions, difficulties, and disad- 
vantages. These establishments had their full share. The 
owners of sites for mills and machinery, took an ungenerous ad- 
vantage of the opportunity, and demanded exorbitant prices for 
them. With these demands the manufacturers were obliged to 
comply. Skilful mechanists were extremely rare — and of 
course sold their services at extravagant rates. The number of 
workmen bore no proportion to the demand for them : and they, 
like the rest, levied heavy taxes on the manufacturers : and 
finally, the farmers who had sold their wool at fifty and seventy- 
five cents per pound before the war, gradually raised it to one, 
two, three, and even, for a short space of time, to four dollars.* 

To supply the deficiency of workmen, numbers of apprentices 
were taken, who were to be instructed in the business. During 
this process, the want of skill necessarily produced heavy losses 
and deterioration of the manufactures. 

One other evil attended the manufacturers at this period. 
Many of them who entered on the business with large capitals, 
which they believed would have been amply adequate for the 
purpose of erecting the necessary mills and machinery, found 
those capitals exhausted before half or two-thirds of the works 
were completed — and were reduced to the alternative of either, 
borrowing money to carry on the business, or sacrificing all 
they had expended. 

Now, combining all these circumstances together, is there a 
man with any pretensions to candour, who will not be ashamed 
to join in the senseless clamour against the extortion of manu- 
facturers during the war, when raw materials, labour and ma- 
chinery, were raised in price ; and when, although the raw ma- 
terial, of the woollen branch in particular, was advanced three 

* Grotjan*ri pricejlpuygent, ^JJqt* 14, 1814. 



OP THE UNITED STATES. 43^ 

or four hundred per cent, the cloth was only advanced about 
fifty, sixty, or seventy per cent, on the peace prices of the im- 
ported cloth ? Let it ifurther never be forgotten, that the domes- 
tic manufacture was at all times during the war below the im- 
ported article, of which it steadily kept down the price. Broad 
cloth, notwithstanding the great extent of smuggling, would pro- 
bably have risen to thirty dollars per yard, but for the domestic 
manufacture of this article. 

Similar justification might be offered for any rise of price in 
other departments ; but I shall only add one. Tin was scarce, 
and in few hands. The merchants raised the price eighty to one 
hundred per cent. Were not the manufacturers of tin-ware 
necessarily obliged to raise that article accordinglj^ ? 



CHAPTER V. 

Ruinous consequences, to the farming interest^ of the depression of 
Manufactures. ConversioJi of manufacturers into farmers — of 
customers itito rivals. 

Having presented a sketch of the distresses of the country — 
the causes to which they have been ascribed — the grounds on 
which relief has been refused — and endeavoured to trace those 
distresses to their real source, I now undertake to prove the im- 
mense injury to the farming interest which has been produced 
by the policy we have hitherto pursued — as well as the benefits 
which would have necessarily flowed from a contrary policy. 

The injurious operation of the prevailing system has display- 
ed itself in a variety of ways : but I shall only particularize four, 
which have borne oppressively on the farming interest. 

1 . It has converted a large portion of mechanics, manufac- 
turers, and artisans into cultivators of the soil, and of course 
into rivals, instead of customers. 

2. It has destro\'ed a mqst invaluable market for raw mate- 
rials, and for a gieat variety of other articles, such as fuel, tim- 
ber, and various horticultural and culinary productions, for 
which manufacturing establishments afford a ready market to 
the farmers in their vicinity, and few of which will bear the ex- 
penses of transportation. 

3. It has discouraged the immigration of manufacturers, me- 
chanics, and artisans, into this country — and 

4. It has deprived the children of the farmers of profitable 
employment in manufacturing establishments. 



440 ADDI^ESS TO THE FARMERS 

Should I establish any one of these points, and still more if t 
establish the whole, it will appear very evident, that the fai'mers, 
who have always had a control over the choice of by far the ma- 
jority of the members of the general and state legislatures, have 
not well consulted their individual interests. 

That agricultural produce IS too abundant in the united states, 
for the markets at home and abroad, is a fact which cannot be 
disputed for a moment. And it is as clear as the noon day sun, 
that this must arise from a supernumerary proportion of agri- 
culturists to the other classes. It irresistibly follows that every 
measure, public or private, which tends to decrease the numbers 
of the other classes, and to increase that of the farmers, has an 
injurious bearing on the latter. 

I will assume in round numbers, that each farmer raises pro- 
duce to the amount of one hundred and sixty dollars per annum 
— that he consumes about eighty dollars — and that the remain- 
ing eighty serve to purchase clothing and other articles, and to 
pay that profit to which human industry is entitled, and which 
it cannot fail to receive in a well-ordered state of society. Now 
it follows that every manufacturer, who becomes a farmer, not 
only withdraws eighty dollars from the market for agricultural 
productions, but adds eighty to the quantity for sale. So that 
the effect is doubly injurious — it diminishes the demand — in- 
creases the supply — and, operating like a two-edged sword, cuts 
both ways. 

It is obviously difficult to calculate the quantity raised — the 
quantity consumed — and the surplus — of farms in general. Pre- 
cision is, however, neither attainable, nor in this case very ne- 
cessary. Let any quantity be assumed, whether greater or less 
than I have stated, the result cannot fail to evince the pernicious 
consequences of forcing manufacturers to become farmers. Let 
the latter class bear strongly in mind, that the operation con- 
stantly converts customers i?ito rivals. To this important truth 
they do not appear to have paid any attention whatever. Ruin- 
ous are the results to themselves at present, and such they 
must continue without a total change of system. 

That the effect of the policy pursued by this country, from the 
commencement of its government to the present time, has been 
to convert great numbers of the customers of our farmers into 
rivals, will, I trust, clearly appear in the course of this chapter. 

When our manufacturers were suffering penury and distress 
for want of employment, and their wives and children were sup- 
ported by overseers of the poor and by soup houses — when the 
establishments of their employers were crumbling iitto ruins, 
and their respectful and reiterated petitions for relief were 
v/hoily, not to say contumeliously, unnoticed or rejected, they 
were constantly consoled with the advice to " £:o bctck^^ and cul- 



OF THE UNITED STATES. 441 

tivate the soil. This had become a bye-word, and gone into 
general use. Necessity compelled thousands of the sufferers 
from time to time to comply. It is impossible to ascertain wirii 
precision the extent to which this operation was carried ; but 
certainly it was immense. Those who consider the stream of 
population that has constantly flowed to the western country, 
for thirty years, will probably agi-ee, that I am yery moderate 
when I assume, that in the western states, and the interior of 
New York and Pennsylyania, there are probably 150,000 per- 
sons, manufacturers and descendants of manufacturers, who are 
now cultivating the soil, but who, under a proper s\-stem, would 
be engaged in manufactures. Thej^ quitted the anvil, the saw, 
the mallet, the shuttle, and the spindle, to which they had been 
accustomed, for the plough and the harrow, wholly new occupa- 
tions — many of them with great reluctance. By increasing the 
surplus, they lower the price, of the productions of the earth, 
for which there is no adequate market, and thus add to the dis- 
tress of the farmer, and of the country at large — which must 
suffer with the sufferings, and prosper with the prosperity, of 
any considerable class, but more particidarly with the sufferings 
and prosperity of its most numerous class of citizens. 

Were it necessar}- to add any facts or arguments to prove that 
this number is not extravagant, it would be sufficient to state, 
that investigations made by comniittees appointed for that par- 
ticular purpose, proved that the number of persons who were 
thrown out of employment by the depression of manufactures, 
from 1816 to 1819, was — 

In Pittsburg - 1,288 

Philadelphia, in thirty branches ------- 7,288 

; 8,576 

A large portion of whom, as there was in those places a re- 
dundancy in nearly all the other branches, must of necessity have 
" gone back''' to the western country. The decay of business, 
and dismissal of workmen, in other places has been very great; 
in some more, in others less, than the above proportions. In 
Rhode Island the number of persons employed in the cotton 
branch alone was diminished 11,337 from 1816 to 1819. 

In the chapter on immigration, I shall state such facts, as, 
taken in conjunction with the above, will prove that instead of 
150,000 manufacturers and descendants of manufacturers, now 
engaged in agriculture, I might have assumed 250,000'.' •''^•^<i 

In order satisfactorily to evince the pernicious tendency of 
this disjointed state of things, it is necessary to establish the 
great extent of the market, thus destroyed — a market unaffected 
by embargoes or non-intercourse — independent upon European 

56 



442 



ADDRESS TO THE FARMERS 



wars — and not liable to be disturbed by the sinister policy of 
foreign nations. 

I will assume that the animal and vegetable food of each in- 
dividual of society, before prices fell so extremely low, cost 
about one dollar per week.* At this rate, 150,000 persons 
would afford a market for 7,800,Ov.iO dollars per annum, which, 
as will appear by the following table, is nearly half of the amount 
of the average of the animals and animal and vegetable food 
exported to all the world, for the last eighteen years ; and three- 
fourths of the whole of the exports of that description for the 
year 1820, I regret that 1 cannot carry the table farther back 
than the year 1803, at which period it commences in Seybert's 
statistics. 

Table of Exports of animals and animal and vegetable food from 
1803 to 1820 inclusive.f 





Animals and 


Vegetable | 




\nniials and 


Vegetable 




animal food. 


food. 




..aimal food. 


food. 


1803 


g 4,135,; '00 


14,o80,584 




25,978,568 


i05,'' 37,368 


1804 


4,284,568 


12,08^,684 


1812 


1,657,000 


17,797,000 


1805 


3,385,0^0 


11,752,000 ! 


1813 


1,101,0^0 


19,375,000 


1806 


3,274,000 


1 1,050,0 vO 1 


1814 


482,000 


2,216,jU0 


1807 


3,086,000 


14,432,0U0 


1815 


1,332,000 


11,234,000 


1808 


968,000 


2,550,000 


1816 


2,093,000 


13,151,000 


1809 


l,811,0i;0 


8,751,000 


1817 


2,069,000 


22,954,000 


1810 


2,169,000 


10,750,000 ! 


1818 


1,936,000 


19,048,000 


1811 


2,866,000 


20,391,000 ! 


1819 


2,025,000 


10,473,000 








182u 


2,447,000 


8,401,u00 


S 


25,978,568 


105,837,368 
















Total S 


41,120,568 g 


:..50,48rt,368 



Animals and animal food ------- ^41,120,568 

Vegetable food 230,486,368 

Totalfor 18 years , - - yS27l,606,936 

Average Jgl 5,089,274 



It is of importance to ascertain what proportion this bears to 
the total consumption of the country. 

* Let it be remembered that this calculation embraces a period during a large 
poiiion of which flour was from eight to fourteen dollars per barrel — butchers' 
meat from six to twelve cents per pound — ^butter twenty-five to thirty cents-^ 
a turkey one dollar — ^fuel five to eight doUai-s per cord, &c. &c. 

f Seybert, p. 147. 



OF THE UNITED STATES. 443 

The population according to the census 

Of 1 800, was 5,3l9,r6Si 

1810 r,239,903 

1820 9,625,734 



22,185,399 
Average population of the whole period, about 7,400,000 

Let us suppose, as before, that the consumption of animal and 
vegetable food for each person, white and black, has been one 
dollar per week. The consumption of the united states at that 
rate would be 348,000,000 dollars per annum* 

Synopsis. 
Average annual domestic consumption of ani- 
mal and vegetable food at one dollar per week, 
for 7,400,000 persons §384,000,000 

Average annual exportation, about 4 per cent. 

of the domestic consumption - ... - §1 5,000,000 

Yet this trivial exportation raised the price, most exorbitant- 
ly, of the immense quantity consumed at home. 

In the preceding view of the injuiy received by the farmers 
from 150,000 manufacturers and descendants, being occupied 
in agriculture, I have not stated the extent of the evil. I'he 
calculation is made as if these persons were removed out of the 
states, or had merely ceased to eat and drink. In that case, the 
farmers would only lose so many customers — but alas ! they 
have, as already stated, converted these valuable customers into 
rivals. It is therefore necessary to calculate what surplus they 
can bring into market, to compete with that class of society into 
which they have been with so much impolicy compelled to enter* 
I presume thirtv dollars per head will not be regarded as extra- 
vagant, which will amount to four millions five hundred thou- 
sand dollars annually added to the quantity in the market. 

Synopsis. 
Amount of animal and vegetable food that would 
be required from the farmers by the 150,000 
manufacturers, had they not become farmers 
themselves, at only one dollar per week - - §7,800,000 
Supplies raised by them for sale ----- 4,500,o00 

Actual annual injury to the farming interest §12,300,000 

Thus, it appears clearly, that the conversion of so many man- 
ufacturers into farmers, not only destroys a most invaluable 



444 ADDRESS TO THE FARMERS 

market, one-third of that afForded by the wars and desolations 
of Europe, and which their cessation has littrally annihih\ted, 
but adds nearly a third part of the quantity which found a mar- 
ket abroad. Is it then wonderful that throughout a large part 
of the western country wheat averages a quarter dollar per bush- 
el, and that other articles are at an equally low rate ? 

How utterly unlike the policy of the Dutch, so often quoted, 
has been that of our farmers ! Whenever the harvest of spices, 
of which the Dutch had for a long time thp monopoly, was too 
abundant, they destroyed a part proportioned to the extra quan- 
tity, in order to prevent their becoming a drug in consequence 
of the glut. Our farmers on the contrary by their legislation, 
have uninterruptedly pursued a system of which the direct and 
necessary effect is to increase the number of their rivals, and the 
surpluses, and of course to produce a glut. They have most 
unfortunately for themselves succeeded in this wayward policy. 

Those who have studied the state of markets with attention, 
know the effect of superabundance and scarcity in enhancing and 
reducing the price of commodities. The scarcity or superabun- 
dance bears but a small proportion to the enhancement or re- 
duction. 

The Havanna case stated. Chap. v. is sufficient to establish 
the effect of competition in lowering prices. 

I will now present two important instances of the effect of 
scarcity or increased demand enhancing the price of the neces- 
saries of life to an extraordinary and almost incredible extent. 

The year 1799 was very unfavourable for wheat in England. 
The weather was uncommonly wet, and the average deficiency 
throughout the kingdom, according to Arthur Young, one of 
the most accurate writers in Europe, on agricultural affairs, who 
made the most minute investigation of the subject, was about 
seven-twentieths, or a little above one-third of the usual crop.* 
Yet the price rose one hundred per cent in about a year — not- 
withstanding the most extraordinary exertions on the part of 
the government to prevent it by high bounties on importation, 
and bv regulating the consumption of bread by law, forbidding 
the use of it until one day old — and notwithstanding, likewise, 
the substitution of potatoes and various other kinds of vegetable 
food in place of wheat. 

* The question of scarcity plainly stated, and remedies considered. By Ar- 
thur Youngj Esq. F. R. S. and Secretary to the Board of Agriculture. Page 31. 



■^^ OF THE UNITED STATES. 445 

Average price of Wheat per bushel in England^ in 1799, 1800. 

s. d. s. d. 

1799 March - - - 6 2 1799 September ... 9 5 

April ... 6 8 Octol-,er - - 10 5 

May . . ~ 7 7 November - 11 3 

June - - - 7 11 December - - 11 8 

July ... 8 4 1800 January - - 11 10 

August - - - 9 1 February - - 12 8* 

Of the exertions made to prevent4»mine, some idea may be 
formed from a statement of the amount K:>i grain imported into 
England from Sept. 26, 1799, to Sept. 27, 18U0. 

1,261,932 quarters of wheat and flour, equal to 10,095,456 bush- 
els of - wheat 

67,988 bushels - - . - barley 

479.320 do. . - - . oats 

300,693 cwt. .... ricef 

The manufacture of starch and distillation of spirits from 
grain were moreover prohibited.:]: 

This is a strong case, and would of itself be sufficient to es- 
tablish by analogy how ver}' powerful is the effect of superabun- 
dance in reducing price, which is exactly equal to the operation 
of scarcity in its enhancement. 

But a much stronger domestic case presents itself, which de- 
serves serious attention. It speaks volumes on this subject. 

The price of superfine flour in our seaport towns was about 
four dollars per barrel at the commencement of the French revo- 
lution. It rose during the progress of that memorable era in 
the history of the world, to 6, 8, 10, 12, and even 14 dollars per 
barrel, in consequence of the demand for Europe and the West 
Indies. The average was probablv eight. 

It might naturally be concluded, that one-half, or at least one- 
third of our crops of wheal, was exported. It will therefore 
appear astonishing that the quantity was not one-fifth part of 
what was consumed at home, as will appear by the following 

* Idem, pp. 49 and 61, 

f Dodslej 's Annual Re^ster, vol. 42, pag-e 104. 

t Idem, p. 127. 



446 



ADDRESS TO THE FARMERS 



Table of the exports of wheat and four from the United States' 
from 1791 to 1820 * 





Bushels of 


Barrels of 




Bushels of 


Ban-els of 




wheat. 


flour. 




wheat 


flour. 


1791 


1,^^18,339 


619,681 




5,611,275 


12,190,931 


1792 


853,790 


824,464 


1806 


86,784 


782,724 


1793 


1,450,575 


1,074,639 


1807 


766,814 


1,249,819 


1794 


696,797 


846,010 


1808 


87,330 


263,813 


1795 


141,273 


687,369 


1809 


393,889 


846,247 


1796 


31,226 


725,194 


1810 


325,924 


798,431 


1797 


15,655 


515,633 


1811 


216,833 


I,4:t5,ul2 


1798 


15,021 


567,558 


1812 


53,832 


1,443,492 


1799 


10,056 


519,265 


1813 


288,535 


1,260,943 


1800 


26,853 


653,052 


1814 




193,274 


18J1 


239,929 


1,102,444 


1815 


17,634 


862,739 


1802 


280,281 


1,156,248 


1816 


62,321 


729,053 


1803 


686,415 


1,311,853 


1817 


96,407 


1,479,198 


1804 


127,024 


810,008 


1818 


196,808 


1,157,697 


1805 


18,041 


777,513 


1819 


82,065 


750,660 








1820 


22,137 


1,177,036 




5,611,275 


12,190,931 
















8,308,588 


26,631,069 



Export of flour barrels 26,631,065 

wheat 8,308,588 bushels, equal to 

barrels of flour - - - - - 1,661,717 

Total for thirty years 28,292,786 

Average ~ 9,430,92 

In order to ascertain the consumption, it remains to calculate 
the average population of that period. 

Population in 1790 3,929 326 

1800 5,319,762 

1810 -- 7,239,903 

1820 9,62.5,734 

Total - - - 26,114,725 



Being for the whole period an average of about 6,550,000. 

I will assume, that about 3,000,000 of these persons consumed 
wheaten flour of v^arious kinds ; and that their consumpticm was 
about one barrel and three quarters per annum, which is the 
average admitted by some of the best English statistical v.'riters. 
This will give an annual consumption of 5,250,0')0 of barrels of 
flour. It is hence manifest, that the annual export of 940,000 

* Pitkin's Tables, p. 111. 



OF THE UNITED STATES. 447 

barrels raised the price of above 5,250,000 from four dollars to 
an average of eight. 

Supposing that about 2,000,000 of the free citizens of the 
united states were not farmers ; and consumed, as above, one 
barrel and three quarters each, per annum, equal in the whole 
to 3,500,000 barrels ; it will appear that by this rise they paid 
their farming fellow citizens 14,000 000 of dollars per annum 
extra for their flour, in consequence of the war in Europe. 
This, from the year 1791 to 18l5, a period of twenty-fix e years, 
would amount to 350,000,000 dollars on that single article — and 
all other articles rose in nearly die same proportion. 

I have just received a Pittsburg price current, which, with " a 
pencil of light" displays the ruinous effects of our system on the 
farmers. They hailed the arrival of the day when manufactured 
articles would be cheap, as a Millennium, The day has arnved. 
Manufactures are as low as they could desire. What is the 
consequence .'' Their best customers are bankrupted. And their 
own situation is incomparably worse than ever it was. Cheap 
as manufactures are, it requires far more labour to buy them 
than was necessary when they were dear. 



Flour ----- per barrel J 
Whiskey - - - - per gallon 
Wheat . - . . per bushel 

Oats do. 

Corn ----- do. 
Apples - . - - do. 
Beef per pound 

When superfine broad cloth during the war was fourteen dol- 
lars per yard, they could buy a yard for two barrels of flour. 
The same kind of cloth, imported, can now be had for ten dol- 
lars — but requires at Pittsburg nt-arly six barrels of flour to pay 
for it. If this monstrous and lamentable fact, does not awaken 
the farmers out of their lethargy — display their vital interests 
in their true colours — and lead them to use their efforts to effect 
a change of system, it will deserve to be ranked among the most 
inexplicable instances of impolicy to be found on human records. 







Pittsburg, 


Feb. 5, 1821. 


75 


Pork - 


. . - 


per pound cts. 3 


16 


Veal 


. - - 




do. 3 


^^7}, 


Venison 


. . . 




do. 3 


15 


Butter - 


. . - 




do. 12J 


25 


Lard 


- - - 




do. 6 


25 


Bacon - 


. - - 




do. 6 



These facts and suggestions are on a topic of immense im- 
portance, not merely to the farmers, but to the entire nation. 
They are most respectfully submitted to public consideration, 
with a firm belief that they are radically correct — or at least that 
any errors — quos incuria fudit — will not materially affect the 
result. 



448 ADDRESS TO THE FARMERS 



CHAPTER VI. 



Advantages of the immigration of the productive classes of Society. 
Policy of France and England. Ruinous of the former — pro- 
foundly wise of the latter. Case of Flanders. Immigration into 
the united states . 

The second pernicious effect of our present system of policy 
on the nation at large, but more particularly on the farmers, is, 
that its obvious tendency has been to discourage immigration of 
useful members of society belonging to the manufacturing class, 
who would afford a market for the surplus of the produce of the 
soil. 

It would be superfluous to undertake to prove the advanta- 
ges of an increase of any of the productive classes of society. 
It is admitted by all wise statesmen, that the strength of the 
state, and the pride of its rulers, is a numerous and useful pop- 
ulation, steadily employed in adding to the wealth and resour- 
ces of the country. A numerous population, partly unemployed, 
or engaged in labour which does not recompense the capital, 
time, and industry bestowed on it, as has been the case with so 
large a portion of our citizens, proves a radical unsoundness in 
its policy. 

Immigrations of the productive classes have been encouraged 
in countries with population tenfold greater than ours, in pro- 
portion to their extent, and have been found eminently beneficial. 
History is replete with monitory examples on this important 
point. 

Flanders for centuries possessed a monopoly of the woollen 
trade, and derived immense wealth by drawing the raw material 
from England, and supplying her and other nations with the 
manufactured article at treble, quadruple, and quintuple the 
price of the avooI. A small number of immigrants, encouraged 
by Edward III. introduced improvements, and extended the 
manufacture in England, and laid the foundation of the future 
greatness of that nation, which was thereby liberated from the 
tribute she had been accustomed to pay to the talents and skill 
of the native country of those immigrants. 

France had for j^ears a monopoly of some of the most valua- 
ble manufactures in the world, which the emigrants whom the 
repeal of the edict of Nantz drove out of the kingdom, spread 
throughout Europe. England, by this wicked and impolitic 
measure, accjuired such accessions of talent, skill, and capital, as 
greatly facilitated her progress to the high standing she has en- 
joyed among the nations of the earth. 

/ 



OF THE UNITED STATES. 449 

Those who fled to Saxony increased and improved the manu- 
factures of the country, and communicated the art of making 
that elegant tint, called Saxon blue, which has been a great 
source of wealth and prosperity to that nation.* 

There is not. perhaps there scarcely ever was, a country in 
the world to which the immigration of productive labourers 
ought to be moi-e an object of desire than the united states. 
Our population bears a smaller proportion to our territory, than 
that of any other nation. 

There is no nation, moreover, to which those ardent and ac- 
tive sj)irits, who, suffering hardships and penury at home, seek 
to mend their fortunes in foreign climes, look with more eager- 
ness than the united states. The eyes of Europe are directed 
hither. 

The distresses, oppression, and miserxs which the labouring 
classes in Europe have suffered, and still suffer, would have 
doubled the immigrations, had proper encouragement been af- 
forded. Many of the maiuifacturing portion of those who arrived,- 
in general found it difficult to locale themselves in our cities, 
where every place was filled. Some of them "^ xvent back'''' to 
the western states, and devoted themselves to the culture of the 
soil-mothers found employment at their proper trades in coun- 
try towns — but no small portion of them returned to their na- 
tive countries. 

The policy pursued by our government from its commence- 
ment, was calculated to crush all attempts at the great manufac- 
tures of clothing, on which so large a portion of the national 
wealth has been expended, to support the manufacturers and 
governments of Europe. 

I do not aver this was the intention : but it was a necessary 
effect of the system. For some years after the adoption of the 
federal constitution, the, duty on cotton and woollen goods was 
only five per cent, ad valorem — it then rose, in consequence of 
the increased wants of the treasury, to seven and a Irnlf — and 
some years afterwards to twelve and a half. 

It would be an insult to the common sense of the reader to 
suppose that any competition could be maintained, under such 
duties, by our citizens with die manufactui-ers of England, 

* "Those who fled to Saxony were received with that humanitj' which dis- 
tress is entitled to, and witli a liberahty of welcome which might be expected 
from an enliglitened and patriotic sovereign. Thej contributed to ])ei'fcct the 
manufactures of the coimtiy, and laid the foundation of thtvt fame which it has 
since attained on account of the pei-f ction of its colouring They were the first 
who introduced aniong the work people that particular tint which is denomina- 
ted the Saxon blue. In er>eri/ /)(ace ivhert; the fugitives fixed their subseguent abode, 
iJieti coutnbnted^ by their exertion, their skill, connections, and capital, to the success 
of the native mamifactwes, and enabled them ivith more decided superiority to rival 
those of France." — Luccock on tVool,puge60. 

57 



450 ADDRESS TO THE FARMERS 

possessed of immense capitals — labour-saving 'machinery — go- 
vernmental protection in the domestic market — and, in a word, 
of every advantage which the most enlightened policy could af- 
ford. The contest would have been wholly hopeless. It would 
have been the attack of a sloop of war'on a vessel of the line — 
a dwarf on a Hercules. 

The consequence was such as might have been expected. In 
the year 1800 there, were used in manufacturing establish- 
ments in the united states only 500 bales of 

cotton, or - lbs. 150,000* 

In the same year we exported - - lbs. I7,789,263f 

And, wonderful fact ! we imported, of goods 

paying 12i per cent, ad valorem, - - $ 16,637, 257^ 

of which three-fourths were for clothing, 

or about g 12,000,000 

In 1 805, we consumed in manufacturing estab- 
lishments 1000 bales - - - - lbs. 300,000§ 
In the same year we exported - - lbs. 29,602,428[j 
And imported goods at 15 per cent. 

ad valorem to the amount of - - g 37,137,596<fy 

of which, as before, about three-fourths were 
for clothing, - - - - - - $ 28,000,000 

It would be difficult to find an instance, in the annals of com- 
merce, of such a ruinous traffic — such a prodigal waste of na- 
tional resources. 

On the wretched and depressed state of the woollen manu- 
facture, it is enough to refer to the never-to-be-forgotten fact, 
that shortly previous to the commencement of the late war, 
when there was a non-intercourse with England, such was the 
difficulty of procuring five or six thousand blankets for the In- 
dians, that a formal proposition from the secretary at war was 
laid before congress, to suspend that act, in order to obtain the 
supply. A more admonitory example never occurred, of the folly 
and danger of depending on foreign nations for articles of prime 
necessity. 

The linen, cotton, stocking, pottery ^ stone, earthen ware, and 
various other manufactures stood on nearly the same ground of 
denression. Almost the only establishment for hosiery in the 
country was at German town. 

It is therefore obvious that from 1789 till the period of the 
restrictive system in 1808-9, there was no encouragement for 
cotton, woollen, linen, or stocking weavers, potters, or persons 

* Report of the Committee on Commerce and Manufactures.^ 
•j- Seybert, 95. t Idem, 163. 

4 Report of tJ>e Committee on Commerce and Manufactures. 
!! Seybeit 112. f Idem 164. 



OF THE UNITED STATES. 451 

of a variety of other trades and professions ; that vast numbers 
were probably prevented from migrating to this country ; and 
that those who arrived here, and did not return, were obiigcd to 
betake themselves to other occupations — among which there can 
be no doubt thousands devoted themselves to agriculture. 

From the preceding statement it is manifest that our policy 
has discouraged the immigration of manufacturers — has in some 
measure compelled immigrants of that description to become 
farmers, and of consequence rivals to those to whom they would 
otherwise have been customers — and that so far as it has opera- 
ted in this re^spect, it has been among the sources of the present 
distress of the respectable class of agriculturists. 

The demand for our agricultural productions in Europe and 
the West Indies, during the continuance of the wars of the 
French revolution, prevented the development of the ruinous 
consequences of this policy. They are now visited on us with 
unmitigated severity. 

It remains to ascertain the extent of immigration, notwith- 
standing all these untoward and inauspicious circumstances. 

The want of data prevents me from going farther back than 
1817. I shall therefore confine myself to that and the three suc- 
ceeding years. 

According to Dr. Seybert, the immigrations in the year 1817, 
into ten ports were 22,240.* 

Boston - - - 2,200 Baltimore - - 1,817 

New York - - 7,634 Norfolk - - - 520 

Perth Amboy - - 637 Charleston - - 747 

Philadelphia - - 7,085 Savannah - - - 163 

Wilmington, D. - 558 New Orleans - - 879 

22,240 



The immigrants registered in the port of New York, in the 
years 1818 and 1819, according to a statement of the mayor of 
that city were 19,885. 

The mayor states that there is one-third of the whole num- 
ber omitted — this would make the total 28,827. 

It is probable that about two-fifths of all the immigrants into 
this country arrive in New- York. 

This would make, in 1818 and 1819, for all the united 
states, ..---. 70,000 

Or, per annum, . - - . 35,000 

* Statistics, p. 29. 



4j;i ADDRESS TO THE FARMERS 

But I shall assume that the numbers in the rest of the 
union are only equal to those who arrived in New York, 
which, notwithstanding the variety of discouraging cir- 
cumstances that existed, makes, per annum, about - 28,000 

It is difficult to conceive the extent to which immigration 
would have been carried, had those who arrived, been able to 
locate themselves comfortably, and to write home such flatter- 
ing accounts as in that case they would have done, to those who 
were pantiag to follow them. It is not impronable that it would 
have amou'. ted to 50 or 60,000 per annum, who would have 
added immensely to the wealth, power, and resources of the 
country. 

The secretary of the treasury, in a report on the subject of the 
tariff in 1820, presents a sound and luminous observation on the 
subject of manufactures generally, and on the eifect which would 
be produced by an adequate protection. — He says, 

"•' The situation of the countries from vi'hich our foreign ma- 
*' nufactures have been principally drawn, authorises the expec- 
*' tation, that in the event of a monopolj'^ of the market being 
*^' secured to our manufacturing fellow citizens, a considerable 
*^ portion of the manufacturing skill and industry of those coun- 
*' tries -will he promptly transferred to the united states ^ and incor- 
^^ porated zvith the domestic capital of the union.'''' 

Here, in a few words, is developed an outline of the true po- 
licy of the united states, to which, unfortunately, scarcely any 
attention has been paid. A monopoly, by which he meant an 
absolute prohibition, was not necessary : such a degree of pro- 
tection as would have prevented our citizens from being driven 
out of their own markets, would have been amply sufficient. 
But we prefer having our workmen in Europe — raising food 
and raw materials — and shipping them there to feed and keep 
them employed. The number of persons thus usually labour- 
ing for us in Europe, would, if removed to this country, afford 
a market for nearly the whole surplus of food we export. And 
thus, to use, the words of the secretary, it was in our power by 
proper encouragement, to have '•'•promptly transferred to the 
united states a considerable portion of the skill and industry'''^ of 
a great part of the nations of Europe. 

The distresses and wretchedness suffered by the immigrants, in 
1819, were truly lamentable. They wandered about our streets, 
as I have stated, after having exhausted their resources in search 
of employment, but in vain. Persons who had been brought 
up to nice and elegant branches of business, were by necessity 
compelled to saw and split wood, and perform other laborious 
and painful offices for a livelihood. Great numbers of those 
who had the means of returning, availed themselves of the op- 
portunity, and gave as tremendous accounts of the country as 



Ot THE UNITED STATES. 453 

Joshua's messengers gave of Canaan Numerous applications 
were made to the British consuls here and elsewhere, by some 
of the sufferers, who could not find work, and who had no 
means of returning, to procure them passages home — which in 
some instances were accorded — in others refused 

The number of persons who ha\ e thus returned, has been far 
more considerable than is supposed. I make no doubt that they 
amounted to 1,'00 per annum for the last three years. Sixty 
have recently sailed in one vessel from New York, according to 
a statement from the British consul thei-e — and twenty, thirty, 
forty, and fift}^ have from time to time sailed in different vessels 
from that port and from Pliiladelphia. Some of them have 
tried their fortunes in a settlement on the island of Cuba : and 
some have gone to Canada and the other British settlements on 
this continent. 

It is fair to presume that the terror inspired by every return- 
ed emigrant, prevented the emigration of numbers of those who 
had previously yearned after this country. 

In consequence, immigration, in 1820, sunk down to 7001, 
according to a semi-official statement in the National Calender, 
for 1821, in which a novel classification is adopted — Useful and 
productive class ; useful unproductive ; ornamental and amusing 
unproductive. 

Useful and productive class _ - - _ 1,987 

Useful unproductive class - . - _ - 1,730 

Ornamental and amusing unproductive class - 148 

Persons whose occupations are unknown - - 3,136 

7,001 

Of the first class there were, farmers, - - - 

planters, 
gardeners, 

897 

The remaining 1090 of the first class comprise persons of the 
following trades. 



454 



ADDRESS TO tHE FARMERS 



Artificer 


1 


Dyers 


- 3 


Rigger 


1 


Bakers 


58 


Fishermen 


- 4 


Rope makers • 


- 5 


Basket makers 


5 


Flaxdresser 


- 1 


Rule makers 


- 2 


BJacksmitlis - 


55 


Goldsmith - 


1 


Saddlers 


4 


Block makers - 


. 7 


Gunsmiths 


- 3 


Sail makers 


- 2 


Boat builders 


4 


Harness makers 


3 


Seamstresses - 


- 10 


Book binder - 


1 


l^atters - 


- 5 


Ship carpenters 


5 


Boot makers 


3 


Iron founder 


1 


Shoemakers - 


- 82 


Bricklayers - 


6 


Labourers 


- 289 


Silversmiths 


2 


Brickmaker 


- 1 


Leather dresser 


■ 1 


Slater 


- 1 


Bikzier - - . 


1 


ManUia makers - 


- 5 


Soap boilers - 


- 2 


Brass founders - 


- 2 


Manufacturers 


7 


Stay makers - 


- 2 


Brewers - 


- 6 


Masons 


12 


Stone cutters 


8 


Butchers 


37 


Mattrass maker 


1 


Sup. of glass works 


- 1 


Button maker 


1 


Mechanics 


- 31 


Tailors - 


. 55 


Ca-binet makers 


22 


Milliners 


17 


Tailor and fai-mer 


- 1 


•Carpenters - 


114 


Millers 


9 


Tanners 


5 


Chair makers - 


. 4 


Millwrig-hts - 


2 


Tanner and currier 


- 1 


Chandlers 


6 


Morocco dresser 


1 


Tinker - 


1 


Gloth dressers 


3 


Nail maker 


- 1 


Tobacconists 


6 


Clothiers 


9 


Painters 


13 


Tui'ner - 


1 


Cloth manufacturer 


- 1 


Paper makers 


2 


Umbrella makers 


. 2 


Coopers 


33 


Pin and needle makers 2 ' 


Watch makers 


6 


Coppersmiths - 


- 4 


Plasterei-s 


- 7 


Weavers 


61 


Cotton spinner 


1 


Plumbers - 


3 


Wheelwrights - 


. 4 


CuiTiers 


10 


Potters 


2 


White smiths 


4 


Cutlers - 


5 


Printers - 


. 4 


Waxmakers 


. 2 


Distillers 


5 


Refiner ' 


. 1 


Brought down 
Total 


1090 
897 

1987 



Here a most serious reflection strllces the mind. A nation 
with a thousand millions of acres uncultivated, and not likely to 
be fully cultivated for centuries to come — with almost every ad- 
vantage that heaven ever bestowed on any portion of the globe 
— a nation, which, under a sound policy, could provide for half 
the population of Europe — and which, more than any nation in 
the world, would be benefitted by immigration^ — receives an ac- 
cession of 1987 persons of the most useful classes of society — 

farmers planters — gardeners manufacturers — mechanics — 

artisans — and labourers — of whom a considerable portion have 
families — and this accession, strange as it may appear, is of very 
doubtful advantage either to the country or themselves !* 

In the present state of things, can the accession of 806 far- 
mers be beneficial ? Is not the class of farmers already too nu- 
merous, and the produce of agriculture too abundant, and so 
cheap as not to pay for the labour, time, talent, and capital it 
requires? Does not every farmer who arrives from abroad in- 
crease the surplus, and is not the tendency, of course, to lower 
the prices, already ruinously depressed ? On the other hand, 
can the arrival of blacksmiths, masons, carpenters, coopers, 



* Written in Feb. 1821. 



FARMERS OF THE UNITED STATES. 455 

weavers, &c. &c. be advantageous, — as there are so many of 
them here destitute of employment ? Does not every one who 
arrives, if employed, displace some one of our actual citizens ? 
In the absence of every other proof of the unsoundness of our 
policy, this would be abundantly sufficient to establish it beyond 
the power of contradiction. 



CHAPTER VII. 

Market for raw materials destroyed. Quantity of wool in 1 820. 
Increase. State of the sheep and the xuooUen manufacture in 
Englaiid and France. 

During the war, the prosperous state of manufactures afford- 
ed the farmers an ad\ antageous market for raw materials, as 
wool, iron, hemp, flax, leather, &c. &c. the want of which that 
class of citizens feel most oppressively by the depression and 
downfall of so many large establishments. This circumstance 
has powerfully co-operated in producing the present stagnation 
and distress, which they feel so severely. Were this market 
revived, it would spread prosperity where gloom and dismay 
prevail. 

In this investigation I shall not consider anv of the raw ma- 
terials, except wool. The calculations are more simple, and re- 
ducible to a more tangible form. But all the reasoning which 
applies to wool, so far as regards the farming interest, will ap- 
ply with equal force to hemp, flax, skins, hides, timber, &c. 

It is to be regretted that the statistics of the united states 
are in a very imperfect state, and do not aff"ord such materials 
for calculation as would be requisite to arrive at that degree of 
certaintv which the importance of the subject requires. We 
must avail ourselves of the best which the nature of the case af- 
fords. 

Of the quantity of our sheep — the amount of their flocks — the 
value of the wool — and the extent of the woollen manufacture, 
there is scarcely a trace to be found, previous to the publication 
of Mr. Coxe's Tables, drawn from the returns of the marshals, 
in 1810, when the restrictive system had given a considerable 
spring to manufactures generally. 

Mr. Coxe states, that it was believed that the growth of 
wool in the united states, in 1812, was from 20, to 22,()0i;>,000 
Ibs.^ — but that there were some who made a higher estimate. 

* Statement of the aits and manufactures of the united states, for the yeai- 
1810, page 13. 



456 ADDRESS TO THE FARMERS 

The quantity had increased, in two years, several millions oi 
pounds. 

It would be waste of time to prove, that such a protection 
as is afforded to the woollen manufacture in England and 
France, would have created so great a demand for wool, as would 
have inclined and justified the farmers in increasing the num- 
bers of their sheep, which would have diminished the number 
of acres employed in raising grain, and thus lessened that sur- 
plus of the latter, which has produced the great reduction of the 
price of bread stuffs. 

It will not be controverted that in the eight years which have 
elapsed since 1812, the increase would probably have been 50 
per cent. — which would give 30, to 32,000,0()0/(^5''. 

The briskness of demand would have secured a good price. 
I do not calculate on the very extravagant prices which pre- 
vailed during the war, two, three, and four dollars per pound 
for washed merino wool. I will suppose that the price of com- 
mon wool, now fifty cents per lb. would be steady at seventy- 
five cents. 

It is difficult to ascertain what is the quantity sheared at 
present. Whether it has increased, decreased, or remained 
stationary since 1812, we have no means of ascertaining. The 
lamentable havoc made of the merino sheep would lead to the 
belief that there was rather a decrease. But I will admit that 
it has remained stationary. At all events, if it has increased^ 
it does not affect the calculation ; as whatever may be the 
number, at present, adequte protection of the woollen manufac- 
ture would, as already stated, have increased it probably 50 per 
cent. 

. Suppose it now 22,000,000 lbs. at half a dollar, it 

amounts to gl 1,000^000 

But assuming an increase of quantity, not of 50 

per cent, but of 30, it would amount to lbs. 28,600,000 

And assuming, that a proper encouragement of 
;, manufactures would have raised the price to 75 
-^ cents, 28,6'^0,000 lbs. would amount to - ^21,450,00()■^v , 
Here (beyond the power of contradiction) would be a differ- 
ence in one single article in favour of the farming, interest of 
% 10,000,000. Had I assumed a twofold increase, of quantity , 
and price, as I believe I might have done, it would have made^ij 
a difference of above ^30,000,000. But it is preferable to b^oJ-, 
within such boundary lines as even an opponent must admit. 

The gain to the farmers by an increased consumption of 
herap, flax, leather, &c. would probably equal that on wopli; 
Details are unnecessary-^as a very slight consideration is suf- 



OF THE UNITED STATES. 



457 



ficient to evince the great importance of these almost inex- 
hai;stihle sources of wealth. 

A slight sketch of the state of the sheep, the wool, and wool- 
len manufacture in England and France may throw some light 
on this subject, and shr w what immense advantages they derive, 
and which we might derive from a due encouragement of this 
branch of industry. 

The shet'p and lambs in Great Britain and 

Ireland, are, according to Colquhoun - 40,000,000 

The woollen manufacture in England from 
English wool - - ^20,000,000 

Spanish wool - - - 6,000,000 =g 

26,000,000 

Cost of the raw material . . - - 8,000,000 



National gain £ 18,000,()00* 

Equal to - - - - - - 8 81,000,000 

The average amount of Spanish wool imported 
into England for six years, from 1807 to 
1812 lbs. 7,329.795t 

The annual weight of the wool shorn in 

France is - - - killogrammes 37,188,910 

Of which the value is ... Fr. 81,339,317 

The whole trade in wool, and fabrics of wool, 

in France, is . - . - Fr. 238,133,932^ 

Equal to about - - - - g 47,000,000 

I shall close this subject with a brief sketch of the state of 
the sheep and the wool in a single county in England. 

Lincolnshire contains 75,000 souls — i ,848,000 acres of land — 
2,400,000 sheep — and of wool, according to Arthur Young, in 
1799, it produced 21,600,000 lbs.|| 

The sheep, however, it is to be observed, are the long fleeced^ 
which yield nearly twice as much wool as the other species. 
This wool is adapted to coarse goods, as blankets, kerseys, &c. 

l>uccock, who has written much more recently than Young, 
viz. in 1809, gives a different account of the state of Lincoln- 
shire, as regards the number of sheep. His statement is as 
follows — 

* Wealth, Power and Resources of Great Britain, p. 91. f Ibid. 

i Chapta!, De L'lndustrie Frsiicoisc, vol li. pp. 132. 135. 

R General view oi the Agriculture of the County of Lincoln, p. 367. 

.58 



458 ADDRESS TO THE FARMERS 

Sheep. Weight of fleece. 
Lincoln rich land .... 1,241,625 8 lbs. 

Marshes 87,500 9 

Miscellaneous land .... 505,657 8 



1,834,782 



As there are but 87,500 sheep, whose fleeces exceed eight 
pounds — that weight may be said to be the average of the county. 
The average of that species throughout England, appears by 
the same author, about 7i lbs. 



An important fact has recently occurred, which greatly eluci- 
•l^tes this subject — 

The Oriskanv Manufacturing Company have purchased for 
six thousand dollars, 9; 00 lbs. of wool, shorn from the flock of 
Mr. Isaac Smith. This immense amount of a single purchase, 
abundantly proves the transcendently ruinous effects on the 
agricultural interest of the destruction of so many manufacturing 
establishments as have fallen sacrifices to the pernicious policy 
of the tariff of 1816. 



CHxiPTER VIII. 

The last injurious effect of the prevailing system is, that it de 
prives the zuives and children of the farmers and country 
labourers of profitable employment in manufacturing establish- 
7nents. 

i^MovG the host of objections which have been arrayed 
against the encouragement of manufoctures, the folly and the 
evil consequences of withdrawing labourers from the culture of 
the soil, employment so much more useful, innocent and profit- 
able, held a conspicuous place, and aflx>rded ample scope for de- 
clamation. It did not avail, as I have already stated, that few 
or none of the male sex were wanted for those manufactures 
whii:h required protection. 

T'.:e rise of manufacturing establishments throughout the 
united states, elevated thousands of the young people of both 
sexes, but principally the females, belonging to the families of 
the cultivators of the soil in their vicinity, from a state of pen- 
m"y and idleness to competence and industry. Their fall has 
precipitated large numbers of them to their former state. 



or THE UNITED STATES. 459 

On this subject, I shall advance but few facts — but I trust 
they will be found decisive. 

At Waltham factory, near Boston, on which the opposers of 
the protection of manufactures place so much reliance, there are, 
as we have sten, but 14 men to 286 women and children. 
These last are chiefly the daughters of the neighbouring farm- 
ers. 

There is another extensive factory, situated at Fishkill, on 
the North Ri\'er, where there are from 70 to 80 persons em- 
ployed, of whom five-sixths are girls and young women, some 
of whom, before the establishment of the factory, Avere, with 
their parents, in a state of poverty and idleness, bare-footed, 
and living in wretched hovels. But since that peric>d, they are 
comfortably fed and clothed — their habits and manners and 
dwellings greatly improved — and they ha\ e become: useful mem- 
bers of society. Their wages vary according to their skill and 
industry, from one dollar and a quarter per week to three 
dclJars. 

Similar cases, to a very great extent, are to be found, through- 
out the united states, in every place where manufactories are 
established. , 

Mr. Gallatin, in conformity with a call from congress, in the 
year 1810, made an interesting report on the state of the manu- 
factures of the united states, which contains a great body of 
most useful information. One important fact, bearing upon 
the present subject, is deserving of the most serious attention 
of the farmers. 

There was then a factory in Rhode Island, which, as he states, 
empoyed — 



In the factory. 






In neighbouring families. 


Males, 


24 




Males, - - 50 


Females, 


29 




Females, - 75 




— 


53 


— 125 



Judging from the state of other establishments, it is fair to 
presume that more than one-half of the whole number were 
probably young females, who, but for this factory, would have 
been without employment, and spending their time perniciously 
— a burden to their parents and society — trained up to vicious 
courses — but thus happily preserved from idleness and its 
attendant vices and crimes — and whose wages probably aver- 
aged one dollar and a half per week, or 7000 dollars per annum, 
distributed among fifty or sixt}' of the adjacent farmers. Those 
employed " in the neighbouring families," were persons princi- 
pally devoted to farming, who by these means were enabled to 
'■'■gather up the fragments o/'fzw^," which would otherwise be 
wholly " loatP 



460 ADDlRESS TO THE FARMERS 

At the date of the recent census, there were of free 

white females, between 10 and 16 years of age, 604,912 
Of 16, and under 26 - - - - - 780,865 



1,385,477 
Supposing the agricultural class to embrace five- 
eighths of t!>e whole population, then of the above 
number there are, belonging to that class - 865,920 

The services of females of the specified ages, employed in 
agriculture — for, which, moreover, above one-half of them are 
too young or too delicate — are very unproductive. At manu- 
factures they are far more valuable, and command higher wages, 
as I have already stated, from one dollar and a quarter to three 
dollars per week. 

It will not be unfair to assume, that, under a pro- 
per order of things, manufactures of various kinds 
would find employment for - - - 200,000 

of them, embracing the chief part of those who are 10, 11, 12, 
and 13 years of age, whose labour would otherwise be of little 
value. 

As objections may be made to the number of 200,000, exclu- 
sive of those now employed in agriculture and manufactures, I 
state the data on which it is predicated. 

The committee of commerce and manufactures, in their re- 
port of the year 1816, state, that, of the persons employed in the 
cotton manufacture, the preceding year, viz. 100,0u0 

There were males below 17 years of age 24,000 
Of 17 and above . . _ _ 10,000 

Women and female children - - 66,000 

_ 100,000 



About the same number of persons were employed in the 
woollen manufacture — but the proportions of the sexes are not 
stated. They were probably about the same as in the cotton 
branch. 

It is to be presumed, as about 120, or 130,000 females were 
employed in two branches, which were then only in their infancy, 
particularly the woollen — that the number I have assumed is 
very far too low. 

Now, supposing the wages to average but two 
dollars per week, which, in a flourishing state 
of manufactures, would be moderate, it would 
amount, for the 200,000, to the enormous sum 

per annum of ^20,800,000 

Supposing the raw materials to be fifty per cent, 
more than the wages, the manufactured articles 
would amount to aboutper annum - jg50,000,000 

absolutely saved to the nation. 



OF THE UNITED STATES. 461 

A large portion of the wages would go to enrich the farmers, 
ai tl extricate them from their present distress. 
But to avoid all cavil, I shall assume the number 
of females thus employed to be only 120,000, 
and the wages to average only one dollar and 
a half, which wouM amount to, per annum ^9,360,000 

A. d supposing the raw material onlv equal to the 

wages, the manufacture would amount to Sl8,7'20,000 

These facts and arguments require no comment. Tliey 
speak to the farming interest in language not to be misunder- 
sto jd — evince the ruinous consequences ot the prevailing system 
— and point out the imperious necessity of a speedy and effect- 
ual change. 



CHAPTEIl TX. 

Conclvsion. Recapitulation of the disadvantages of the present 
system. Extent of the advance proposed by the new tariff". 
Imports., and duties ad valorem., for the year 1820. 

We have seen that the prevailing system produces the most 
serious injury to the farming interest, in four different points : 

1. It increases the number of the producers, and the surplus, 
of bread stuffs, and of course reduces the price. 

2. It discourages the immigration of thousands of persons, 
who would be customers to the farmers. 

3. It in many cases impairs — and m a variety wholly destroys 
the market for raw materials. ' 

4. It deprives the yomig, particularly the female branches of 
the families of the farmers, of useful emplo) ment, whereby, in-* 
stead of aiding in the general support, they are rendered rather 
burdensome. 

To compensate for this catalogue of evils, there ought to 
be some mighty and obvious advantages, which would not only 
counterbalance, but outweigh them. This requires to be ascer^- 
tained. 

The investigation is of great importance. 

The grand object is to procure goods from foreign countries, 
cheaper than the same kinds can be procured at home. 

I suppress the crowd of reflections which arise in the mind, 
at the idea of consigning our workmen to pauperism — their em- 
ployers to bankruptcy — magnificent establishments to decay 
and ruin, once the scenes of joy and gladness — of industrj^' and 



462 AD1>RESS TO THE FARMERS 

happiness-r-of increase to the wealth and resources of the nation 
— for any possible gain, even if the amount were twenty fold 
what is supposed These reflections would lead to uncomforta- 
ble feelings, and might excite ill will. 

I suppress likewise all considerations of the transcendent im- 
policy of exhausting the country of its specie — paralizing every 
species of industry — and supporting foreign manufacturers, 
while our own are suffering. — -I shall confine myself to ascertain 
the amount of the gain, real or supposed ; that is, what advan- 
tage is derived from an adherence to the old, and rejection of 
the proposed tariff. 

The whole amount of the inpportations of 1820, 

which paid duties ad valorem, was - - ^39,8 85,46 / 

This embraced a great variety of manufactured articles not at 
all affecting the national industry — and of course not requiring 
any alteration in the duty, as well as articles not belonging to 
the class of manufactures. But I will for the sake of argument 
admit that the whole belonged to that class. 

The white population of the united states is presum- 
ed to be nearly ..... 8,000,000 
Of course the ad valorem importations do not average five dol- 
lars per head. 

Were the duties doubled, and even were there no diminution 
of imports, the burden would not be felt, provided the country 
was in a prosperous situation. 

But there was no idea of doubling the duties. 
It remains to ascertain what was actually contemplated, and 
what would have been the effect of the proposed alteration of 
the tariff. 

The amount of the ad valorem duties, which em- 
brace very nearly the whole of the manufactured 
articles; tibout which alone there is question, was, 

for the last year, ^8,076,161 

, The average of the duties was about 22 per cent. 

Merchandise paying duties ad valorem^ imported into the united 

states, A. Z). 1820. 

1,679,284 dollars, at riper cent, g 125,946 28 

13,971,393 do. 15 do. - 2,095,738 95 

5,979,736 do. 20 do. - 1,195,947 23 

16,355,698 do. 25 do. - 4,088,924 43 

11,215 do. 27i do. - - 3,084 12 

1,882,399 do. 30 do. - - 564,719 79 

5,542 do. 32i do. - - 1,801 05 

^8,076,161.85* 



^39,885,467 



* Keport of the Secretary of the Treasury. 



OF THE UNITED STATES 463 

It was proposed to raise to 33 1 those which now pay 25, 
which constitute nearly one-half of the whole, and embrace all 
the articles ( *' cotton and woollen goods, except a very few ot 
the former, invoiced below 25 cents per yard. The rate pro- 
posed is one-third advance on the existing tariff. 

Those articles on which the advance is greater, are 
unimportant. I will, however, suppose, that the advance 
on the whole would be 37^ per cent. ; the addition, then, 
supposing — which is not likely — the same amount of 
goods imported, would be - - - - S 3,028,560 

This is the whole amount of the additional duties proposed 
to be laid by the new tariff, so far as manufacturers or manu- 
factures are concerned, which have excited so much opposition 
fro 11 one end of the country to the other — an opposition which 
might lead to the opinion, that the plan was fraught with cer- 
tain ruin, not only to the whole body of the farmers but to the 
nation. 

The white population, as I have stated, is about 8,000,000 

The addition to the tariff is intended to produce 

about - S 3,000,000 

Or 37^ cents per head, of which the manufacturers them- 
selves would pay their full proportion. And as they and their 
families amount to about 1,500,000 souls, they would contribute 
at least 5, or 600,000 dollars. 

Should it be asserted that the prices of domestic manufac- 
tures would be extravagantly enhanced, in consequence of the 
new tariff, I refer to Chap. IV. where diat objection is fully 
answered. 

The assertion that the manufacturers would pay their full 
proportion may require some explanation. In this there is no 
difficulty. The manufacturers of woolltns would pay the duty 
on cottons, linens, silks, iron, &c. — the manufacturers of cotton 
would pay those on woollens, linens, &c. — and thus of all the 
other branches. 

When we are all laid in our graves — and the passions have 
subsided, which the struggle, whether we .should work for our- 
selves^ and feed and pay our workmen at home, or have our labour 
performed in Europe and the East Indies^ and feed and pay the 
•workmen there ^ has excited — our posterity will mourn for the 
conduct of their ancestors, that thei-e should be any diversity of 
sentiment on such a subject — and that so much deadly hostility 
should prevail against a measure of such obvious utility. 



THE 



FARMER'S & planter's FRIEND. 



NO. I. 

" The uniform appearance of an abundance of specie, as the concomitant of 
« a flourisliing' state of manufactures, and of the reverse, where they do not pre- 
" vail, afford a strong presumption of their favourable operation on the wealth of 
" a country." — A. Hamilton. 

" Those who wish to make agriculture flourish in any country, can have no 
" hope of succeeding- in the attempt but by bringing- commerce and manuiac- 
« tures to her aid ; which, by taking from tiie farmer, his superfluous produce, 
" gives spirit to his operations, and life and activity to his mind." — Anderson on 
J^'ational Indiistry. 

To the Farmers and Planters of the united states . 

Fi'iends and Fellozv Citizens., 

I REQUEST a patient and unbiassed consideration of a few- 
brief essays, intended to display the baleful effects on your vitail 
interests, which have flowed and continue to flow from the dis- 
couragement and depression manufactures have experienced, 
and from the numerous disadvantages under which manufactur- 
ers have laboured. 

I invite a candid discussion of a subject which yields to none 
in importance — as well as a manly exposure of any errors I may 
fall mto. No man can be more ready to point them out, than 
I shall be to acknowledge them. 

The reasoning I shall employ, shall not be drawn from any 
consideration of, or regard for, the intei^ests of the manufactur- 
ers. Arguments of this description have for years been reite- 
rated in vain, until the subject is entirely exhausted. It would 
therefore be waste of time to touch on those topics. By argu- 
ments of a totally difl'erent character, entirely derived from a 
regard for your own dearest interests, I hope to prove that the 
embarrassments of our farmers, and the dangers impending 
over our planters, can be as fairlv traced to the depression of 
manufactures, as anv effect whatever can be traced to its exciting 

59 



466 THE farmer's and 

cause ; that a total change of system may, and that nothing but 
such a change can, meliorate your situation. 

In the present number 1 shall confine myself to the case of 
the farmers alone. I shall in future numbers discuss that of the 
planters. 

I venture to assume as undeniable, a few plain propositions, 
so notoriously true, as, I trust, to preclude the possibility of 
controversy by any fair or candid reader. 

I. The present prices of nearly all kinds of the necessaries 
of life, and of some of the raw materials, produced by the farm- 
ers of the united states, are so low, in consequence of their great 
superabundance, as in most cases not to remunerate, and, in the 
best situations, to afford but a slender reward for the labour, 
time, and capital employed, more especially at a distance from 
the seaboard. 

II. Hence a large proportion of our farmers, particularly in 
the western and in the interior of the middle states, are in a 
state of suffering and embarrassment. 

III. This superabundance, and the consequent suffering of 
our farmers, must necessarily arise from this class of citizens 
being too numerous in proportion to the other classes. 

IV. Hence every operation, public or private, which has in- 
creased, or may increase, the number of farmers, and conse- 
quently the surplus produce, withouta proportionate increase and 
still more with a positive decrease, of the other classes, or with- 
out opening new markets, of which there is scarcely a prospect, 
must have tended, and now tends, to aggravate the evil. 

These postulata being admitted, it only remains to prove, 
that the system of our government has had a steady, undevia- 
ting tendency to convert manufacturers into farmers, in order 
to establish the radical unsoundness of that system, so far as 
respects the farmers, and its pernicious operation on this numer- 
ous and respectable class of citizens. This tendency I under-* 
take to demonstrate by the following facts and inductions. 

The manufactures that minister to the clothing of mankind, are 
by far the most important ; afford employment to the greatest 
number of people ; and are therefore most particularly entitled to 
the fostering care of every government. It is therefore an ex- 
traordinary and astonishing fact, that until the commencement 
of the restrictive system, in 1 807, the manufacture of cottons, 
linens, and woollens, except in private families, was almost wholly 
unknown in this country — although we exported on an average 
30,000,000 lbs. of cotton annually ; and had the capacity of rais- 
ing wool and flax to an extent commensurate with our utmost 
wants. To this hour, manufactories of hosiery, linen, silk, delft, 
china, and cutlery, with all the other species of fine iron and steel, 
&c. &c. are nearly strangers in the land. Various other manufac- 



planter's FRIENB. 467 

tures, for which our country is admirably fitted, exist only to a 
very limited extent, in consequence of our markets being glut- 
ted with rival articles of foreign production. 

From the commencement of our government, thousands of 
persons have arrived in this country, from year to year, who 
were brought up to the cotton, woollen, linen, silk, hosiery, and 
other branches, and who, finding no employment in their proper 
sphere, devoted themselves to agriculture, which, during the 
wars of the French revolution, was prosperous, and held out 
strong temptations to allure them to devote themselves to that 
useful and important branch of industry. So long as the foreign 
markets afforded a vent for our surplus produce, the operation 
of this course of things, although it restricted the progress and 
prosperity of the country, was not injurious to the farmers : but 
it was not very difficult to anticipate that its pernicious conse- 
quences would freely and fully develop themselves in a season 
of peace, when those markets, which were then open to the pro- 
ducts of our agricultural industry, would be closed. These con- 
sequences are now deeply and vitally felt by the farmers. 

To appreciate the extent of the evil, with any thing like ma- 
thematical precision, is obviously impracticable. Data of this 
character are wholly unattainable. We must be satisfied to ap- 
proximate as nearlv as possible to facts. The calculations must, 
however, be more or less erroneous. But the errors cannot af- 
fect the position, that the effect of the system is highly pernici- 
ous to the farmers — and will only, as the case may be, some- 
what diminish or increase the quantum of the evil, either below 
or beyond the reality. 

It is difficult to ascertain the extent of immigration into this 
country, from the want of statistical tables on the subject. The 
information we have is imperfect. I must avail myself of what 
I am able to glean up, which do not extend beyond five years. 

In 1816, according to various statements in the Week- 
ly Register, there arrived at least Emigrants 20,000 

In 1817, according to Dr. Seybert, there arrived in 
ten ports, 22,240* 

In 1818 and 1819. according to the mayor of New 
York, there arrived in that single port,f 28,000 

Supposing that the numbers who arrived in all the 
other ports in the united states in 1818 and 1819, 
were only equal to those who landed in New York, it 
would make the total in these two years, no less than 56,000 
or, per annum, ------ 28,000 

* Statistics, page 29. 

f Ueports of Cadwallader D. Golden, late Mayor of New York. 



468 THE farmer's and 

In 1820, according to the National Calendar, the 
whole that arrived in the united states, were 7,001 

Now, from these data, an average of 15,000 annually 
might be assumed, without any danger of error. But 
to avoid controversy, I confine myself to 9.000 

This would give from 1 789 to 1820, a total of 279,000 

In 30 years, by natural increase, they would proba- 
bly amount to above - - . _ _ 480,000 

Thus far I trust the calculation will be admitted to be mod- 
erate. It now remains to estimate what proportion of this num- 
ber, originally manufacturers, piobably became farmers, in con- 
sequence of the w ant of encouragement in their respective occu- 
pations. This estimate must, it is true, be somewhat vague — 
but there are important data on which to found a calculation. 

From the best information I am able to procure, it appears 
that one half, probably two thirds of the emigrants to this coun- 
try, are English and Irish. Of the former nation a large por- 
tion have been cotton and woollen manufacturers : and of the 
latter, at least three fourths have come from Ulster, where the 
linen manufacture prevails almost universally, and of course a 
large proportion belonged to that branch. There are consider- 
able districts in the state of Pennsylvania which are chiefly, and 
some almost wholly, inhabited by Ulstermen and their descen- 
dants. 

When, moreover, we take into consideration, that, from 1789 
to 1807, there were, as I have stated, scarcely any of the great 
manufacturers of woollen, cotton, linen, hosiery, silk, china, 
glass, delft, pottery, cutlery, and all the fine branches of iron 
and steel, carried on here — that some of these even now are un- 
known — and that the others are generally in a languid state, it 
will not be regarded as extravagant to suppose, that nearly 
one fourth part of the above number, or 100,000 persons, being 
about 17,000 families, emigrants or descendants of immigrants, 
are at present occupied in agriculture, whose proper sphere 
would be manufactures. 

Besides these, there are immense numbers of other citizens, 
whom the same reasons as have operated on the immigrants, 
together with the downfal of so many manufacturing establish- 
ments since 1816, have forced to become farmeris. 

On this subject, again, I am straitened for data. There are 
some, however, very important and semi-official, which afford a 
good basis whereon to predicate a tolerably correct estimate. 

In the year 1819, the distress of the manufacturers > through- 
out the middle and eastern states, produced exertions to ascer- 
tain the extent of the decay of manufactures ; and investigations 
took place, which throw a flood of light on this subject. 

It appeared, that in Philadelphia and its injmediate vicinity, 



planter's friend. 4^9 

in thirty branches of business, there were 7,288 persons less 
employed in 1819 than in 1816, There were twenty six other 
branches from which no returns could be procured. Estimat- 
ii g these twenty-six at only one half of the other thirty, the 
total number would be nearly 11,000. Many of them were i; en 
with families: and it will not therefore be unfair to add 5,0; )0 for 
wives and children, making an aggregate of 15,t)0o. Of these 
no small portion " wefit back'''' to cultivate the soil. 

The number of persons bereft of employment in Pittsburg 
appeared, by similar investigations, to be 1,288, whose depend- 
ents might be about an equal number, forming a total of — 2,576. 

In Rhode Island similar enquiries tuok place : and it appear- 
ed that in 1819, there were several thousands thrown out of em- 
ployment in that state, chiefly in the cotton and woollen 
branches. 

The same effects were produced in various other quarters, 
throughout the middle and eastern states, to a very considerable 
extent, especialK- in the state of Yew York ; but the details are 
not sufficiently precise to enable me to enter into particulars. 

These data, duly considered, afford reason to believe, that at 
least 15,000 workmen, with families averaging six persons, have, 
since 1816, when devested of employment at manufactures, 
'■'■gone back'' to cultivate the soil, which, with the immigrants 
and descendants of immigrants already stated, would make an 
aggregate of about 190,000 souls. 

But I will only suppose 10,000 families, or 60,000 souls, for 
the second description. This will give an aggregate of 16o,0'j0 
souls. 

I wish it distinctly understood, that I am not tenacious of 
these numbers. They must, I repeat, be vague, and may be 
erroneous, either too high or too low, without materially affect- 
ing my deductions. It is sufficient for the argument, that no 
man can deny, that the total absence for a long time of so great 
a number of the most important manufactures in the world — 
and the frequent stagnation in others, in consequence of the glut 
of foreign goods in our markets, must necessarily have driven 
thousands of persons from manufactures to agriculture. This 
is the theory on the subject — and it is notorious that the fact 
corresponds with and corroborates the theory. 

In my next number, I shall investigate in detail the operation 
of this state of things on the interests of the farmers. In tiie 
mean time, I recommend to them never for a moment to lose 
sight of the all-important truth, that everj^ manv:facturer, com- 
pelled to nave recourse to agriculture, is transformed from a 
customer into a rival. 

GUATIMOZIN. 

Philadelphia^ March 26, 1821. 



470 THE farmer's and 



NO n. 

'• The restrictive regulations which in foreign markets abridge the vent for the 
increasing surplus of our agncultural products, serve to beget an earnest desire, 
that a more extensive demand for that surplus be created at home" — Hamilton. 

« While the necessities of nations exclusively devoted to agriculture, for the 
fabrics of manufacturing nations, are constant and regular ; the -wants of the latter 
for the products of the former, are liable to very considerable fluctuations and inter- 
ruptions." — Idem. 

« If Europe will not take from us the products of our soil, on terms consistent 
with our interest, the natural remedy is to contract as fast as possible our wants of 
her" — ^Idem. 

These three mottoes contain a summary of the imperious 
duty of this nation to herself. If duly considered and acted on, 
they would be sufficient to decide the important question, agi- 
tated with so much Zealand ardour — What duties or restrictions 
the united states should impose on the fabrics of foreign na- 
tions ? 

The free people of the united states are at present about 
8,000,000. Raising bread-stuflFs constitutes the chief dependence 
of a part — and the sole dependence of the remainder — of the 
inhabitants of seven states, containing about 4,340,000 of souls. 



New- York 

New jercey 

Pennsylvania 

Delaware 

Ohio 

Kentucky 

Tennessee 



Slaves. 


Total. 


10,888 


1,372,812 


7,557 


277,575 


211 


1,049,398 


4,5* )9 


72,749 


000 


581,434 


126,730 


564,317 


130,107 


422,813 






280,002 


4,341,098 




280,002 




4,061 096 



Deduct for slaves 
Free population of seven states 



In those states, it is true, there are numbers of farmers en- 
gaged in other pursuits, besides raising of bread-stuffs — but 
there is a sufficient number engaged in the culture of grain in 
Virginia, Maryland, and other states, not included in the above 
list to counterbalance those. But strking off the i 061,096, for 
persons not engaged in this species of agriculture, it will leave 
3,00<'!,<^)00 of people being about three-eighths of the white pop- 
ulation of the nation, whose main dependence, I repeat, for pay- 



planter's friend. 471 

ing for the productions of Europe, rests on raising and selling 
of bread-stuffs — and yet they are actually excluded either by pro- 
hibitions, or prohibitory duties, from the sale of this species of 
produce to fifty-seven millions of the inhabitants of that quarter 
of the globe. (j^y 

Great Britain and Ireland - Inhabitants 18,000,000 

France . . - - - - 29,000,000 

Spain 10,730,000 

Portugal 2,65(;,000 

60,380,000 



These nations comprise about one-third part of the population 
of Europe. 

By an ordinance of the Cortes of Spain, ratified by the king, 
on the 6th of September, 1820, the importation of wheat, bar- 
ley, rye, Indian corn, millet, oats, and other foreign grain, is 
prohibited, unless the price of the fanega of wheat, (one bushel 
and five -eighths) which regulates every other species of grain, 
exceed four dollars — and a quintal, or one hundred pounds of 
flour, exceed six dollars. That is, unless wheat is at two dol- 
lars and a half per bushel, and flour at ten dollars and a half 
per barrel. This is indubitably equivalent to a prohibition. 

American and other foreign wheat and flour cannot be sold 
for consumption in Great Britain, unless the quarter of wheat, 
(eight bushels,) exceed 80*. sterling. That is, unless wheat be 
about !S2.22 per bushfl, which it has not been since the year 
1817. Of the exact price at which bread-stuffs may be import- 
ed into Portugal, I have not adequate information. Sufiiceitto 
say they are at present excluded. 

American flour is only admitted in France on bond for expor- 
tation to the French colonies, or elsewhere. It is absolutely 
prohibited for home consumption . 

Here a solemn pause is necessary. We receive French silks, 
and British linens, at fifceen ; China ware, cotton and woollen 
stockings, and manufactures of steel, at twenty ; and fine mus- 
lins, laces, gauzes, woollen goods, &c. at 25 per cent, duty : yet, 
wonderful to tell, neither France nor Great Britain will receive, 
on any terms whatever, one barrel of our flour, nor one bushel 
of our wheat, or Indian corn, for their own consumption, in 
payment for those articles. If this be reciprocity, and freedom 
of trade," language has wholly lost its original meaning. 

Surely then the time has arrived, when, as " Europe will not 
take from z/a" so large a portion of " the products of our soiOl'' 
«n anv " terms^'' wo should apply what Alexander Hamilton 



472 THE farmer's and 

calls the '•'- natural remedy ;^'' that is, '•'■ contract as fast as poa-^ 
sible our -wants of her:'''' — and, for " ?Ae* increasing surplus of 
our agricultural products, create a more extensive demand at 
home.'''' 

This, however, is somewhat of a digression. I resume the 
subject of my first address. 

I trust I have therein made it appear that very large numbers 
of persons, whose proper province was manufactures, have, 
from want of encouragement in their original occupations, been 
compelled to betake themselves to agriculture. I ventured an 
estimate, that about 27,000 families, or I6u,000 persons immi- 
grants, descendants of immigrants, and others, were in this pre- 
dicament. 

It now remains to calculate the degree of the evil. For this 
purpose, it is necessary to ascertain the extent of the market 
they would afford the farmers, but for their change of profession 
— as well as that of the surplus beyond their own consumption, 
which they raise for sale in their present occupation. 

In estimating the value of their consumption, I shall not 
predicate it on the extravagant war prices, nine, ten or twelve 
dollars per barrel for flour — twelve cents per pound for beef 
and pork — thirty-seven and a half cents for butter, &c. &c. ; nor 
on the late reduced prices, which are in many cases below 
those that existed previous to the adoption of our present con- 
stitution. I will take it at a medium, say six dollars per barrel 
for flour, and other articles in proportion. 

I presume it will be conceded, that the food and drink of 
each individual in society is worth about one dollar per week, 
equal to fifty-two dollars per annum. 

At this rate, these 160,000 persons stated above, consume 
annually to the value of ^3,320,000, which ,they now raise 
themselves, but which they would be obliged to purchase of 
their farming fellow citizens, had they remained in their original 
occupations. 

In order to appreciate the importance of this market to the 
farming interest, let it be considered, that the whole amount of 
animals and animal and vegetable food exported from the uni- 
ted states from ISi-.-S to 1820, inclusive, averaged only about 
15,0'00,000 of dollars per annum, as will appear from the fol- 
lowing. 



PLANTER S FRIEKD. 



4n 



Table of Exports from the united states, of animals and animal 
and vegetable food from 1803 to 182Q inclusive,* 





Animals and 


Vegetable 




animal food. 


food. 


18U3 


84,134,000 


14,^80,784 


1804 


4,284,568 


12,080,684 


1805 


3,385,000 


11,752,000 


1806 


3,274,000 


11,050,000 


1807 


3,086,000 


14,432,000 


1808 


986,000 


2,550,000 


1809 


1,811 000 


8,751,000 


1810 


2,169,000 


10,750,000 


1811 


2,866,000 


20,391,000 


1812 


1,657,' '00 


17,797,000 


1813 


1,101,000 


19,375,000 


1814 


481,000 


2,216,000 


1815 


1,332,000 


ll,234,0o0 


1816 


2,093,000 


13,151,000 


1817 


2,069,000 


22,954,000 


1818 


1,936,000 


19,048,000 


1819 


2,025,(iOO 


10,473,000 


1820 
Total 


2,447,000 


8,401,000 


841,120,568 


230,486,368 



Animals and animal food 
Vegetable food 

Total for 18 years 

Average . _ - 



841,^20,568 
230,486,368 

271,606,936 

8K%089,274 



Thus it appears, that the favourite doctrine, which has for 
thirty years been preached to, and forced on, our manufacturers,- 
to '-'- go back'''' to cultivate the soil, has deprived our farmers of 
i domestic market, independent of the frowns or smiles of fo- 
reign nations, as well as of the variety of fluctuations to which 
foreign markets are liable, — a domestic market, I say, which is 
equal to above fifty per cent, of the market afforded by all the 
foreign world, for our animals and animal and vegetable food, 
even at the very extravagant prices which occasionally prevail^' 
ed during the wars of the French revolution. 

* Seybeil'e Statistics, page 147. 
60 



4/74 THE IARMEr's AK0 

This simple fact holds out to the farming interest an admOni-. 
tory lesson of the mos' impressive kind, and evinces that the 
ruin, which the want of protection has inflicted on so large a 
portion of the manufacturers, has recoiled with equal pressure and 
violence on the farmers. This case bears as strong testim )ny 
to the sterling wisdom of the fable of the belly and the mem- 
bers, as the world has ever witnessed. May it never in future 
be forgotten or neglected by American legislators ! 

GUATIMOZIN. 



NO. III. 

" In vain do we discover that the earth is capable of producing' the most luxu- 
" riant harvests with very little labour. Our abundant harvests are produced as 
" undeniable proofs of this in vain : But place a manufacturer m the neighbourhood, 
" who -will bvy every little article that the farmer can bnng to market, and he -udll 
"soon become industrious. The most barren fields -will then become covered-mth some 
"useful produce." — Anderson on national Industry. Page 62. 

" The difference, however, is very great between a market obtained abroad 
" and one that arises from manufactures being established in the neighbourhood: 
"for many articles that the farmer could dispose- of -with profit, ds not admit of being 
"carried to foreign markets in any case -whatever ; so that he -who has to rely upon 
"these alone, must be sjibjected to very great inconveniences. All softs of green crops 
" come under this denomination." Idem, page 68. 

The amount of the raw materials which the 27,000 families 
stated in my former address, would consume, had they remain- 
ed in the class of manufacturers, is of much greater magnitude 
than the amount of their food and drink and that of their fa- 
milies. 

An examination of the census of the united states will evince, 
that above one-fourth part of our population, is composed of 
males, of and above 16 years of age. 

Census or 1820. 

Free white males below 16, - - - - 1,956,365 
— — — of 16 and above, - - 2,015,801 



Free white females below 16, - 1,884,534 

-_ ^ — of 16 and above, 1,979,382 



3,972,166 
—3,863,916 



Total free whites, - - - - - 7,836,082. 



planter's frienb. 4-75 

In the families of manufacturers, the males of 16 and above, 
are almost universally employed in the business of manufactur- 
ing; as also many of the males below 16, and the females of 
various ages. Of the 160,000 persons, who, as stated in my 
former number, depend on farming instead of manufactures, I 
shall, therefore, according to the above abstract of the census, 
assume, that one-fourth, or 40,00U, being the males of and above 
16, would be actually engaged in manufacturing ; and endeavour 
to make an estimate of the raw materials they would consume 
had they not changed their prof ssion. 

In many branches of business, the raw materials very far ex- 
ceed the wages paid to the workmen — in others they are about 
equal — and in some few they are below. 

It may therefore be assumed, that the raw materials are, on 
an average, at least equal in amount to the wages of the work- 
men, an average which, I am persuaded, is very far below the 
real state of the aflfair. 

Setting aside the present wages, which are greatly reduced, it 
may be stated, that for thirty years from the organization of 
our present form of government, the wages of males employed 
in manufactures have been from four to ten dollars per week. 
A few species have been at the extremes — but the great mass 
have been at five, six, and seven dollars. I presume I may ven- 
ture on an average of five dollars and three quarters throughout 
all the branches — and that it will be readily admitted that the 
workmen consume respectively of wool, cotton, hemp, flax, 
leather, silk, timber, grain for distillation, &c. &c. an equal 
amount weekly. 

Raw materials to the amount of five dollars and three quar- 
ters per week, consumed by 40,00<j workmen, would amount 
annually to 5611,960,000, the sale of which has been thus lost to 
the farmers. 

But serious as these evils are, they are very far indeed from 
the whole that they suffer by this deranged state of society, as 
will soon appear. 

These 40,000 farmers raise a surplus of agricultural pro- 
duce beyond their own consumption, which, of course, comes 
into the market ; presses on that of their brethren ; and contri- 
butes to reduce its price. Let us try to estinriate the amount of 
this extra surplus, and its probable operation on the farming in- 
terest in general. 

In the American Farmer of the 16th inst. there is an extraor- 
dinary account of the produce of 960 acres of ground, cultivat- 
ed by ten regular labourers. The proprietor, — a Mr. T. says, 
that with these labourers, in favourable years, he raises 



476 



JTHE farmer's and 



Of wheat, - - - bushels, 4,500 

Indian corn, - - - - 8,000 

Rye, - - - ^ - 500 

8,000 
and further, that he hires no extra labour. 

This is at the rate of «00 bushels per man. But as this is a 
most extraordinary rate of production, it would be unfair to 
inake a general average from Mr. T's farm. I shall, therefore, 
as I am sincerely desirous of avoiding controversy, instead'of 
an average produce of 800 bushels, assume only 200 bushels per 
man, beyond their own consumption. 

At this rate, the 40,000 males, above the age of 16, whom I 
suppose capable of field labour, produce, per annum, a surplus 
of 8,000,000 of bushels of the various kinds of grain, — wheat, 
maize, rye, barley, oats, &c. 

It will, doubtless, astonish the reader to learn, that this is 
twenty-seven per cent, more than the average exportation from 
the united states, of wheat, flour, Indian corn, and Indian meal, 
from the year 1801 to 1816, inclusive, being sixteen of the most 
favourable years this country has experienced, from the hour 
when Columbus landed, to the present time. The export of rye, 
barley, oats, &c. has been quite unimportant, and not worth tak- 
ing into the account. 

Table of the exports of -wheat,, flour ^ Indian corn,, and Indian 
meal,, from 1801 to 18 i 6.* 





»V ilea... 


Flom-, 


Indian 


- Indian 




Bushels. 


BaiTtls. 


Corn, Bushels. 


Meal, Bushels. 


1801 


239,929 


1,102,444 


1,768,162 


919,355 


1802 


280,281 


1,156,248 


1,633,283 


266,816 


1803 


686,415 


1,311,853 


2,079,608 


133,606 


1804 


127,024 


810,008 


1,944,873 


111,327 


1805 


18,041 


777,513 


861,501 


116,131 


1806 


86,784 


782,724 


1,064,263 


108,324 


1807 


766,814 


1,249,819 


1,018,764 


136,460 


1808 


87,330 


263,813 


249,533 


30,818 


1809 


393,889 


846,247 


522,047 


57,260 


1810 


325,924 


789,431 


1,054,252 


86,744 


1811 


216,833 


1,445,012 


2,790,850 


147,426 


1812 


53,832 


1,443,492 


2,039,999 


90,810 


1813 


288,535 


1,260,943 


1,486,970 


58,508 


1814 




193,274 


61,284 


26,438 


1815 


17,634 


862,739 


830,561 


72,364 


1816 


62,321 


729,053 


1,077,614 


89,119 


3,651,586 


15,024,613 


20,483,478 


2,451,506 



* Pitkin's Statistics, pp. Ill, 121. 



planter's friend. 477 

Wheat, bushels 3,651,586 

Flour, 15,024,613 barrels, equal to 

bushels of wheat - - - 75,123,065 

Indian corn, bushels . - - - 20,483,478 

Indian meal, do. - - - - - 2,451,506 

Total for 16 years, - - - bushels 101,709,635 

Annual average, > _ - - - 6,356,852 

It is easy to conceive, that the great surplus of 8,000, 0(J0 
bushels of grain, must have a decided and irresistible influence 
in depressing the price of our bread-stuffs at home and abroad. 
The exact extent of the depression is not so easily ascertained. 
I shall endeavour by analogy to arrive as near the truth as pos- 
sible. 

I shall suppose, by way of illustration, that 150,000 barrels of 
flour are necessarj^ for the support of a certain district of country 
for a given time, and that the fair price is ten dollars per barrel. 
If the supply be limited to 100.000 barrels, the price will proba- 
bly rise to 20, 25, or perhaps 30 or 35 dollars. If, on the con- 
trary, there arrive 200,000, it will sink down to five or six, or per- 
haps to four. 

Of this reasoning, the West Indies constantly offer examples. 
New-Orleans likewise exhibits cases of both effects, enhance- 
ment and reduction, often alternated monthly. An immoderate 
quantity of the produce of the western country, particularly 
flour, is occasionally collected there. The danger of its becom- 
ing sour, induces the owners to urge the sale. The price sinks 
in proportion to the quantity in market, and the eagerness to 
sell. The low price tempts speculators to purchase largely, 
and thus the market is cleared of the superabundance. The 
prices then frequently rise as high beyond the proper level, as 
they had before been depressed. 

The grain crops in England in 1799 fell short one-third, ac- 
cording to the statement of Arthur Young, secretary to the 
board of agriculture. Prices rose, in consequence, one bunded 
per cent, in twelve months, notwithstanding every effort of the 
government to keep them down by bounties on importation — 
and notwithstanding immense importations — and likewise the 
substitution of potatoes and various other articles in lieu of 
grain. 

It requires little sagacity to deduce fro r\ this statement of 
cause and effect, which are as constant and uniform as any of 
the operations of society, the pernicious results of a system which 
constantly tends to increase the number of producers, and of 
course the quantity of the fruits of the earth, and to narrow the 



4^8 i:he farmer's and 

markets for them. Of this two-edged sword, the farmers at 
present feel the edge with awful severity. 

Let me once more repeat the all-important, but neglected 
truth, that the conversion of manufacturers into farmers has a 
four-fold pernicious operation on the latter class — It increases 
their surplus — diminishes their market— lessens their customers— 
and increases their rivals. 

Another evil of serious importance to the farmers, resulting 
from this state of affairs, remains to be considered. We have 
seen that at the late census there were in the united states, of 
free white females of sixteen and upwards, no less than 1,979,382. 
Three-fourths of our population belong to the class of cultivators 
of the soil ; which, of course, embraces 1 ,480,000 females of the 
specified ages. Were manufactures carried on with proper spirit, 
throughout the nation, a very considerable number of these fe- 
males, and indeed of those below 16, as well as the male chil- 
dren of farmers, of that age, would find employment in sewing, 
spinning, carding, weaving, &c. &c. for the manufacturers. I 
will suppose that 200,000 females would be thus employed, and 
at the low average wages of one dollar and a half per week. 
This would amount per annum to S 15,600,000. 

Should any idea be entertained that the number here assum- 
ed is too high, it will be removed by the consideration of a few 
facts. 

The Waltham factory in the neighbourhood of Boston, em- 
ploys about 260 females, of various ages, principally the daugh- 
ters of the adjacent farmers. 

By the decline of the paper manufacture in 1818 and 1819, 
there were, within 30 miles of Philadelphia, nearly 800 persons 
bereft of employment, of whom two-thirds were females, and, 
like the former, chiefly the daughters of the farmers of the vi- 
cinity. 

Mr. Gallatin, in his Report on Manufactures, states, that of 
178 persons dependent for support on a factory in Rhode Island, 
there were in the establishment males - - 24 

Females, - - 29 5Z 

Employed in neighbouring families, 

Males, . - 50 
Females, - - 75 125 

178 
The latter 125 principally belonged to farm houses. 
A cotton mill was lately burned at Patapsco,in the neighbour- 
hood of Baltimore, whereby about one hundred persons were 
thrown idle, of whom three-fourths were females of the same 
description generally as those already stated. 



PLANTER*S FMEND. 4,79 

Combining these circumstances with the number of manufac- 
tories which have of late years been partially suspended, or 
wholly shut up — and likewise taking into view the hundreds 
of those establishments which would be called into existence, 
by an adequate encouragement of manufactures, it is easy to 
perceive, that the number of females assumed, far from being 
too great, must be regarded as very moderate indeed. 

One more evil to the farmers remains to be considered. 

In calculating the number of our citizens, who depend for a 
support on raising bread-stuffs, to avoid controversy I assumed 
only 3,625,734. Our population being at present 9,625,734, it 
would thence follow that 6,000,000 are purchasers of bread- 
stuffs from the residue. But 1 shall only suppose the number of 
purchasers to be 4,000,000, which includes the clergy, lawyers, 
merchants, mechanics, manufacturers, tradesmen, seamen, clerks, 
and those planters, who, employed chiefly in raising cotton, to- 
bacco, and sugar for sale, purchase wheat flour for their own 
use and that of their families, except their slaves. That is, that 
nearly one half of our population depend for food on the other. 

Now, the annual consumption of grain of each individual, may 
be fairly estimated at about nine bushels. At this rate the 
4,000,000 of persons above stated, purchase bushels 36,000,000 

The grain distilled last year was about - 10,0^)0,000 

And the grain exported averages annually about 6,000,000 

Total bushels of grain - - - - 52,000,000 



Assuming what cannot be denied, that the great surplus of 
8,000,000 of bushels of grain raised by the 40,000 males of 16 
years of age and upwards, whom I have stated as compelled 
to become farmers by want of encouragement in manufactures, 
has been a grand and efHcient cause of the reduction of the 
price of the necessaries of life — and assuming, also, that the 
reduction has been only thirty-three cents and a third per bush- 
el on grain, it amounts, on the above 52,000,000 bushels, to 
!S 17,333,333. 

It now remains to sum up the whole of these various items: 

Loss of the sale of provisions for 160,000 persons S6,240,000 
Loss of market for raw materials - - 11,960,000 

Loss of labour of women _ _ _ - 15,600,000 
Loss on 52,000,000 bushels of grain - - l7^^2,Z^oZ3 

Total annual loss on the farming interest §45, 133,333 



480 THE farmer's and 

Although I believe these calculations substantially correct, 
yet I am very far from being tenacious of their critical exact- 
ness. As I have struck into a path literally untrodden, it would 
be very extraordinary, if, considering the meagreness of the data 
I had, my estimates were absolutely free from error. But what- 
ever may be the drawbacks made upon them, they cannot de- 
stroy the important inference, that the policy hitherto pursUed 
in this country, by compelling manufacturers to '■'g'o back''' to 
cultivate the soil, is fraught with the most pernicious conse- 
quences, not merely to the farming interest, but to the nation at 
large. 

GUATIMOZIN. 

Philadelphia^ March 30, 1821. 



NO. IV. 

" Considering- how fast and how much the progress of new settlements in the 
" united states must increase the surplus produce of the soil, and weighing seri- 
" ously the tendency of the system, which prevails among most of the commercial 
" nations of Europe, whatever dependence may be placed on the force. of natu- 
" ral circumstances to counteract the effects of an artificial policy : there appear 
" strong reasons to regard the foreign demand for that surplus, as too uncertain a 
" reliance, and to desire a substitute for it in an extensive domestic market, 

" To secure such a market, there is no other expedient, than to promote manufac- 
" tvring establishments. Manufacturers, who constitute the most numerous class, 
« after the cultivators of the land, are for that reason the principal consumers of- 
" the surplus of theii- labour. 

. « This idea of an extensive domestic market for the surplus produce of the 
<! soil, is of the first consequence. It is, of all things, that ivMch most effectually 
" conduces to a fourislnng state of agriculture. If the effect of manufactories 
« should be to detach a portion of the hands, which would otherwise be engaged 
" in tillage, it might possibly cause a smaller quantity of lands to be under culti- 
« vation: but by their tendency to procure a more certain demand for the surj 
" plus produce of the soil, they would, at the same time, cause the lands, which 
'' were in cultivation, to be better improved and more productive. And while, 
"by their influence, the condition of each i7idvvidual farmer toould he meliorated, 
" tlvt total mass of agncuUural productions -woidd probably be increased. For this 
" must evidently depend as much, if not more, upon the degi^ee of improvement, than 
'■^ tipon the number of acres under culture. 

" It merits particular observation, that the midtiplication of manufactories not 
" only furnishes a market for those articles ivJdch have been accustomed to be produced 
" in abundance, in a country,- but it likewise creates a demand for sitch as were either 
" unknO'iun or produced in iiicondderable quantities. The bowels as well as the sur- 
" face of the earth ai'e ransacked for articles which were before neglected. 
" Animals, plants, and minerals acquire a utihty and value, which were before 
*' luiexplored. 

« The foregoing considerations seem sufficient to establish as genei-al proposi- 
« tions, that it is the intererest of nations to diversify the industrious pursuits of 
*' the individuals who compose them — tliat the establishment of manufactures is 
" calcidated not only to increase the general stock of useful and productive labour, 
"but even to improve the state of agricidture in particular, certainly to advance the 
'' i7itei^ests of those -who are engagedin jY."— Alexander Hamilton, vol. 1. p. 182. 



PLANtEU's FRIEND. 481 

1 MOST earnestly entreat you, as you value your own happi- 
hess and welfare, and the lasting prosperity, wealth, power and 
resources of vour country, to weigh well the preceding quota- 
tion. It contains sound lessons of infinite importance to you, 
whether considered in a national or private point of view. It 
emanated from a man of a powerful mind, who could not be sus- 
pected of any undue bias in favour of manufactui-es, his con- 
nexions and friends being almost universally among the mercan- 
tile portion of the community. Thirty years have elapsed since 
he announced, with a prophetic spirit, what ought to be written 
in letters of gold, as a perpetual warning to the cultivators of 
the soil, viz: — " that there appear strong- reasons to regard the 
foreign demand as too imcertain a reliance for our surplus — and to 
desire a substitute for it in an extensive domestic market^ And 
has not time, which has blighted the prospects and happiness of 
thousands of our farmers, and is now equally blighting those of 
the planters, stamped the seal of profound wisdom on the admo- 
nition, so fatally slighted — to secure the " substitute" of '' an 
extensive domestic market^^ for the " uncertain reliance on a for- 
eign demand for our surplus P'' Had this '''•extensive domestic 
market'''' been secured, we should not at present see cotton sell- 
ing at 10, 12, and 13 cents per lb. Happy will it be, if, even 
at this late hour, we dispel the delusion excited by a reliance on 
plausible, but fallacious theories, scouted and rejected by all the 
wise nations in Europe, of which the ruinous consequences have 
been unerringly predicted for years in vain. 

In my former numbers, I presented a sketch of the pernici- 
ous consequences experienced by the farmers ft-om the depres- 
sion of manufactures ; from the steady^ consequent conversion 
of manufacturers into farmers y and irom the regular increase of 
the surplus of agricultural produce, while the market for that 
surplus has been as regularly diminishing. 

To fulfil my purpose, I proceed to investigate the operation of 
this state of things on the Cotton Planters. 

The want of an advantageous market for their productions, 
which has produced so much ruin among the manufacturers, 
and converted so many of them into farmers, has also been, as 
already stated, grievously felt by, and has borne hard on, the 
latter class, and converted numbers of them intJ planters. 

The culture of grain for a considerable time past, even in 
those parts of the country possessing great local advantages, has 
been almost as unprofital^le as any of the various manufactures, 
which have decayed under the withering influence of excessive 
importations. But in situations remote from the advantages of 
seaports, it has been absolutely a losing concern. This has been 
remarkably the case in a large portion of the western, and the 

61 



482 THE farmer's and 

interior of the middle states. It is doubtful whether there has 
not been an avarage loss, in that section of the union, on the 
two last crops of grain. The evil has been gradually increas- 
ing, till at length it has arisen to such a height, that in many 
places, remote from New Orleans, from which the farmers of 
Ohio, Kentucky, Tennessee, Alabama, &c. are distant 7 or 800 
miles on an average, the prices of the produce of the soil, fertile 
and luxuriant as that soil is, would not defray the mere expen- 
ses of harvesting and carrying it to market. I'o send a cargo 
of flour from these remote situations to New Orleans would 
bring the cultivator in debt. 

The price of sweet flour at New Orleans, on the 7th of March 
was from two dollars and a half to three dollars — and of sour, 
of which there is usually a large proportion on hand, one dollar 
and a quarter to one dollar and a half. The freight from Louis- 
ville to New Orleans is one dollar. When to this are added com- 
mission and other incidental expenses, it is obvious how ruin- 
ous a business farming is under these circumstances. 

Superfine flour has b'tely been sold at Pittsburg, at a dollar 
and a half per barrel — wheat in many parts of the western states 
is sellirg at 20 to 37 i cents per bushel, and nearly all other 
articles, the produce of the soil, in about the same proportion. 

Thus unhappily situated, the farmers in that quarter naturally 
sought for some other mode of employing their industry, time, 
arid capital They beheld their fellow citizens, the planters, 
making rapid fortunes, while their own circumstances were 
daily becoming worse. Cotton and tobacco, the produce of those 
feliow citizens, moreover, were not liable to serious injury by 
remaining on hands, waiting for a market. And as their own 
soil and climate were adapted for the same culture, it is not, 
therefore, extraordinary that they entered the lists, and that 
numbers of them converted their farms into cotton and tobacco 
plantations. 

But the conversion of arable lands into plantations, did not 
produce the whole of the evil, hundreds of citizens who set- 
tled on new lands, and who, in a different order of things, would 
have devoted their attention to farming, now cultivate cotton 
and tobacco instead of grain. 

In consequence the crop of cotton — to confine myself for the 
present to this article — was about forty per cent, greater in 18.^0, 
than in 1819 : and therefore, although the domestic consumption 
had very much increased during last year, the exportation 
was forty-five per cent, more than in 1819, or any former year. 

The recent gi'eat increase in the domestic consumption has 
arisen from two causes. The general embarrassment and stagna- 
tion of business had very much reduced the importation of cot- 
ton and every other kind of goods, and of course extended the 



planter's friend. 483 

market for domestic articles. But a more efficient cause of the 
increased consumption of cotton wool, was the sujjerior excel- 
lence of the coarse domestic cotton goods, with their compara- 
tive cheapness, and the very great reputation they had acquired, 
by which they gained almost universally a decided preference 
over the imported articles, which created a very extraordinary 
demand for them, and, of course, what Mr. Hamilton states as 
a grand desideratum, " an extensive domestic viarkef for raw 
cotton. 
The domestic consumption of cotton in 1819 is 

estimated to have been about 80,000 bales, 

at 300 lbs per bale, or - - - lbs. 24,000,000 

The amount exported, was - - - - 87,997,045* 

Crop of 1819 lbs. 111,997,045 

Whereas the domestic consumption in 1820, 

was, from the best information I can obtain, 

110,000 bales, or . . - _ lbs. 33,000,000 

The amount exported . - - _ 127,b60,152* 



Crop of 1820 lbs. 160,860,152 

Our export to England 

in 1819, was bales 204,8311 
In 1820 - - 301,9281- 



lb 



s. 



Excess in 1820 9"',097 equal to about 29.129,100 

To enable the reader to appreciate the effects of this great 
surplus, I submit to his inspection a comparative statement of 
our exportation of cotton for the two last years, with the cus- 
tom house valuation, which, in 1819, was, for Sea Islands, 
forty-five cents, and for all other kinds, twentv-two cents per 
pound — and in 1820, thirty-two cents for the former, and six- 
teen for the latter. 

This mode of valuation, it is true, is not, nor can it be, criti- 
cally exact. But as it has been the same in both years, what- 
ever may be its errors, they cannot affect the inductions which 
the comparison affords. 

Exports of Cotton from the united states.^ 

1819. 

Sea Island - - - lbs. 7,488,775 valuation % 3,369,949 

Other kinds - - - 80,508,270 17,711,820 

Total - lbs. 87,997,045 g 21,081,769 

* Reports of the Secretary of the Treasur}% 

t Rathbone, Hodgson, &Co's Price Current, Liverpool, Jan. 10, 1821. 



484 THE TARMER's and 

N • 1820. 

Sea Island - - - lbs. 11,569,015 valuation g 3,702,085 

Other kinds - - - 116,291,137 18.606,582 



Total - lbs. 127,860,152 g 22,308,667 

The preceding statements and tables demand the most serious 
attention. They strikingly corroborate Dean Swift's idea, that 
in political arithmetic two and two do not always make four. 

It appears that in 1820 we exported of Sea 

Island cotton lbs. 4,080,240 

Of other kinds - 35,782,867 

lbs. 39,863,10r 
more than in 1819, whereas we received for 

the greater quantity exported in 1820, only - ^1,227,898 
more than for the smaller quantity in the preceding year. 

The quantity was increased about forty-five per cent. ; but 
the net proceeds only about six ! 

The profound system of the Dutch, with respect to their 
spices, has often been. in vain inculcated on our citizens. That 
sagacious nation guarded against the pernicious consequences 
of a glutted market, by proportioning the supply to the demand- 
But, alas ! the natural and inevitable consequence of our system 
is diametrically the reverse. It increases the number of the 
cultivators of the soil beyond the due and proper proportion to 
the rest of the community — produces* a glut of the fruits of the 
earth — diminishes the number of purchasers of those fruits — 
and of course, inflicts distress on the class of agriculturists, by 
measures intended to aid and protect them. It is impos- 
sible to trace the progress of this system with a calm and un- 
biassed mind, without a conviction that from this source arises 
the depression of the prices of the products of our soil, and the 
suiFerings which that depression has inflicted or may inflict on 
the cultivators. 

It is well known that the price of cotton in this country is re-- 
gulated by that of the surplus which we export to great Britain ; 
and every man of candour will admit that the extraordinary ex- 
portation of the article to that country in 1820, satisfactorily ac- 
counts for the great and oppressive reduction of the price of the 
whole crop, whereby an increase of nearly 40,000,000 of pounds 
of cotton exported, produced an increase in value of only 
1,227,898 dollars. It is as natural an effect for a very great 
surplus of any article to reduce its price immoderately, as of fire 
fo produce heat, or frost to produce cold. 



planter's friend. 485 

Had we, in the last year, either raised 40,000,000 lbs. less 
of cotton, and 5 or 6,000,000 bushels less of grain ; or had we 
created, as we might easily have done. '^ a doinestic market" for 
the surplus as a " substitute" for the foreign demand, neither of 
these important staples would have experienced the extreme 
and pernicious reduction of price which has taken place. We 
should probablv have received more for the reduced quantity 
than we have done for the whole. 

But we are not left to theory in this case. There are strong 
facts to corroborate it. The consumption of cotton in Great 
Britain was considerably greater in 1820 than in 1819. 

Taken for home use in 1819 - - - bales 418,500 
in 1820 - - - 4^6,750 



Increase in 1820 68,250* 



It cannot be doubted, that this great increase of consumption 
in Great Britain, would ha\ e produced a rise in the price of our 
cottons, had not the increase in their importation been consid- 
erably greater than the increase in consumption : and therefore, 
I repeat, there is every reason to conclude that had we exported 
to Great Britain only 200,000 bales, we should probably have re- 
ceived as much perhaps for them more than we have done for 
the 300,000 we did export. 

But our increased exportation was much aided in preventing 
a rise of price, and in producing the injurious depression. The 
importation of Brazil cotton into England in 1820 was greatly 
increased — while that of the East Indies, owing to the failure 
of the crops there, was much diminished — and that from the 
West Indies and other parts remained nearly stationary. I an- 
nex a general stateinent of the whole importations for the two 
years. 

1819. 1820. 

United States - 204,831 bales 301,928 bales 

Brazil and Portugal 125,230 179,673 

West Indies, &c. - 30,603 32,221 

360,664 — 5 1 3,822 

East India - - - 185,121 57,909 



Total - - 545,785t Total 571,731f 



From this view it appears that the importation of our cot- 
tons and those of Brazil and Portugal exceeded, by above 

♦Bolton and Ogden's Price Current, Liverpool, Jan. 13, 1821. 
f Rathbone, Hodgson & Co.'s Price Current, Jan. 10, 1821. 



486 



THE farmer's and 



150,000bales,or about 45,000,000 of pounds, that of the year 
18' 9. Hence arose the reduction of price. The decrease in 
the iraportation of East India cotton did not produce any fa- 
vourable effect on the market ; as there is a sufficient qviantitv 
on hands, of that kind to supply the demand for about three 
years. 

In order to show the rise and fall of the market, I annex the 
prices of Upland Cotton, in Liverpool, at the commencement 
of each month for the four last years, and the two first months 
of the present one. 





1817.* 




1818.* 




1819.t 




1820.t 






Pence. 




Pence. 




Pence. 




Pence, 




January 


from 19^ to 21 


from 18i to 21i 


from 17 to 19* 


from 12 to 14 


Februaiy 


19 


21 


18| 


21* 


15 


17 


114 


12| 


March 


20 


22 


19 


21^ 


14 


16 


111 


12i 


April 


19 


zn 


20* 


21| 


12 


13* 


11 


12i 


May 


17* 


2Ji 


20 


21* 


11 


13 


Hi 


12* 


June 


16i- 


2.' 


19* 


2U 


10| 


12| 


114 


13 


July 


18 


20* 


19* 


21* 


10| 


13 


11 


12f 


Axigust 


194 


22' 


19* 


22 


12* 


14* 


11 


13 


September 


19| 


23 


19* 


21* 


13 


15 


m 


124 


October 


191 


23 


18 


21 


12 


14 


n 


12" 


November 


18i 


22 


17 


2o- 


12 


13* 


9i 


12 


December 


19 


22* 


17 


194 


12* 


14 


9 


lU 



1821, Jauuary 1, from M. to 10*c?. February 1, from 7id to lOd, 

From the above statement, it appears that the article was re- 
duced from Jan. 1819 to Jan. i 820, about 30 per cent — and 
from the latter period to Jan. 1821 about 32. 

This reduction is of most serious importance, not only as it 
regards the interests of the planters, but as it regards those of 
the nation. Forming, when at its maximum rates, above one- 
third part of the whole amount of our exports, which at best 
scarcely sufficed to pay for our enormous importations, its re- 
duction, united with that which has taken place in the prices of 
our other staples, still further increases the difficulty of paying 
for those importations. 

The stock on hand in Great Britain has been gradually in- 
creasing from year to year. At the close of 1820, it was be- 
tween three and four times as great as at the close of 1817. 
Yet the importation has not increased by any means in the same, 
proportion, I annex a statement of the importation and con- 
sumption for five years — and the stock on hand at the close of 
each year. No notice is taken of the quantity exported from 
Great Britain to the continent. 



* Lawrence, Willis & Co.'s Price CuiTent, Jan. 1, 1819. 
t Rathbone, Hodgson & Co.'s Price Cm-rent, Jan. 10, 1821. 



PLANTER S FRIEND. 485 











Siock on hand at the 






Importatio7i. 


Consumption. 


close of each year. 


In 1816 


lbs 


,. 37 ,000* 


lbs. 345,8^ 'Of 


lbs. 76 eOOrf; 


1817 




477,160 


407,000 


114,6(J0 


1818 




665.300 


429,729 


290,180 


18l9 




54), 785 


418,.^00 


352 500 


1820 




571,731 


486,750 


407,500 



The stock on hand at the close of 1819 and 1820, having been 
nearly seven-eighths of the consumption of these two years, it is 
not extraordinary that a great reduction has taken place within 
that period. 

We have seen the pernicious effects of our system on the 
national resources, and on our means of paying for those arti- 
cles which luxurv seduces, or necessity compels, us to purchase 
in Europe and the East Indies. It will shed a strong glare of 
light on the subject to exhibit its operation on individual wealth 
and pi'osperity. It will then appear in broad day light, that 
the advantages which have been held out to the farmers and 
planters, as the necessary result of buving cheap goods from 
abroad, cannot for a moment come into competition with the in- 
jurious consequences which flow from such a system. I will 
state the case of a planter who raises 30,000 pounds of cotton 
annually. 

The expense of cultivation is variously estimated. I have 
heard it raised as high as eleven, and reduced as low as seven 
cents per pound. 1 will assume nine cents as about a fair 
average. But whether this be too high or too low cannot mate- 
rially affect the conclusion. 

1819. 
30,000 lbs. of cotton at 22 cents .... g56,600 

Expense of cultivation at 9 cents per lb. . . 2,700 

Net profit, 1819, ,§3.900 

1820. 
30,000 lbs. of cotton at 16 cents . . . S4.800 

Expense of cultivation at 9 cents . . . 2,700 



Net profit, 1820, . . . . . . JS2,100 



1821. 
30,000 lbs. of cotton estimated at 12 cents . . g3,600 
Expense of cultivation at 9 cents . . . 2,700 

Net profit. 1821, S900 

* Bolton, Ogden & Co. Januaiy 13, 1821. f Idem. ? Idem. 



488 THE FA,RMEr's AND 

Here is a regular depreciation of property to an extent of 
which the examples are rare. 

A planter's net income sinks in one year from 3,900 dollars 
to 2,100 ; and in another year to 900 ; in one case 46, and in 
the other 57 per cent, reduction. Whatever may be the size of 
the planter's possessions, or the amount of his produce, the di- 
minution of income is in the same exact proportion. 

These evils might be borne virith patience, were there a ra- 
tional prospect of melioration in the state of affairs — were the 
planters able to look forward with any well-founded hope, to such 
a rise of price, not to the old rate, which is utterly beyond 
the most remote probability, but to such a rate as would afford 
a reasonable reward for capital, time, and industry, usefully 
employed. But this is entirely hopeless without a total change 
of system. The tide of migration to Alabama, Louisiana, Mis- 
souri, and Florida, will be immense. A large portion of the 
lands in that section of the union, are admirably calculated for, 
and doubtless will be devoted to, the culture of cotton, as 
farming has become so unprofitable an employment. It is there- 
fore highly probable that the quantity raised will regularly 
increase in a ratio which not only precludes the hope of a rise 
in price, but even renders a further reduction absolutely certain. 
I have stated twelve cents as the probable average price for 
1821 ; but for a variety of reasons it is manifestly too high. 
The price was steadily on the decline in Liverpool at the date 
of the last advices. Considerable sales had been made at very 
reduced rates, as will appear from the following extract from the 
price current of Maury and Latham, dated Feb. 22d, 1821. 

" Since our respects of the 16th instant, the demand for cotton has been pret- 
" ty fair, but very hea\y as to price. The sales of the 18th, 19th, and 20tb, were 
*« 2676 bales, including 1430 Uplands, a 7f a 8:J for old — and 8-| a 9^ for new— - 
« 100 a 91 and 15 a IGd— 56 Orleans a 8^ a 11^—226 Tennessees a 7 a 8^—120 
« Sea Islands a 13 a 19|. Yesterday the demand was fair ; and one cargo of Up- 
« lands, of good fair quality, was taken by a speculator, a Sf, a low price ; holdeis 
" in general continue to realize ; and the average sales of Uplands which a week 
" ago were at 9d. are now barely B^. Except a small cargo from Wilmington, 
" and anothei; from Charleston, no other vessels with coi,ton have arrived from 
" the united states, since the 8th instant, owing to contrary winds : but with a 
" change, we may expect considerable supplies. The demand for goods and 
" yarn has been rather better in Manchester, for a few days past." 

Even before the receipt of the late discouraging accounts, 
cotton in the southern markets had greatly fallen in price. . 
There is now before me a Darien price current, dated March 
17, 1821, which quotes 

Sea Island cotton - - - 24 to 25 cents. 
Upland Clbtton - - - 10toll§ 



planter's FRIENU. 4fl§ 

Public sales were made at Savannah on the 14th of March, at 
the fpllowing rates : 



23 bags a 


- 


11^ cents. 


70 bags a 


- 


12| cents. 


8 a 


- 


12 


50 a 


- 


12| 


20 a 


- 


12i 


25 a 


. 


13^ 



In Charleston, on the 31st ult. upland cotton was from 11 to 
14 cents, ;uid of dull sale. 

When the commissions and incidental expenses are deducted 
from the above prices, it is easv to see that the net proceeds 
will fall very far short of the average price which I have ad- 
mitted for the present year. 

At New Orleans, on the 24th of February, the prices were : 
Prime - - - - - 16 to 17 cents. 

Second quality - - - - 14 to 15 2 

Tennessee - - - - 11 to 14 

It is obvious that the purchasers at the prices above stated at 
New Orleans, must suffer heavy loss, pi-obably 15 per cent. 

The candour of the Liverpool merchants is entitled to great 
praise. In their circulars thev display extraordinary intelligence, 
and an honourable disposition to keep their friends in this coun- 
try well mformed not merely of the actual state of affairs, but of 
the future and even remote prospects, in order to guard against 
the ruinous consequences which flow ' from those sudden and 
extreme fluctuations to which the mai-ket is constantly liable. 
Their views of the subject are remarkably luminous : and it is 
their unequivocal opinion that there is no prospect of an improve- 
ment of prices without a diminution of production. 

Bolton, Ogden & Co. in their circular of January 13th,, 1821, 
state — 

" As the overwhelming stocks and probable extent of the imports of this year 
" do not justify any reasonable ho]>e of improvement in the prices, the holders in 
*' general continue to be anxious sellers, apprehending a still further decline 
" iv/ien the iiew crop of Jlmerican cotton begins to come freely forward. Uplands 
" now sell at 7^ to IOt ; those of the new crop at 8^ to 10 J ; Alabamas and Ten- 
" nessees at 7^d to 8^ ; New Orleans 8 to I2d. — and a few extra fine at 12^. 
<• Sea Islands are particularly dull, and sell at 14d. to 21d. 

" The stocks in the hands of the ikcUers are estimated as being from 15 to 20,000 
" bags more than they were at this period last year. 

"From the moderate prices of cotton, tlie more general employment of the 
« working classes of this countiy, and the fair though not high prices of labour, 
« with tlie low rates of provisions, we think there is a just ground to presume up- 
« on a continuance of the present rate of consumption of cotton manufactures, 
" and even to presume upon . some increase. But -Mhile tlie imports contimte to 
" exceed that consumption, great as it is, the prices must continue to ilecUne ; and -mU 
"no doubt become so low as to cease to remunerate the planter for the expenses ofpi'o- 
" duction, uxid thereby to diminish t/ie fiiture growth. The low prices and better 
« qualities of American and Brazil cotton, it may be noticed, arc not unlikely to 
« have the effect of causing them to be substituted for part of the present con- 
" sumption of East India cotton, h ought also tf be kept in view, that the state of 

62 



490 THE farmer's and 

" the currency in this country, and the diminislied amount of capital, are circumatan- 
" ces likely to co7itinue to operate very poiu erf nUy in keeping all articles, and particU' 
" larly those of -which there is any excess, in the s-upply, at vert low piiices." 

Morrall and Watson, under the same date, corroborate those 
views : — 

" The import this month is expected to be considerable; and seeing the pre- 
« sent disposition of importers to sell on amval, there seems little chance of any 
" early amendment in prices. On the contrary, indeed, as there appears to be too 
" much cotton grown, it becomes doubtful if prices wUl improve, unless the produce 
« is dimimshed : and time alone can show how far the present reduced rates may 
" have that effect, or tend to keep back supphes." 

John M^Adam & Co. on the 20th of same month, state — 

" ^s each succeeding' arrival from this country ■will furnish -worse and -worse ac- 
" counts of our markets, it is to be hoped that the prices on yoiir side -will decline in 
" tlie course of the season, so as to render shipments safe andperhaps profitable" 

Maury & Latham, on the same day, write to the same 
effect : — 

" The increased cultivation in the united states, Brazil, and the East Indies, 
" must gain greatly upon the consumption. With this view of the subject, it 
" -would be hazardous to hold out any expectation ofpeimanent improvement in price, 
" loTV as it certainly is." 

Yates, Brothers, & Co. on the 31st of the same month, 

write : — 

« If it be true, as stated in the advices from the united states, that the 
" crop now coming forward, will be at least equal to the last, the stock of Ameri- 
« can cotton in this country must continue to accumulate still more, even sup j 
" posing there shoidd be some further increase in the home consumption, 
" which indeed is probable, as the lower qualities of boweds and Orleans are 
" getting into greater use as substitutes for Siu-ats, the prices of the latter hav- 
" ing lately experienced little decline in proportion to those of the former. 

" While tlds excess of supply continues, prices must be very lo-w : and it is natural 
« to expect that a reduction -will take place in the united states corresponding -with the 
" rates paid in this country." 

A more recent accoimt from Liverpool, states — 

!"Our cotton market is in a wretched state — and I declare I can see no pros*' 
" pect of any improvement for some time. Some of our largest importers force 
<' it off as it arrives. Fair uplands are only worth 9d. to 9\d. There is not 
« one bale in a hundred that wUl bring lOd. Sea Islands ai'e very difficult of 
"sale." . 

Crowder, Clough & Co. under date, Feb. 10, write : — 

*' Our market closes this week, -worse, absolutely, than it has ever been yet : and 
" we consider the price of uplands to be at J per lb. lower ; for 9d. can with 
« difficulty be had for quahties which commanded 9\ readily last week." 

My next number shall be devoted to a further examination 
of the causes of the decline of the price of cotton, and of the 
practicability of applying a remedy to a state of things so inju- 
rious to national and individual prosperity. 

Philadelphia^ April 7^X^21. 

GUATIMOZIN. 



planter's friend. 491 

NO. V. 

*'No earthly metliod remains for encouraging agriculture, where it has not 
*' reared up its head, that can he considered in any rouy efficacious, but the establish' 
*' ing proper manufactures in those countries you -wish to encourage J" Anderson on 
Industry, page 70. 

" If a manufacture be established in any rich and fertile country, by convening 
** a number of people into one place, who must all be fed by the farmer, without 
" interfering with any of his necessary operations, they establish a ready market for 
"the produce of his farm, and thus throw money into his hands, atid give ^rit and 
" energ-y to his culture." Idem, page 37. 

" Insurmountable obstacles he in the way of a farmer in an unimproved coun- 
" try, who has nothing but commerce alone to depend upon for providing a mar- 
" ket for the produce of his farm." — Idem. 

" The aggregate prosperity of manufactures, and the aggregate prosperity ofagri- 
" culture, are intimately connected." A. Hamilton's Report on Manufactures. 

*' In places where manufactiuing institutions prevail, besides the persons regu- 
« larly engaged in them, tliey afford occasional and extra employment to indus- 
" trioiis individuals and families who are wilhng to devote the leisure resulting 
** from the intermissions of theu* ordinary pursuits, to collateral labours, as a re- 
« source for multiplying their acquisitions or their enjoyments. The husbandman 
" himself experiences a new sow^ce of profit and stipport, from the encreased industry 
"of his -wife and daughters ; invited and stimulated by the demands of the neighbour- 
" ing manufactories." Idem. 

" The exertions of the husbandman will be steady or fluctuating — ^vigorous or 
"feeble, inproportion to the steadiness or fluctuation, adequateness or inadequatenees 
"of the markets 07i ivfdch he must depend for the vent oftJie surplus, which may be 
"produced by his labour ,- and such siu-plus, in the course of things, will be greater 
" or less in the same proportion. For the purpose of tliis vent, a domestic market 
" is greatly to be preferred to aforHgn one ; because it is, in the nature of things, far 
" more to be relied on." Idem. 

" There are natural causes tending to render the external demand for the surplus of 
"agricultural nations a precarious reliance. The difference of seasons in the 
*' countries which are the consumers, make immense differences in the produce 
*' of their own soils, in different years, and consequently in the degrees of their 
" necessity for foreign supply. Plentiful harvests with them, especially if similar 
••ones occur at the same time in the countries which are the furnishers, occasion, 
" of course, a glut in the markets of the latter." Idem. 

" The regulations of the several countries with which we have the most exten- 
" sive intercourse, throw seiious obsti'uctions in the way of the principal staples 
"of the United States. Jn such a position of things, the united states cannot ex- 
" change with Europe on equal terms ,• and the want of reciprocity would render them 
"the victim of a system which should induce them to confine their views to agriculture, 
" and refrain from manufacttires. A constant and encreasing necessity on their part 
"for t/ie commodities of Europe, and only a partial and occasional demand for their own, 
" ir. return, could not but expose them to a state of impoverishment, compared 
« with the opulence to which their political and natural advantages authorise them 
" to aspire." Idem. 

" T7ie substitution of foreign for domestic manufactures, is a transfer to foreign 
" natioivB of the advantages accruing from the employment ofmacldnery, in the modes 
" in which it is capable of being employed,pvith most utility and to the greatest extent." 
Idem. 

UNLESS I am greatly deceived, my last Number IV. ac- 
counted satisfactorily for the recent serious and injurious de- 
pression of the price of cotton, the primary staple of this coun- 
try ; and proved that in the present and probable future state of 
the culture of that article, in the united states and elsewhere, 
there is no hope of a ^vourable change — in fact that there is 



492 THE farmer's and 

every appearance of a great further depression — unless efficient 
measures be adopted to extend and secure the domestic market, 
so as to diminish our exportable surplus. The \ ital importance 
of this topic will justify me in devoting the present number to 
an investigation of the causes that led to the excessive and per- 
nicious reduction of price which took place in this country du- 
ring the first six months of the year 18i9, and produced such a 
serious diminution of income to the planters, and so much bank- 
ruptcy among our exporting merchants I shall also exhibit a 
view of the present state of the British market, with respect to 
East India cotton, in order to remove some errors which pre- 
vail with many of our citizens on this topic. 

The importation of cotton into Great Britain from this coun- 
try, the Brazils, Portugal, and the West Indies, in 1811, 12, 13, 
14, and 15, was on a limited scale, and scarcely commensi'rate 
with the demand, particularly in the last year, when the con- 
sumption greatly increased immediately after the pacification of 
Europe, in consequence prices rose verv high, ranging from 
1*. &d. to 25 6</ sterling per pound. The average price of our bowed 
cotton in Liverpool, during the year 1814, was 29d. sterling, and 
in 1815, "-ZOd. I am unable to state the average of 1816 ; but, at 
the cl: se of that year, the price was from 17 Id. to 20hd. 

At the close of the year 1814, the stock on hand in Great 
Britain was 80,600 bales ; of 1815, 79,900 ; and of 1816, 76,600.* 
This was not more than was necessary for the consumption of 
twelve or fourteen weeks. 

The increasing demand for this staple, the scantiness of the 
supply, and the consequent high prices, induced the manufac- 
turers and merchants of Great Britain to direct their attention 
to the East Indies, the trade to which country had been re- 
leased from the monopoly of the East India Company ; and in 
1816 large orders were sent for Bengal and Surat cotton, of 
which the importation in previous years had been wholly unim- 
portant, even during our war, which had greatly abridged the 
supplies from the united states. 

Importation of East India Cotton into Great Britain^ for ten years. 

Bro't over, bales, 153,708 

1807, - bales, 11,404 1812, - - 2,6o7 

1808, - - 12,512 1813, - - 1,429 

1809, - - 35,764 1814, - - 13,048 

1810, - - 79,382 1815, - - 22,670 

1811, - • 14,646 1816, - - 30,670 

153,708 224,132 

Average, 22,413 
* Maury & Latham's Piice Current for January 20, 1821. 



planter's friend. 49:3 

The importation, in 1817, in consequence of the new specu- 
lations, increased to 117,454 bales, being above five times the 
average of the ten preceding years. 

Cotton imported into Great Britain in 1817. 
East India, - - - - bales 117,454 
United states, - - . - 198,9 > 7 

Brazil, and Portugal, - _ _ 114,S16 
West Indies, &c. - - - - 47,208 



Total, 478,395 



The East India Cotton, it appears, was very nearly one-fourth 
of the whole quantity. 

To this operation, which ought to have excited the most se- 
rious alarm, no attention whatever was paid by congress. There 
was not the slightest effort made to carry into effect the sage 
recommendation of Alexander Hamilton, to " secure a domestic 
market^'' as a " substitute'''' for that '■'•foreign demand''* which was 
too " uncertain a reliance''' for " the surplus''' of this important 
staple. 

A candid development of past errors is always useful, as af- 
fording salutary admonitions for future conduct. It is much to 
be regretted that these admonitions are so generally disre- 
garded. 

The striking impolicy of the apathy and neglect on the part 
of congress, and particularly the cotton planters in that body, 
will appear palpable by a statement of the average amount of 
the importation of our cotton into Great Britain for that and 
three preceding years, and a comparison of that average with 
the quantity above stated imported in 1817 from the East Indies. 
The three intervening years of war are omitted. — 

Importation of united states cotton into Great Er'itain. 

1811, bales, 128,200 

1815, 201,000 

1816, 166,000 

1817, 195,560 



Total, 690,760 



Average, 172,690 



A very slender consideration of the subject would have na- 
turally excited anticipations of the most unfavourable results, 
from a formidable rival having entered the lists, possessing a 
boundless capacity of production, and at once pouring into the 



494 ITHE FARMER S AND 

market about 68 per cent, of our former supplies. This was 
ominous of a fearful change in the resources of this country. 

In 1818, the importation of East India Cotton greatly in- 
creased. It exceeded that from the united states about 20 per , 
cent. — and was actually 37 per cent, of the whole importation 
jof that year. 

Cotton imported into Great Britain in 1818. 
United states, . - - bales 206,728 

East India, 244,608 

Brazil and Portugal, - - - 160,130 

West India, &c. - - . - 54,877 



Total, 666,338=>^ 



These rapid strides were regarded by congress, like those 
of the preceding year, with an apathy and indifference wholly 
unaccounta<>le. This was a dereliction of dut}^, which entailed 
the most serious injury on the planters and exporting merchants. 
Should it be asked what remedy could congress have applied 
to this menacing evil, I reply that I hope to make it appear in 
the ensuing number, that a simple and efficacious remedy was 
in their power. 

The consumption of Great Britain in 1818, was 

United states, . - . bales, 160,870 
East India, ----- 98,700 
Brazil and Portugal, - . - 124,200 
West Indies, &c. - - - - 45,950 

Total, 429,720f 



The plea of ignorance could not be alleged to justify or ex- 
tenuate the utter neglect of precautionaiy measures. The most 
luminous accounts of the precarious situation of that market, 
and the formidable rivalry that existed, were, in 1818, as in the 
preceding year, transmitted to this country by the Liverpool 
merchants, and disseminated through the union in the news- 
papers, as may be seen by the following extracts. But menac- 
ing as was the danger, and admonitory as were the advices, 
there was not a single step taken to avert the impending storjtn. 

« The most remarkable, increase of imports, has been in East India cotton : and 
"the stock of this description is considerably hesLviertha.nitwa.s.fBat the consnmp- 
" Hon of it is increasing- very rapidly ; being now very probably not less than 1,000 
« bales per week more than it -was kmtyear."-!f 

* Laurence, Willis & Go's price cuTTent, Jan. 1, 1819. 
+ Dutr, Findlay & Co.'s price cuirent, Jan. 6, 1821. 
+ Yates, Brothers, '& Co. Liverpool, Jiily 1, 1818. 



planter's FRIENB. 495 

** Of Tenessees we have a less favomuble opinion. They are more on a level with 
^^ good Bengals, ami middling Surats ,- and are likely to accompany thenn in any 
" decline. East India cotton, except Surats of a qiuility that is convertible to the 
" same purposes as ordinary Boweds and Orleans, nnistdecline ; ;is tlie very heavy 
" imports are not likely to be checked till the crop of 1817, and perhaps not till 
" that of 1818, is shipped. Surats still leave a profit ; tliough Bengals lose consi- 
" derably. But Bengals will probably dechne in'incUa, so as to meet the dechne 
" here, and still continue to be groivn and s/iipped."* 

" The use both of Bengal and Surat is become very considerable ; and while 
" there continues so great a relative difference in price between tliem and the 
" descriptions witli which they come more immediately in competition, there 
" seeing good reason to apprehend that their use will continue to eTiend."-\^ 

" Our present heavy stock of East India cotton which will continue to increase 
" for some time yet, and the fact that it is getting more into use by the spinners 
" altering t/ieir machinery for using it, on account of the very low prices, will pre- 
" vent any considerable advance on American cotton for the greater part of next 
" year. It would, therefore, be vei-y hazardous to ship upland and JVew Orleans 
" cotton but at a very great reduction of former prices. Yesterday we had two tnore 
" cargoes of Surat cotton from America, whicii, with two cargoes tliis day from 
" Bombay direct, must have the effect of depressing this description of cotton 
"still more."+ 

" The demand there now is for good Surat cotton, will very seriously interfere 
" with American cotton, particularly uplands of an inferior quality, and will have 
"the effect of depressing them in price. "§ 

" From a review of the imports and stock at the end of each year, it appears 
" that there has been an increase in 1818 in the cotisumption of India o/26,00U bags ,- 
" of Bi'azil also some increase ; but a dea'ease of American of about 12,0-0 "f 

" Upland cotton, the leading ai-ticle of import from the united states, is likely 
" to be much interfeivd with by East India cotton, to the spinning of which many of 
" our mills are adapting their machinery, and many Tiew ones are building, solely cal- 
«« ciliated to consume it. There seem to be no limits to the quantity tliat can be 
« produced in that countiy, and which is materially aided by the low price ot la- 
*« hour. During the first six months of the last yeai; they exported 100,000 bales more 
" than they did the preceding twelve months/ Its extreme low price will force it 
" into consnmp\JiOn,to the exclusion of other descriptions."** 

" The importers of Alabama cotton have endeavoured to establish a distinction 
« between this description and Tennessee, in favour of the former : but both hinds 
" are in the highest disrepute, and cannot be valued at more than twelve pence to 
" twelve pence ludfpenny pm pound. East India cotton is not quoted lower. But we 
« think the latest sales, both of Surat and Bengal, liave been on a dechne of a 
" farthing per pound-ff 

The fatal consequences of this competition, and of the neglect 
to apply a remedy, did not, however, begin to develope them- 
selves in Liverpool till the commencement of 18i9. The aver- 
age price of boweds there on the 1st of January in that year, 
was 18| pence ; thev fell in February to l6 — in March to 15 — 
in April to li- J — in May to 12 — and in June to 1 1-J. 

In Philadelphia, the average price of Louisiana, Tennessee and 
Georgia Cotton, in December, 1818, and till about the close of 

; 'iii 

•^ Yates, Brothers, & Co. Liverpool, Nov. 10, 1818. 

t Cropper, Benson, & Co. Li\'erpool, 11th Month, 30th, 1818. 

I John Hichardson, Livei-pool, December 28th, 1818. 

§ Idem, January 1, 1819. 

1 Yates, Brothers, & Co. liverpool, January 2, 1819. 

** W. Sc James Brown, & Co. Liverpool, January 13, 1819. 

tfRathbone, Hodgson, & Co. Liverpool, September 30, 1819 



496 THE farmer's an6 

January 1819, was 33 cents per lb. The advices from Liver-' 
pool reduced it, towards the end of the latter month, to 261 cents^ 
and it continued to decline gradually till the 25th of June, when 
it arrived at its ultimate price of depression ; that is, I6i cents 
per lb. being a reduction of fifty per cent in about five months. 

It is very desirable, but extremely difficult, to ascertain the 
precise amount of the loss to the exporting merchants, and the 
diminution of income to the planters, produced by this depreci- 
ation. I will hazard an estimate, which, I trust, will be found 
not far from the truth. 

The crop of this country for the year 1818, may be safely 
stated at about 130,000,000 of pounds. The amount exported, 
according to the report of the secretary of the treasury, was 
above 92,000,000 of pounds. The remainder was consumed in 
manufactories and in private families. The depression in Liver- 
pool having commenced in January, it must have fallen on a 
portion of the old crop and nearly the whole of the new, as 
scarcely any of the latter could, at that time, have been sold in 
England. 

It remains to ascertain the operation of the reduction I have 
stated. As it was gradual, from 33 cents to l6i, I shall assume, 
that 

lbs. % 

10,000,000 were sold at 33 cents, - - 3,300,000 
20,000,000 at 26 1-2 cents, - - - - 5,300,000 
20,000,000 a 24 cents, ----- 4,800,000 

30,000,000 fl22 6,600,000 

20,000,000 fl20 4,000,000 

20,000,000 a 18 3,600,000 

10,000,000 a 16 1-2* 1,625,000 

lbs. 130,000,000 Dollars, 29,221,000 

This forms an average of about 22|. cents, and nearly corres- 
ponds with the custom-house valuation, which is 22 cents for 
the whole year.f 

The entire crop, at 33 cents, the price before the reduction 
began, would have produced ^42,900,000, making a difference 
of 13,675,000 dollars of which probably 5,(j00,000 were lost 
by the merchants, who purchased on a market steadily lailmg — 
and the remainder a positive diminution of the income of the 
planters. 

I deem it necessary to repeat what I have already stated, that 

* There was a gradual, but small rise in the price after June : and therefore \ 
have estimated that 30,0J0,0001bs. were sold at 22 cents. 
t Report of the Secretary of the Treasuiy for 1819. 



Planter's friend. 497 

in these calculations I do not pretend to critical correctness, 
which is in this case absoluteh^ unattainable. But I believe 
them substantially correct, and approximating as near to the 
truth as is practicable. 

Many of our citizens — planters and merchants — flatter them- 
selves into an opinion, that the competition of the East India 
cotton with that of the united states, in the markets of Great 
Britain, is wholly at an end, the former having been found so 
far inferior, as to be nearly, if not altogether abandoned by the 
manufacturers of that country. This idea has been industriously 
propagated, and fondly believed, throughout the united states. 
That it is a complete ''day dream,'Svill satisfactorily appear 
from an examination of the following facts. 

The decrease of the importation of this cotton has arisen 
from the failure of the crops in the East Indies, which has pro- 
duced such a scarcity there, and in China, that the East India 
Company in January last purchased 10,000 bales in London 
and shipped them for the latter country. And it was expected 
they would for the same purpose make a further purchase of 
18.000 bales. 

" Tlie East India Company have purchased 10,000 bags of India cotton for 
" shipment to China : and it is expected that they will take a fm-ther quantity, 
*• by some persons stated at 18,000 bags, for the same purpose."* 

While our cotton, however, continues at or near its present 
depressed price, the consumption of that of the East Indies will 
be very considerably limited in Great Britain. At those prices, 
united states cotton is more advantageous to the manufacturer 
than either Bengal or Surat, at their respective rates, the differ- 
ence in the price not being equal to the difference in the staple. 
But those kinds will unfortunately always serve as a check to 
prevent the rise of ours. 

Notwithstanding the low rates of our cotton, and its superi- 
ority over that of the East Indies, the consumption of the latter 
is considerable, and increased last year about fifty per cent, be- 
yond that of 1819. 

Co7isumption of Cotton in Great Britain in 1819 and 1820. 

1819. 1820. 

United States, - - - bales 209,000 246.900 

East India, - - . . 49,600 74,40O 

Brazil and Portugal, - - - 126,400 135,100 

West India and other Kind^ - - 33,500 30,350 

Total, 418,500 486,750| 

* Rathbone, Hodgson &Co's price current, June 20, 1821, 
t Maury & Latham's price cun-ent, Jan. 20,1821. 

63 



498 



THE FARMER S AND 



It thus appears, that the consumption of East India cotton 
last year, was about fifteen per cent, of the whole quantity used 
in Great Britain ; one half as much as that of Brazil, and nearly 
one third as much as that of the united states- 
. It is an extraordinary and unaccountable fact, that notwith- 
standing the great importation of East India cotton in 1817 and 
181iS, the price of that species has by no means experienced such 
an oppresssive reduction as that of the united states, Brazil, Por- 
tugal, &c. as will appear from the following 

Table of the Prices of Cotton in Liverpool^ at the close of the last 

three years. 



1818 
1819 

l:j2f;. 



Bowecis, 

d. d. 

■>7 to 20 

12 1-2 to 14 

8 1-4 to 1^3-4 



Bengals. 

d- d. 

7 1-2 to 10 1-2 

7 to 8 3-4 

6 to 7 3-4 



Surats. 
d. d. 

8 to 14 1-2 
7 1-2 to 10 1-2 
r 1-4 to 9 



Maranhams. 
d. d. 

20 to2i 

15 1-2 to 16 

11 tor: 



Pernams. 
/. d. 

22 1-2 to 24 
ir to 18 
11 3-4 to 13* 



It thus appears, that the price of our cotton has experienced 
a reduction of nearly 50 per cent, from the 3 1st of December 
1818 to the 31st of the same month, 1820 ; Maranham and Per- 
nambuco, 45 ; but Surat only 27 per cent., and Bengal only 25. 

It was my intention to have undertaken to establish the posi- 
tion that Congress had a preventative in its poAver for a portion 
of the injurious effects of the reduction of price of 1819, and 
1820. But it would have extended this essay to an unreasonable 
length, and therefore I postpone it till my next number. 

GUATIMOZIN. 

April 15, 1821. 

P. S. The following extracts of letters from Liverpool, un- 
der date of the 10th of February, afford complete additional cor- 
roboration of the views held out in No. IV. 

« Our market is in a very depressed state ; indeed it is impossible to say how 
" much lower it will go. We should think, however, it has nearly seen its low- 
" est for uplands. It is difficult to effect sales of the short staple cotto?i of Carolina 
" and Georgia at 9d per lb. to any extent^ unless the quality is v ery good. We have 
" sold, it is tri le, 100 bales prime old New Orleans at 10 J. wiiich were bought early 
" in the setison at high rates on speculation, and have been held until the present 
«< period. As to sea island, we cannot give you a better idea of them than to inform 
'< you that 02ir braker bought this morning forty bags 6?'«7icferf " Belfair," at 16d, 
«' Tiiese cottons, we conceive, are so well known in your market, that you will 
<« by them be able to fix a standard for all others." 

" The losses on this article will, I fear, niin many of the importei^s : and few wiU 
« be able to stand so great a reduction of property. The last accounts from your 
«' s (ie of the water quote cotton at 15 a 16 cents, and from New Orleans 15 1-2 a 
" 17 cents. This is very little less than -what cotton sells for here, say nothing of 
" charges ,- and this iias been the case for the last nine months. W'^hat the result 
" will be no one can tell ; but I fear dreadful." 



Buflf, Findlay & Go's price current, Jan 6, 1821. 



planter's prienb. 499 



NO. VI. 

<' If the system of perfect liberty to industry and commerce, were the pre- 
" vailing system of nations, the argTimeats which dissuade a country in the pre* 
« dicament of the united states, from a zealous pursuit of manufactiu-es, would 
" doubtless have great force."*** " But tliis system is far from chai'acterising 
" the general policy of nations. The prevalent one has been regulated by an 
" opposite spirit. The consequence of it is, that the united states ai-e, to a cer- 
** tain extent, in the situation of a country precluded from foreign commerce. 
" They, can, indeed, without difficulty, obtain from abroad the manufactured sup- 
" plies of which they are in want. But they experience numerous and very injw-ioun 
" impediments to the emission and vent of their commodities. Nor is this the case in 
" reference to a single foreign nation only. The regulations of several countries 
" with which we have the most extensive intercourse, throw serious obstructions in the 
" way of the principal staples of the united states." — Alexander Hamilton's report 
on manufactures. 

Friends and FeUoxv Citizens., 

Many of our citizens, among whom are classed no small 
number who rank high in station and talents, ascribe the de- 
cline of the national prosperity chiefly to the transition from a 
state of war to a state of peace ; and are firmly persuaded that 
nothing but a renewal of war in Europe, which would afford us 
a market for the superabundant produce of our soil, can com- 
pletely restore us, and place us on the high ground we for- 
merly occupied. 

This is a view of our affairs, as gloomy and disheartening 
as it is erroneous. It is predicated on the idea, that the pros- 
perity or misery of nations depends on circumstances over 
which they have no control ; that they are not moulded and 
fashioned by their own policy ; and that a nation, super-em inently 
blessed as we are, with every advantage, natural, moral, and 
political, is doomed to suffer distress and embarrassment, un- 
less other nations are ravaged and desolated by wars and fa- 
mines ! 

This idea can never be admitted for a moment. It is belied bv 
the history of every nation, wise or unwise, ancient or modern ; 
by which it is proved, that nations, like individuals, make their 
Own fortunes ; that wise systems of policy will produce pros- 
perity, and unwise ones distress ; that the degree of prospe- 
rity or distress will always be in due proportion to the degree 
of the wisdom or follv of their policy ; that when a nation is 
in a state of suffering and distress, unless produced by some 
very extraordinary and inevitable calamity, as earthquakes, 
famines, invasions, &c. it affords conclusive evidence against 
its policy ; that no natural or other advantages, how tran- 
scendantly great soever, will insure prosperity to a nation, 
under an unsound policy ; that the contrary policy will suc- 
cessfully struggle against and overcome the greatest natural 



500 THE farmer's and 

disadvantages ; and finally, that when nations are not ground 
down by wasteful and profligate governments, and grievous 
and grinding taxes, a sound system will insure their prospe- 
rity, whether universal peace prevail, or the whole world be 
engaged in warfare. A corollary from all this is, that as our 
government is neither wasteful nor profligate, nor our taxes 
oppressive, our present distresses can be charged only to our 
wayward policy. 

Spain, Ireland, France, and the united states, most forcibly 
illustrate this theory. Spain enjoys a fertile soil and mild 
climate, and has derived immense wealth from her colonies ; 
and yet she has for centuries been miserable and wretched, 
through the insane policy she pursued, whereby her wealth 
was lavished on strangers, while her own people were pining 
in idleness and want. Should she escape, as heaven send she 
may, the fangs of the Holy Alliance, and persevere in the 
sound system of policy she has recently adopted, she will, within 
a few years, attain that grade in the scale of nations, to which 
she is eminently entitled by her local situation and immense ad- 
vantages. 

Ireland is blessed with natural advantages at least equal 
to those of England — and yet has at all times exhibited a most 
lamentable picture of poverty and wretchedness, while Eng- 
land, until of late, has enjoyed a high degree of prosperity. 
This arose principally from the circumstance, that the middle 
and higher orders in the dependent kingdom were clothed by 
the manufactures of the dominant one, and the wealth of Ire- 
land was lavished to support the industry of England. 

France exhibits a strong case on the opposite side of the 
question. She was wasted by a tedious and bloody war, of 
above twenty years duration ; suffered for three or four years 
the havoc and ravage of numerous hosts of licentious soldiers ; 
and was laid under a heavy contribution of about 100,000,000 
dollars.* From all these enormous evils she has recovered 
in a few years, by the system of protecting her domestic indus- 
try, and not lavishing her wealth on strangers. She now en- 
joys, in consequence of this system, a state of higher and more 
substantial prosperity than she has known for a century : her po- 
litical state I forbear to discuss, as unconnected with the pre- 
sent question. 

The situation of the united states, alas ! affords a complete 
contrast to that of France, and a most irrefragable illustra- 
tion of this theory. For nearly twenty years, while millions 
of armed men were devastating large portions of Europe, we 
enjoyed the benefits of neutral commerce, to an extent scarcely 

* The contribution was fixed at 700,000,000 livres, equalto about 130,000,000 
of dollars— but a part of it, I believe, was remitted. 



planter's friend. 501 

ever, perhaps never enjoyed by any other nation. This was 
succeeded by a short war, of two years and a half, in which to 
use the words of Mr. Wyndham, '•'•we xvere hardly icratched" 
— and which, in fact, rather advanced than retrograded our pros- 
perity. It was closed under the most favourable auspices, and 
everv man, woman, and child, able and willing to work, was use- 
fully employed for individual advantage, and steadily adding to 
the wealth and resources of the nation. The voice of peace, and 
happiness, and joy, was heard throughout the land. But soon 
the glorious prospect was changed. The country was deluged 
with cheap goods from abroad — great numbers of our citizens 
were devoted to idleness and penury — establishments, on which 
millions had been expended — which gave employment to thou- 
sands, and wrought up, during the war, more than two-thirds of 
the average annual export of cotton wool from the united states 
to all Europe, from the year 1800 to 1814*= — were closed, and 
their proprietors consigned to bankruptcy — a large portion of the 
energy and enterprize of the nation was paraliztd — gloom and 
distress pervaded the land — the circulating medium vanished 
to pay for luxuries we did not want, and for necessaries which 
we might have produced at home. For a time the farmers es- 
caped the pernicious consequences of the system — the planters 
still longer. But it has at length reached both classes — and a 
painful state of things has been produced, thus justly depicted by 
the secretary of the treasury, and by a committee of the house 
of representatives of the united states : — The former declares, 

• As this assertion will excite sui-prise, I annex a statement of our exports of 
cotton, with the custom house valuation, from 1800 to 1814, from Pitkin's Sta- 
tistical View, page 133. 

1800 lbs. 17,789,803 §3,556,000 

1 20,911,201 4,182,000 

2 27,501,<>75 5,250,000 

3 42,105,623 7,92U,U00 

4 38,118,041 7,650,000 

5 38,370,000 9,445,000 

6 35,657,465 8,332,J00 

7 63,944,459 14,'i32,j00 

8 10,630,000 2,22l,J00 

9 50,980,255 8,515,000 

10 93,261,462 15,5u«,000 

11 62,058,236 9,652,000 

12 28,887,377 3,080,000' 

13 19,110,016 2,324,000 

14 17,729,007 2,683,000 



567,054,020 104,55u,o00 



Average lbs. 37,803,601 §6,970,333 



The quantity consumed in the united states in 1815, was, 27,000,000 lbs. ; of 
course above two-thirds of tliis average. 



502 THE Parmer's and 

that '■^few instances have occurred^ of a distress so severe as that 
*' which has bee?i exhibited in the united states'''' — and the latter, 
that " the imposition of an excise at this time of extreme 
" DISTRESS, -would he unwise^ and is not demanded by the state 
'' of the public treasury. If imposed^ it -would be difficult to col- 
" lect ; and^ if collected, it would^ in some parts of the uftzon, be 
** in paper little available "* 

These statements are recent. The first was made in February, 
1820 ; and the second, a short time previous to the close of the 
last session of congress. 

These strong facts can never be set aside by abstract theories, 
however plausible, and however supported by names of great 
celebrity. As truth requires no adventitious support, to estab- 
lish its authority : so error cannot be converted into truth, nojr 
folly into wisdom, by the glare of exalted names. 

Having in my former numbers discussed the question of the 
causes of the present situation of the planters, I now, according 
to my promise, shall attempt to prove that it was in the power of 
Congress to apply a preventive to the depression of the prices 
of Cotton, in 181 9, and a palliative in 1820; and, after its oc- 
currence, to alleviate the evils it produced. 

To prove what might have been done in 1818, or what may be 
done now, it is necessary to display what has been done already : 
and fortunately such progress was made in the manufacture of 
cotton goods, during the two years and a half of war, the only 
period smce the commencement of our government in which it 
had a fair chance of supplying the domestic market, as to leave 
no doubt of the capacity of the country to consume so much of 
the raw material as would prevent that glut in Europe, which 
produced depression and all its ruinous consequences. 

The duty imposed on cotton and woollen goods, in ) 78V, was 
only, five percent. It was raised afterwards to 7h-,to 10, to 12i 
and at a late period to i5, which was the rate at the commence- 
ment of the war, when it was raised to 25. 

The great advantages the British manufacturers possessed, 
of immense capitals, machinery of the most perfect kind, the 
entire supply of the home market, the profits of which enabled 
them to make sacrifices on the goods thev sent abroad, discourag- 
ed our citizens generally from any serious effort at the esta- 
blishment of the cotton manufacture in the united states, on a 
large or extensive scale, for the first twenty years of the opera- 
tions of our government. The few that were made, proved 
ruinous for the undertakers, and prevented others from engag- 

* As numbers of our citizens deny the existence of distress at present, I quote 
the precise words of two public documents, of respectable authority, on the sub- 
ject. Were it necessary, others of equal weight might be added, from messages 
of governors, and reports of state legislatures. 



planter's friend. 503 

ing in the same speculations ; for truly did Alexander Hamilton 
pronounce, that "the undertakers of new manufactures have to 
*' contend, not only with the natural disadvantages of new un- 
" dertakings, but with the gratuities and remunerations which 
*' other governments bestow. To be enabled to contend xvith 
" success, it is evident that the interference and aid of their go- 
" vernment are indispensible.'''' 

Therefore, notwithstanding the immense exportation of the 
raw material, amounting in 12 years, from 1800 to 1811 inclu- 
sive to 500,228,152 lbs.* of which we received back a great por- 
tion, manufactured, at nearly fivefold its original value,f the 
consumption of that raw material in manufacturing establish- 
ments in the united states was 

In 1800, only 500 bales or 150,000 lbs.:j: of cotton. 
1805, 1000 300,000 

The restrictive system, called into existence by the depreda- 
tions of the belligerents, gave a considerable spring to the man- 
ufacture, so that in 1810 the consumption was extended to 10,000 
bales, or 3,000,000 lbs.$ 

From this time till the declaration of war in June, 1812, 
it made considerable progress — but there are no means of 
ascertaining its extent. The war, in a great measure, cut off 
our foreign supplies of cotton and other goods, which of 
course produced such a scarcity and rise of their price, as held 
out very great inducements to our enterpi-izing citizens, to vest 
in manufactories the immense superfluous capital then divested 
by the war of employment in commerce. The progress in the 
cotton branch, was such as might have been expected from the 
boundless supply of the raw material. Great numbers of exten- 
sive establishments rapidly arose in every quarter of the middle 
and eastern states, which supplied the great mass of the con- 
sumption of the country. By a statement presented to Congress 
by a respectable body of cotton manufacturers, and incorporated 
into the celebrated Report of the commitee on commerce and 
manufactures already quoted, it appears that in 1815, the follow- 
ing was the state of the cotton manufacture throughout the unit- 
ed states. 

• Pitkin, pag-e 133. 

•|- This is the increase the i-aw material receives by manufacture. Colquhoun, 
in his View of the wealth, power and resources of Great Britain, page 91, gives 
this statement of the cotton manufacture of that country. 

Export and consumption, /. 29,000,' '00 

Raw material, 6,0l/U,000 

Sterling /. 23,0v;0,.00 

A clear advantage to that nation of above §100,000,000. 

tKcport of the Committee of Congress, on commerce and manufactures, 1816. 

^Idom. 



504 THE farmer's and 

Capital invested, 5S40,GO:),OOl> 

Males employed from 17 upwards, 10,000 

Below seventeen, 24,000 

Women and female children, 66,000 



100,000 

Cotton wool manufactured, bales 90,000 

Equal to, lbs. 27,000,000 

Number of yards of cotton, 81,000,000 

Cost [supposed to be the current price] 

per yard, 30 cents, ^24,300,000 

Of this statement, I believe, the accuracy was never ques- 
tioned until last fall, when a writer in the National Gazette, 
under the signature of SAY, declared it incorrect, without ad- 
ducing any proof, arid resting his dictum altogether on what he 
pronounces as the utter improbability of the statement. 

Not knowing on what data the estimate of the consumption 
was predicated, I am unable to substantiate it by reference to 
authorities. But I hope to adduce such a number of collateral 
and cogent facts, as will satisfy every man who bestows that de- 
gree of consideration on them, which the importance of the 
question requires, that SAY did not sufficiently investigate the 
evidence, of which the case was susceptible, previous to his un- 
qualified rejection of the statement. 

A comparison of the quantity of cotton exported, and of cot- 
ton manufactures imported, previous to and during the war, will 
shed considerable light upon the subject. 

The export of cotton in 1809, was lbs. 50,980,255 

1810, 93,261,462 

1811, 62,058,236 



206,299,953* 



Export in 1812, lbs. 28,887,377 

1815, 19,110,016 

1814, 17,729,007 



lbs. 65,726,4001 



The difference between the two periods is above 140,000,00Q 
of pounds, which, at the first blush, might appear to be the 
quantity manufactured in the country during the war. But there 
are two important deductions to be made from this balance ; 
first, the diminution of cultivation during that period, in conse- 
quence of the want of opportunity of transporting the article to^ 

* Pitkin, 133. flbid. 



planter's friend. ^05 

market from New Orleans and other southern ports — and se- 
condly, the quantity stored there till the war was over. I will 
allow for diminution of culture, lbs. 35,00 >,000 

Quantit}' stored, - . - - 30,000,000 

65,000,000 



This, deducted from the above amount of 140,000 000 

Leaves a balance of 75,000,000 

or 25,000,000 lbs. per annum, for the domestic consumption 
during the war. To this let us add the previous domestic con- 
sumption, which, by the statement of the committee of com- 
merce and manufactures, appears, as we have seen, to have been, 
in 1810, about 3,000,000 of pounds. The aggregate exceeds 
the statement in the report of the committee. 

That I have made a greater allowance for stored cotton than 
was necessary, is obvious from the export of the three years 
subsequent to the war, in the first of which all the old stock 
must have been cleared out. 

1815, lbs. 82,998,747 

1816, 81,947,116 

1817, 85,649,328 



lbs. 250,595,l9lf 



This exceeds the export of the three years previous to the war, 
only 44,000,000 lbs. — although the cultivation must have been 
very considerably extended during the three years, 1815, 16 
and 17 ; of course the admission of 30,000,000 of pounds re- 
maining of the crops of 1812-13-14, 1 repeat, is too great. 

I trust that SAY himself will have the candor to admit that 
these tables are abundantly sufficient to decide the question. 
But its magnitude induces me " to make assurance doubly sure,'^ 
and adduce other corroborations of the correctness of the state- 
ment of the committee. 

For this purpose I proceed to a comparison of the amount of 
cotton goods imported previous to, and during the war, which 
will throw considerable additional light on the subject. 

The importation of articles subject to 15 per cent, duty, which 
embraced cotton and woollen goods, and a very few others, m 
1804, 5, and 6, was as follows : — 

t Pitkin, 133. 
64 



'^06 THE farmer's ANB 

In American vessels. In Foreign vessels, 

1804, S SO,285,26r $ 1,615,861 

1805, 37,137,598 2,046,451 

1806, 43,115,367 1,434,756 

110,538,232 5,097,068 
110,538,232 



*1 15,635,300 
Deduct tor re-exportation - r r - 3,663,402 



111,971,898 
Deduct also 10 per cent, for other articles 

subject to the same duty — - - 11,197,189 

Net 100,774,709 



It njay be assumed that one half was cotton 

goods equal to - - - r - 50,387,354 

Average 16,795,778 

Our population increased from 1806 to 1814,f 
about 40 per cent, and of course our con- 
sumption increased in the same ratio, 
equal to - - - - - - 6,718,311 



23,514,089 



The prices of goods, moreover, were at least, 
one third higher in 1814 than in 1806. 
Therefore I add r - - - - - 7,838,029 

This makes a total of 31,352,118 

This, I presume, will be freely admitted as the probable value 
of the cotton goods consumed in 1814 in the united states at the 
then prices. Deducting $1 ,421 ,629, being one half of the whole 
amount of the goods imported that year subject to 25 per cent, 
duty (wl ich embraced cottons and woollens) it leaves nearly 
^30,000,000, or less than four dollars per head, for the whole 
population, to be supplied by the domestic cotton manufacture, 
which considerably exceeds the amount stated in the report of 
the committee of commerce and manufactures. 

* Seybert, 164. 

f I prefer predicating the calculation on the year 1814, to 1815, as the importa- 
tion of the former year was of httle importance, and left all the void to be filled 
by the domestic manufacture : whereas the importations of the last six months 
of 1815, were immense. There was, however, little diminution in the manufacture 
in 1815 : the shock it received began early in 1816. 



planter's friend. aOr 

But this is by nO means the whole of the evidence. An im- 
portant document exists, of no ordinary character and authority, 
of which I submit an abstract i — 

In 1819, in consequence of the depression of the cotton manu- 
facture in Rhode Island, an investigation was instituted into its 
situation in 1815, in order to ascertain by comparison the extent 
of the declension, by which it appeared that there had been in 
the latter year, within 30 miles of Providence, 

Cotton manufactories, 140 

Containing, in actual operation, spindles, 130,000 

Using annually, bales of cotton, 29,000 

Equal to lbs. 8,700,000 
Producing yards of cotton goods, 27,840,000 

The weaving of which, at 8 cents per yard, cost, ^2,227,200 
Total value of the cloth, " 6,000,000 

Persons steadily employed, 26,000 

The sphere of inquiry embraced in the statement presented 
to congress, was so wide, and the difficulty of procuring infor- 
mation from such various quarters, so great, that however up- 
right, intelligent, and industrious, the inquirers were, the result 
of the investigation might be considerably erroneous. But in 
the case of Rhode Island, if the details be incorrect, it must 
have arisen from downright fraud and imposture. The sphere 
of inquiry was so limited — the facts of such public notoriety — 
and misstatements so open to immediate detection, as would de- 
ter the parties from imposition, even if uninfluenced by honour 
and principle. The investigation was, moreover, conducted 
under the inspection of the late Mr. Burral, a respectable mem- 
ber of the Senate of the U. S. and other gentlemen, whose cha- 
racters and standing in society, afforded full guarantee for the 
fairness and candour of their statement, which is, therefore, as 
well entitled to credit as an^/ other public document whatever. 
if it is to be rejected without conclusive and overwhelming evi- 
dence, and even without a plausible appearance of error, to what 
document shall we give credence ? 

This being premised, let us see how it bears on this impor- 
tant topic. S A Y asserts, that there were not 60,000 persons 
employed in these manufactures,* that is, I prestvme, those of 
cotton ; whereas we find 26,000 employed in a small corner of 

* Ihave had considerable difficulty to ascertainthe precise meaning' of .S'a_(/, and 
whether he did not extend his denial to both woollen and cotton manufactures ; 
as he had been previously discussing tlie subject of both. H s words are — " I dc 
not believe the persons employed in these maintfacturcs amounted to 6J,v;' -O." But the 
construction of the different sentences appears to warrant the limitation to tl^/i 
cotton branch. If otherwise, it appears most extravagantly erroneous. 



508 THE farmer's and 

the country. He scouts the idea of 90,000, bales of cotton 
being consumed in the whole of the united states, whereas there 
were 29,000 bales consumed in that limited space. Surely, then, 
he must be in error — surely he did not duly consider the subject 
— and as surely there cannot be the shadow of a doubt that the 
manufacturers in the rest of the union, consumed the remaining 
61,000 bales — or that the number of persons stated to have been 
employed is within due bounds. 

I might here close the subject. But at the hazard of being 
prolix, I subjoin a few strong facts. 

The cotton factories in the single county of Oneida, N. Y. 
consumed in 1815, no less than 400,000 lbs. of cotton, equal to 
about 1300 bales.* 

Those in Connecticut, contain 50,000 spindles, and are capa- 
ble, if all were employed, as by due encouragement they might 
be, of manufacturing 9,960,000 yards of cloth annually, and em- 
ploying 10,0^^0 persons, exclusive of weavers .f 

The Eagle factory in Trenton wove in 1815, 10,000 yards per 
week, equal to 520,000 per annum. ij^ 

The Waltham factory consumed in 1819, about 1400 bales of 
cotton — produced 1,250,000 yards of cloth — and employed about 
300 persons. It was in operation in 1815, but on what scale I 
cannot ascertain ; probably, however, not near so great. 

In Philadelphia and its vicinity, in 1815, there were 2325 per- 
sons employed in the manufacture of cotton. Supposing 900 
to have been weavers, and to have produced 10 yards per day, 
it amounted to 2,673.000 yards per annum — and, at three yards 
to the pound, was equal to 2,408 bales. 

When these facts are duly considered — and further, that a 
large portion of the paper mills throughout the middle states 
were at that period converted to the purpose of making cotton 
cloth — that establishments of this kind were, as I have said, 
spread over the middle and eastern states, in every direction, 
and even in some of the southern states, as far as North Caro- 
lina, no doubt can be entertained of the correctness of the state- 
ment of the committee of commerce and manufactures. 

The manufacture did not, as I have already observed, receive 
any material check in 1815, notwithstanding the flood of goods 
poured into the country during the last half of that year. These 
were generally sold very high, owing to the existence of the 
double duties, and the general rage for opening stores and pur- 
chasing goods. The repeal of the double duties in June, 1816, 
and the daily increasing supplies from Europe, arrested the 
sales of the domestic goods in that year, and produced that 
scene of distress of which I have given a slight sketch at^ the 
commencement of this essay.. 

* Address of the National Institution of New York. 

t Idem. t Idem. 



planter's rRlENI>, 509^ 

Among the pernicious consequences of this state of things, 
was a diminution of the domestic consumption of cotton, pro- 
bably to the amount of half — at least two-fifths — of the quantity- 
used before. This diminution continued for the two succeeding 
years, and was probably at least 10,000,000 pounds per an- 
num ; whereas, had the manufacture been duly fostered, it 
would certainly have increased 5,000,000. This will be admit- 
ted by those who consider that the business was in its infancy 
— had grown in five years from a consumption of 10,000 bales 
to 90,000 — that it had as yet been chiefly confined to coarse 
goods — and that even of those various kinds were not as yet 
manufactured, but would have been produced in great abundance 
with proper encouragement. 

In order to ascertain the effect the abstraction of 15,000,000 
pounds of our cotton from the British market would have pro- 
duced, in 1818, it is necessary to take into view the amount of 
this cotton imported into Great Britain, and consumed, in that 
year. 

Imported, bales, 219,950 

Consumed, 160,870 

'Surplus, bales, 59,080 

Equal to ^ lbs. 17,724,000* 

It is therefore, I think, a rational conclusion, that had our 
manufactures been in the prosperous condition in which a due 
degree of patronage would have placed them, such an extra 
portion of the raw material would have been consumed at 
home in 1818, as would have reduced the exportation to Great 
Britain to a level with the consumption in that country, and pre- 
vented the depression of price which produced so much ruin to 
the merchants, and diminution of income to the planters. 

It may be asked what would be a " due degree of patronage ?"' 
I will for a moment suppose that the duty on cotton goods had 
been raised in 1818, to 33 per cent, (the duty proposed in 1816, 
by Mr. Dallas) — and that all goods below 30 cents per yard, 
were subject to duty as if they cost 30. Were this the case, 
the domestic consumption would doubtless not only be raised 
to what it was in 1815, viz. 90,000 bales — but would be in- 
creased so far beyond that quantity as to consume the whole 
extra portion exported that year to Great Britain. 

I now proceed to consider the case of last year, in order to 
ascertain whether the reduction which then took place, might 
not have been wholly or at least partly obviated. 

* Mauiy & Latham's Price Current, Liverpool, January 30, 1821. 



510 THE farmer's and PLANTER's FRIEND. 

The importation of united states cotton into Great Britain ii 
1820, was greatly increased beyond any former year, being 

bales, 301,928 
Whereas in 1819, it was only 204,631 

An increase of 97,297* 

However the consumption had also greatly 

increased, being in 1820, 246,900 

Whereas it was in 1819, only 209,000 



Increase 37,900* 



Thus the difference of increase between 
the importation and consumption was 
only, bales 59,397 

Equal to 17,819,100 lbs. 

I have already stated that a variety of circumstances com- 
bined to increase the domestic consumption last year, among 
which the most powerful were a deficiency of importfj : ma- 
nufactures, owing to the general pressure of the times, with 
the embarrassments of the importers — and the superiority and 
cheapness of the domestic articles. Still the manufacture was 
not carried even last year to any thing like the extent of 
which it is susceptible. Had it been in this situation, it would 
have probably consumed the surplus of our exportation, as it 
might have done in 1818, and thus prevented this recent depre- 
ciation. 

It would, however, be idle to suppose that any encourage- 
ment that can be given to the domestic cotton manufacture 
would keep pace with such a rapid increase of the raw mate- 
rials, as 39,000,000 lbs. per annum, in this country,f and such an 
increase as is likely to take place in South America. In this 
state of things, the only radical remedy is such a general en- 
couragement of domestic manufactures, as will restore the de- 
ranged equilibrium of the different pursuits of society, and 
not onlv prevent the manufacturing class from crowding on 
the agriculturists, who are already too numerous in propor- 
tion to our population, but induce some of the former who 
have been driven to enter the lists with the latter, to return 
to their old ranks, and thus (to confine myself for the present, 

* Maury & Latham's Liferpool Price Current, January 20, 1821. 

■\ The export of 1819, was 87,997,045 lbs. ; whereas it was in 1820, no less 
than 127,860,152 lbs. See Reports of the Secretary of the Treasury. 



STRICTURES. ' 511 

to the culture of cotton,) diminish the production and increase 
the domestic consumption of that most important raw mate- 
rial. The same reasoning will apply to flax, hemp, leather, 
timber, and the other numerous articles for which the manu- 
facturers would by due encouragement furnish a most valua- 
ble market to their agricultural fellow citizens. 

GUATIMOZIN. 

April 24, 182t. 

P. S. The duties mentioned in this essay are those stated in 
the tariff — to which, in every case, ten per cent, must be ad- 
ded. 



Strictures on Mr. Cambreleng's Work^ entitled^ " An examination 
of the New Tariff. ^^ 

NO. I. 

About the close of the last session of Congress, Mr. Cambre- 
leng, afi*-espectable citizen of New York, who has been since 
elected a member of that honourable body, published " An Ex- 
amination of the New Tariff^"* of which the object is to display, 
in the most formidable and terrific colours, the oppressive and 
ruinous consequences of the adoption of that important measure. 
According to this gentleman, it would infallibly destroy the com- 
merce of the country — degrade, debase, and plunder the agri- 
culturists — erect the manufacturers into a lordly aristocracy, to 
the utter prostration of the democracy of the nation — and visit us 
with all the miseries suffered by the English nation — miseries 
which, according to Mr. C. arise from what he stigmatizes as 
the odious system of " restriction ;" of which system, it is to be 
observed, the grand and paramount object is to foster domestic 
industry, by preventing the interference of foreign manufactures 
and foreign grain, with those of that nation ! ! ! In one word, 
all the most tremendous evils that ever issued from Pandora's 
Box, are to be disgorged on the land, should this deleterious ta- 
riff be adopted, 

Mr. Cambreleng's work has shared the fate of a thousand 
others, which, in different nations and at different periods, have 
been written on topics of deep interest : such topics universally 
excite diversity of sentiment, and strong party feeling. Its de- 
fects have been overlooked by the opposers of the legislative pro- 
tection of domestic manufactures, and its merits by those of 
opposite sentiments. By the former it has been and is extra- 



512 STRICTURES ON THE 

vagantly eulogised. They regard it as the Alpha and Omega 
of political economy — as forever settling this important ques- 
tion, without appeal — and as overwhelming, not only the report 
of Mr. Baldwin, and the addresses of the Society for the promo- 
tion of National Industry, but even the celebrated report of 
Alexander Hamilton This great statesman, according to Mr. 
Cambreleng, must have been a very shallow political economist ; 
as Mr. C. confidently believes be has triumphantly established 
the futility of almost every part of the elaborate and profound 
system advocated my Mr. H. with all the powers of mind he was, 
by friends and enemies, allowed to possess. — There is scarcely a 
point in his report unassailed by Mr. C. 

I shall remark on a variety of his criticisms in the course of 
these strictures ; but, for the present, shall confine myself to a 
single one. The culture of cotton had just commenced in the 
united states, and the result of the experiment being then in a 
great degree uncertain, Mr. Hamilton expressed an opinion, that 
" the extensive culture of cotton could perhaps hardly be expect- 
ed, but from the previous establishment of the domestic manufac- 
ture of the article." On this very natural position. Mr. C. 
triumphantly a.ks, " when a man of acknowledged abilities spe- 
*' culates on our industry with so little success, what conjidence 
*' can Tve repose in the system by which his measures wefe regu- 
^'' lated?'^''^ This sweeping denunciatory query is, however, kind- 
ly soltened down by an apology for the Secretary's ignorance. 
" Mr. Hamilton wanted that familiar and minute knowledge of 
" the operations of money, credit and trade, which no man can 
" have without much practical experience, or a long life devoted 
" to this particular study. "f 

On the other hand, the friends of protectmg duties almost 
universally regard " the Examination'^ as an inferior and flimsy 
performance. They assert that its postulata are unsound — 
that in most instances it begs the question — that it ascribes ef- 
fects to causes with which they have no connection — that a 
large portion of its reasoning is founded on a most extravagant 
error, which vitiates and overturns the most vital part of the 
work — that in the attempt to account for the distresses of Eng- 
land, it wholly overlooks her wild and wasteful wars, on which 
have been prodigally lavished, within the last half century, at 
least ^8, 000,000,000 — her oppressive taxes, the result of that 
enormous expenditure — her grinding tythes, whereby the tenth 
part of the produce of the soil is devoted to the support of a 
lordly hierarchy — in a word, overlooking all the variety of pow- 
erful causes of her distresses, it ascribes them wholly to that 
system whereby she has been enabled to lay the whole world 

* Examination of the Tariff. f Idem p. 24, 



EXAMINATION OF THE TARIF. 513 

under contribution by the products of her industry, to subsidize 
half the monarchs of Europe, and to decide the destinies of that 
quarter of the globe. 

Submitted as " the Examination" has been to the public, it 
has become a fair subject of discussion, which, if it be sound 
and correct, cannot fail to enhance its usefulness, by the diffu- 
sion of its doctrines more fully: butif fallacious and pernicious, 
its errors ought to be clearly pointed out and exposed, in 
order to guard against the ruinous consequences which never 
fail to result from errors on the important subject Mr, Cambre- 
leng has undertaken to investigate. 

Persuaded that it contains a variety of positions and assump- 
tions destitute of foundation, and leading to very pernicious re- 
sults, I solicit the public attention to an examination of them. 
It is not, however, my intention to enter into a regular review 
of its contents. This would require more time than I can 
spare, and more attention than the public would bestow on the 
subject — and also a volume as large as Mr. C's book. I shall 
confine myself to a few leading points, passing over those of 
minor importance. NECKER. 

Julij 10, 1821. 



NO. ir. 

AS facts are the basis on which all reasonings on political 
economy ought to be predicated, I shall only undertake the 
examination of some of the leading ones adduced by Mr. Canv- 
breleng, passing by most of his abstract reasonings under the 
idea that if the basis can be fairly undermined, the superstruc- 
ture of argument will of course crumble into^ruins. 

I do not, however, intend to travel with him into the interior 
of Russia, to ascertain the cost of a Berkovitz of hemp at 
Toola, Calooga, or Oral to the south of Moscow — nor to the 
mountains of Bohemia, to investigate the cost of the manufac- 
ture of common glass — because I have no means — nor is there 
one person in 10,000 in this country who has — to test these state- 
ments. 

I shall confine myself in a great measure to investigate as- 
sumed facts on this side of the Atlantic, which may be at once 
submitted to the talisman of truth ; as, the criteria being within 
our grasp, if correct, they may be fully verified — or if otherwise, 
easily disproved. 

Mr, Cambreleng, in the threshold of his work, passes an 
encomium on the Congress of 1790, for their fairness and im- 
partiality — for the " equal protection" which they afforded to 

65 



514 ' STRICTURES ON THE 

manufactures, in common with every other " branch of indus- 
try"— 

" Circumstances have conspired to augment our duties on im- 
" portations higher than ever was contemplated by the Congress- 
" of 1 / 90, the members of which had all laboured to bestow on 
*' this nation the best of governments — and who equally protect- 
" ed every branch of industry ^""^ 

It is difficult to conceive of a greater error than is conveyed 
in the last sentence of this paragraph. I hope to make it appear 
that it is destitute of even the shadow of foundation. 

I am rejoiced that Mr. Cambreleng hazarded this most ex- 
traordinary assertion — as it affords a legitimate opportunity of 
developing the withering system pursued towards manufac- 
tures at the commencement of our government— and the very 
partial and inequitable scale on which '•'• protection" was dealt 
out to the diffei-ent "• branches of industry." 

There are three great interests in the united states, the agri- 
cultural, manufacturing, and commercial— -the two first occupied 
in producing food, clothing, and other necessaries, as well as 
conveniences and luxuries — the third, in conveyance of produc- 
tions to consumers. 

It may — indeed it must — be assumed, that when Mr. Cam- 
breling clearly and explicitly declares, that " the congress of 
1790, eaually protected every branch of industry ^"^ he means that 
they guarded them by duties from the interference of foreign 
rivalship. This was the only protection that body could af- 
ford — and this is the only meaning of the words. Any other 
construction would be nonsense, and is therefore inadmissible. 
Let us examine how far he is borne out, in his assertion by the 
fact. 

It is necessary, however, in order to a correct decision upon 
the subject, to offer a few prefatory observations explanatory of 
the nature of "• protection of every branch of industry." No 
subject can be fairly discussed, without a correct understanding 
of the meaning of its terms. 

To the merest novice in trade, commerce, and political eco- 
nomy, it must be perfectly obvious, that articles of great bulk, 
and little value, may, when imported, be subject to such a hea- 
vy per centage of freight, as as to afford adequate protection to 
the domestic manufacture without any duty. It may be suffi- 
cient to cite the case of common chairs, tables.; and other arti- 
cles of furniture, the freight of which from Europe would pro- 
bably be 50 per cent. I'his view may be extended even to ar- 
ticles of superior value, but of great bulk, of which the freight 
would be 10, 20, or 30 per cent — as cheap pleasure carriages 
and. various other articles. 

* Examination, page 12. 



EXAMINATION OF THE TARIFt. 515 

On the other hand, articles of small bulk and great value, pay 
a very light per centage of freight, which affords little or no 
prnttction to the domestic manufacturer. For instance, silks, 
gauzes, chintzes, watches, jewelry, &c. 

To exemplify this doctrine. It will, I trust, be admitted, 
that the manufacturer of pleasure carriages, which would pay 
a freight suppose of 20 per cent, would be better " protected" 
by a duty of two per cent, making an aggregate burden on the 
foreign article of 22, than the manufacturer of chintzes, which 
pay but one or two per cent, freight, would be by a duty of 12 
per cent, which would be an aggregate burden of only 14. 

Again. Articles of limited production do not require an 
equal degree of protection with those of which the production 
is in some measure boundless. 

From these simple and clear premises, it follows that agricul- 
tural articles, as hemp, flax, cotton, tobacco, potatoes, &c. being 
bulky in proportion to their value, as well as of limited produc- 
tion, require, to afford them adequate protection, far less duty 
than articles produced by machinery ; as, for instance, cotton 
goods, of which the manufacture may be carried to almost any 
extent. Great Britain, with two or three years of preparation 
to provide an adequate increase of the raw material, might sup- 
ply half the globe with this article. Whereas no country could 
ever export, nor did any country, even in time of famine, 
ever import one fifth part of the productions of the earth neces- 
sary for its consumption. 

The year 1 799, was a year of great scarcity of grain in Great 
Britain, approaching to famine, which was warded off solely by 
the extraordinary vigilance and exertions of the government. 
The importation of bread stuffs was accordingly unprecedentedly 
large. Yet it was not one tenth part of the consumption — and 
would not suffice to support the population for five weeks. The 
average of the animal and vegetable food, exported from the 
united states, for eighteen years, from 1803 to 1820 inclusive,* 
was only 15,000,000 of dollars — but the consumption, at one 
dollar per week, for each person, was ^364,000,000, estimating 
the average population for the whole period at 7,000,000 : Thus 
the export was little more than four per cent, of the consump- 
tion of the nation. 

If, therefore, the duties laid on agricultural articles, by " the 
Congress of 1 790," which, according to Mr. Cambreleng, '' equal- 
ly protected every braneh of Industry ^''^ were merely as high as 
those on manufactured articles produced by machinery, even 
then Mr. Cambreleng's position is incorrect ; as in that case 
*' every branch of industry" would not be " equally protected." 
But should it appear, as I trust it will, that the per centage of 

'* Seybeil's Stati"st\cs, pap^c 147. 



S16 STRICTURES ON THE 

the duties on all such agricultural articles as are usually import- 
ed, was double, treble, or quadruple that of those imposed on 
manufactured ones, then his position is the reverse of truth ; and 
it will follow that the Congress, which he has so highly eulogiz- 
ed, manifested gross partiality in their own favour — and disre- 
gard of the interests and equal claims of their manufacturing 
fellow-citizens. 

In truth, that Congress had the candour, at an early period, 
to abandon the idea of protecting majiufactures, as will appear 
from the following facts, for which I am indebted to Mr. Cam- 
breleng. 

The preamble to the first tariff, enacted July 20, 1789, ran — - 
" Whereas it is necessary for the support of government, for 
" the discharge of the debts of the united states, and the encou- 
" ragement and protection of manufactures^ that duties be laid on 
" goods, wares, and merchandize imported." The preamble of 
the second tariff, enacted Aug. 10, 1790 — after recapitulating 
the former one, as is usual in such cases — concludes thus — 
" And whereas the support of government and the discharge of 
" said debts^ render it necessary to increase the said duties." 
For this procedure Mr. Cambreleng accounts thus : " From the 
" omission to mention manufactures in this law repealing that 
" of 1789, it is evident that the Congress of 1790^ intended when 
" these duties should be no longer required for the debt or expen- 
*' ses of government^ that the manufacturers should not have a 
" right to insist on their being continued.''''* It is for Mr. Cam- 
breleng to reconcile this fact, with the " equal protection," for 
which he has given that Congress such large credit, and with 
the impartiality which ought to characterise the legislature of 
a free people. NECKER. 



NO. III. 

Hoping the reader will bear steadily in mind the postulata in 
my last number, respecting the very great difference of protec- 
tion, in regard to freight, between articles of which the bulk is 
great in proportion to their value, as hemp, coals, potatoes, &c. 
— and those which embrace great value in small compass, as 
silks, gauzes, jewelry^ Sec. I proceed to develop the system 
pursued in the two tariffs enacted by the congress of 1789-90, 
which, according to Mr. Cambreleng, afforded " eyMa/j^^o?ec?ic;2 
to every branch of industry ^ 

* Examination, page 31. 



EXAMINATION Ot THE TARIFF. 517 

The duty imposed in 1789 on the important manufactures of 
^axy cotton, hemp, iron, steel, brass, lead, copper, china, delff, pot- 
tery, and xvood^ wa.s only five per cent.! ! There were a few ar- 
ticles subject to 7^, to 10, to 12§,and pleasure carriages to 15. 
But on the great mass of manufactures, embracing nearly fifteen 
sixteenths of the whole, there was imposed the minimum of duty, 
5 per cent. 

To exhibit the proportion which the articles paying the vari- 
ous rates of duty bore to each other, I annex a statement of the 
amount of the merchandize subject to ad valorem duties, import- 
ed in 1789, and 1790. 

1789 1790 

At 5 percent. 87,136,578 !gl4,605,713 

7i , 520,182 1,067,143 

10 305,248 699,149 

12i 5 

15 2,700 4,876 



S7,964,713 816,376,881* 



Thus the manufacturers of the united states, who had borne 
their full share of the " heat and burden" of the revolutionary 
war, and almost universally advocated with zeal and ardour, the 
adoption of the Federal Constitution, received, at the outset of 
the government, from their fellow citizens in congress, the 
" equal protection,''^ forsooth, of a paltry duty of ^ve per cent, to 
guard them against the overwhelming competition of foreign ri- 
vals, who possessed immense capitals, improved machinery, and 
skill of the first order ; at home enjoyed exclusively the do- 
mestic market ; had our market for their surplusses ; and were 
moreover shielded by the powerful protection of their respective 
governments ! Never was there a more unequal conflict. 

No man of candour can or will pretend that these duties 
could operate as " protection." To suppose that cotton or wool- 
len manufacturers in the united states, without machinery and 
with slender capital, skill, and experience, with Mr, Cambrel- 
ings " equal protection''^ of five per cent, duty, and one or two 
per cent, freight, could enter into successful competition with 
the manufacturers of Europe, would be as absurd as to suppose 
that an immature stripling could enter the lists with, and 
overcome, a full-grown man in possession of all his physical 
pov/ers. 

The consequences of this miserable system were such as 
might have been expected. Various attempts were made at dif- 

*Seybert's Statistics, page 15R. -^ 



$18 STRICTURES ON THE 

ferent times, at Patterson and elsewhere^ to establish the wool-' 
len and cotton manufactures by native citizens, and by emi- 
grants possessed of the necessary skill and moderate capitals. 
They almost universally failed. Of this there needs no farther 
proof, so far as respects the woollen manufacture, than the well- 
known lamentable and disgraceful fact, that previous to the 
commencement of the late war, that " branch of industry'''' was in 
so abject a state, that our government found it scarcely possible 
to furnish a quantity of blankets to the Indians, to the amount 
of a few thousand dollars ; so that the Secretary at war thought 
it necessary to apply to congress to repeal the non intercourse 
act, in order to admit a supply from Great Britain ! No lan- 
guage could do justice to the censure due to the mistaken policy 
which produced such a deplorable state of things, after the ope- 
ration of the most perfect form of government the world ever 
saw, for twenty-three years, during Avhich time we lavished 
probably 8 or 10,000,000 of dollars annually for woollen goods,^ 
two-thirds of which we could ourselves have furnished. 

The situation of the cotton branch was nearly as prostrate. 
The whole amount of cotton used in manufacturing establish- 
ments in 1805, after the government had been 16 years in 
operation, was only 1000 bales,* or 300,000 lbs. although we ex- 
ported, in that and the five preceding years, above 180,000,000 
of lbs. 

Cotton exported from the united states from 1800 to 1805, inclu" 

sively. 

1800 lbs. 17,789,803 

1801 20,911,201 

1802 27,501,075 

1803 41,106,623 

1804 38,118,041 

1805 38,390,087 



Total in 6 years, lbs. 183,815,830 

Average, 30.635,971 1 

For every dollar we received for this raw material, we paid 
on the average nearly five, for such part as we received back in 
a manufactured state. | 

* Report of the Committee of Congi'ess on Commerce and Manufactures, 1816. 

•j" Pitkin's Tables, pages 132, 133. 

:j: This is the proportion between the raw material and the manufactui-ed ar- 
ticle, stated by Colquhoun in his " Wealth, Power and Resources of Great Bri- 
tain," page 91. " The export and consumption of tliis article may amount to 
29,0U0,000Z. frqm Avhicji is to be deducted 6,000,000/. for the raw material, leav- 
ing 23,000,000/'." 



EXAMINATION OF THE TARIF. 519 

It is very true, Mr. Cambreleng indulges in glowing descrip- 
tions of the wonderful prosperity of this manufacture, " under 
our old and moderate duties^ long before the war""* In due sea- 
son I hope that " a plain tale -will put down''' this most extraor- 
dinary assumption, and prove that it is " like the baseless fa- 
bric of a vision," which " leaves not a trace behind." I request 
the indulgence and patience of the reader till the appearance of 
my fifth number, which shall be devoted to the discussion of 
this particular point. 

Having displayed the '•'• protections^'' which, according to Mr. 
C. was afforded to manufactures by what he styles ••' the vene- 
rable system of 1 790,"f it remains now to investigate what '■'■ pro- 
tection'''' the agriculturists, who were a decisive majority" in Con- 
gress, probably nine-tenths, afforded themselves. 

The only articles of which the importation affected the inte- 
rests of the agriculturists, and which were subject to specific du- 
ties, by the tariffs of 1789 and i790, were cotton — hemp to- 
bacco — snuff — cheese — indigo — malt — sugar — and spirits. All 
the other articles, not being enumerated, were subject to five per 
cent. duty. Thus cambrics Jjroadcloths^ linens ^s'llks^ ^c. pa'idonly 
the same duty as potatoes^ or onions ! ! 

On the above articles, the following duties were imposed in 
1789. 



Hemp per cwt. cents 60 
Cotton per lb. 3 


equal to 


12 per cent, 
11 


Indigo per lb. 16 
Cheese per lb. 4 




14 
57 


Manufactured tobacco per lb. 6 




66 


Snuff per lb. 10 




40 


Malt per bushel 10 




17 


Muscovado sugar per lb. 1 
Distilled spirits other than Ja- 




20 


maica proof, per gallon 8 




20 


Total for the nine articles 




257 \ 



Average 28^ 

Thus the average of the duties imposed for the protection of 
agriculture, was nearly 29 per cent : that is, 500 per cent. 

* Examination. -j- Idem, page 116. 

\ Let it be noticed, that I do not pretend that these duties are all exact to a 
cent. I have made every exertion, but found it very difficult, to ascei-tain the 
prices of these several articles in the year 1789 : some erroi-s may therefore have 
crept in. But they are inconsiderable, and cannot possibly affect the general 
result materially. The per centage of cotton, indigo, cheese, manufactured t*. 
barco, sugar, and distilled spirits, is, I believe, literally cori'ect. 



520 StRICTURES OM THE 

more than was imposed on the great mass of manufactured 
articles, by that '' venerable system^'* which is the object of 
Mr. Cambreleng's admiration. And yet there was then, as 
now, a constant clamour against " manufacturing monopolies," 
" undue protection" and " taxing the many for the beneft of the 
fewr 

The protection of indigo, by a duty of 14 per cent, was 
not deemed sufficient. In 1 790, it was raised to 25 cents per 
lb. which was about 22 per cent. Hemp, however, was in the 
same year reduced to 54 cents per cwt. which was nearly 1 1 per 
cent. 

Some very witty gentlemen have made themselves very 
merry at the " ^m//," as they call it, of charging the duties on 
manufactured tobacco and on snuiF to the account of the agri- 
culturists ; there being, forsooth, no snuif raised by the farmers, 
and both articles being manufactures ! ! This is most pitiful so- 
phistry. These extravagant duties were not imposed for the 
protection of the manufacturers of those articles, but to secure 
to the planters the exclusive market for their tobacco, by alto- 
gether shutting out supplies from abroad. Let it be distinctly 
observed, that this view of the case was clearly expressed in 
Congress. Mr. Sherman, a member from Connecticut, in a 
spirit of kindness and liberality towards the tobacco planters, 
moved for six cents per lb. on manufactured tobacco, " as 
he thought the duty ought to amount to a prohibition^^ Can 
there be the shadow of any other reason assigned, why the 
" manufacturers" of tobacco should be protected by a duty 
of sixtv-six per cent, when the manufacturers of cottons and 
woollens could not procure any higher duty than 5 per cent ? It 
would be waste of words and mockery of the reader, to use any 
arguments to enforce so plain a proposition. 

In this view of the subject, it does not appear surprising that 
this Congress, at its second session, felt ashamed of the words 
in the preamble of the old tariff, which assigned among the 
reasons for its enaction " the encouragement and protection of 
manufactures," and accordingly struck them out of the new one. 
To continue them would -have been a mere delusion. 

The decisive protection of tobacco produced the effect which 
adequate protection has always done in all similar cases. It 
nearly expelled the foreign rivals from our market, as will ap- 
pear from the following statement of the 

* Debates of Congress, Vol. I. p. 93. 



1805, 


lbs. 4,093 


1806, 


9,840 


isor. 


10,261 


1808, 


4,233 


1 809, 


636 


1810, 


900 


1811, 


18,114 


1812, 


2,328 



EXAMINATION OF THE TARIFF. 521 

Imports of manufactured tobacco into the icnited states^ from 1805 
to 1819 inclusive.* 

Brought forward lbs. 50,405 

1813, 7,762 

1814, 2,161 

1815, 705 

1816, 2,924 

1817, 3,924 

1818, 103 

1819, 3,297, 

50,405 lbs. 71,281 

Thus for fifteen years the whole amount of manufactured to- 
bacco imported into the united states, was only 71,281 lbs. or 
an average of 4700 lbs. per annum, while we exported about 
70,000 hhds. annually, amounting, at 1300 lbs. to the hogshead, 
to 91,000,000 lbs. 

To the candid, honourable planters of tobacco, " protected," 
from the outset of the government, by a duty of 66 per cent. — » 
to the cotton planters and growers of hemp, protected by a duty, 
the one of eleven, the other of twelve, and freight of six per 
cent. — I make a solemn appeal. Can you, gentlemen, lay your 
hands on your hearts, and aver, that, while the domestic market 
was thus secured to the American agriculturists, it was fair — or 
right — or just — or impartial — or consistent with the divine rule 
— " Do as you would be done by," that your fellow citizens, 
the manufacturers, should be overwhelmed by foreign rivals, 
under a duty of five per cent, imposed merely for the purpose, 
of revenue ? 

I might here close the discussion, having, I trust, fuil)^ es- 
tablished the position with which I commenced, viz. that Mr. 
Cambreleng's assertion that " the venerable system'''' of the Con- 
gress of 1 790, " awarded equal protection to every branch of 'indus- 
try^'' is wholly destitute of foundation. But there are other 
views to be taken of the subject, which place it on much strong- 
er ground, than I have yet assumed, as will appear from a com- 
parison of the aggregate protection, arising from freight and 
duty, of four agricultural and four manufacturing articles. 



COTTOjW 


1790. 


GOTTOJ 


vaaons. 




per cent. 




per cent- 


Duty, 


11 


Duty, 


5 


lYeight, 


6 


Freight, 


1 



TotaJ, 17 Total. 



"* Scvbert, pag-e 1^5. 
66 



^M 



HEMP, 



ST-RlGTUPvES ON THE 

WOOLLEjY GOODS. 



Duty, 
Freight, 


12 
6 


Duty, 
Freight, 


5 
1 


Total, 


18 


Total, 


6 


CHEESE. 




ibojY wares . 




Duty, 
Freight, 


sr 

2 


Duty,. 
Freight, 


S 
S 


Total, 


59 


Total, 


8 


IJ\rBIGO. 




LIJ\'EJ\'. 




Duty, in 1790, 
Freight, 


22 
1 


Duty, 
Freight, 


5 
1 


Total, 


23 


Total, 


6 



One more view must appal every man who feels for the ho- 
nor of the country, at the partial and miserable policy of this 
*•' venerable system.''^ 



STRIKING CONTRASTS. 



6 lbs. of cheese., value 42 cents., paid 

But 10 yards of linen., value ^5., paid only 

8 lbs. of cotton., value 2'iO cents., paid 

But 10 yards of cotton goods., value %5., paid only 

4f lbs. of manufactured tobacco, value 36 cents, paid 

A yard of broadcloth, value $5, paid but 

The "equal protection" afforded to commerce, 

*•' branch of industry,'''' claims a separate discussion, and is there 

fore reserved for my next number. 

NECKER. 
July 21, 1821, 



Duty. 

24 cetits.. 

25 cents. 

24 cents. 

25 cents. 

24 cents. 

25 cejits. 
the third 



NO. IV. 

TO redeem my pledge, I proceed to investigate the extent 
of the '•'•protection^'' afforded to commerce, the third " branch of 
industry,^'' hy the " venerable system" of 1789-90, in order to 
ascertain, whether it was " equal,'^ according to Mr. Cam- 
breiing, or superior, or inferior, to that bestowed on manufac- 
tures.. 



EXAMINATION OF THE TARIFF". S^ 

At the commencement of the government, in i.789, the com- 
nrierce of the united states was at a low ebb. Our tonnage, ac- 
cording to Dr. Seybert, was inadequate to the transportation of 
our produce. One third of what was employed for this purpose 
belonged to foreigners.* 

Congress laudably and promptly adopted the most vigorous, 
salutary and efficient measures to extend it, as I shall make ap- 
pear. Had they afforded manufactures half the aid and pro- 
tection commerce received from them, the advances of the coun- 
tn to wealth, power and prosperity, would have been far more 
raj- id than they have been. Two hundred inillions of money 
would probablv have been saved, and tens of thousands of va- 
luable immigrants been added to our population. 

The third act passed by the first congress, decided the con- 
test between American and foreign shipping ; gave the form u 
most decided ascendency ; and laid the foundation of its won- 
derful increase ; so that in 1809, it was equal to that possessed 
by Great Britain in 1789.| 

Bv this act, foreign vessels, engaged in the coasting trade, 
were subject to a tonnage duty of fifty cents for every entrv. 
Whereas American vessels paid only six cents per ton, and but 
once a year. 

Let us see the operation of this truly national act — 

A foreign vessel of 100 tons, engaged in the coasting trade, 
and making suppose twelve to sixteen entries in the year, would 
pay 6 or 800 dollars per annum — but an American of the same 
dimensions, would pay but six dollars. This was a virtual 
prohibition, and nearly expelled foreign vessels from this trade. 
Yet effectual as was this protection, it was not deemed sufficient. 
Some years afterwards, foreign vessels were prohibited from 
engaging in the coasting trade on any terms. 

The discrimination in the foreign trade made by this act was 
somewhat varied. American vessels engaged in this trade, paid 
six cents tonnage for every entxy — foreign vessels fifty as before. 
In addition to this advantage, there was a discount allowed, of 
10 per cent, on the duties upon goods imported in American ves- 
sels. Thus a foreign vessel of 500 tons, engaged in the foreign 
trade, and making two entries per annum, would pay 500 dol- 
lars ; whereas an American vessel of similar dimensions, would 
pay only 60 — independent of the important advantage of the 
discount on the duties upon the cargo. The following tables 
will evince the salutary effects of this wise law, and the unpre- 
cedented increase of shipping it produced. 

* Scybei-t'a Statistics, page 292. t ldcT^> 294. 



4m 



STRICTURES ON THE 



Statement of the tonnage employed in the foreign trade of the 
united statesfrom the year 1789/0 1804,* 







American. 




Foreign. 




Total. 


1789, 


tons 


1. 127.980 


tons. 


. 106,654 


tons. 234,634 


1790, 


- 


355 079 


- 


251,058 


_ 


606,137 


1791, 


- 


363,852 


- 


240,740 


- 


604,592 


1792, 


- 


414,679 


- 


244.^78 


- 


658.957 


1793, 


- 


44-8,864 


- 


164,676 


- 


613,540 


1794, 


■- 


527,196 


- 


84,521 


- 


611,717 


1795, 


- 


585,994 


- 


62,549 


-■ 


648,543 


1796, 


- 


678,160 


- 


49,960 


- 


728,120 


1797, 


_ 


612,014 


- 


76,693 


- 


6t;8,707 


1798, 


_ 


523,051 


- 


88,568 


_ 


611,617 


1799, 


_ 


628,511 


_ 


109.599 


- 


738,110 


1800, 


. 


686,104 


- 


122403 


.. 


808,.'>07 


1801, 


- 


851,709 


- 


157,270 


- 


1,008,979 


1-802, 


- 


796,619 


- 


145,519 


- 


942,138 


1803, 


- 


787,600 


- 


163.-714 


- 


951,4o9 


1804, 


_ 


822,026 


- 


122,141 


- 


944,166 



Rapid progress of American tonnage from 1789 to 1805.| 



1789, 


tons. 201,562 


1790, 


478 377 


1791, 


502,146 


179?, 


564,437 


1793, 


491,780 


1794, 


628,816 


1795, 


747,963 


1796, 


831,900 


1797, 


876,912 



1798 


tons 898,328 


1799 


946,408 


1800 


972.492 


1801 


1,033,218 


'802 


892.101 


1803 


949.147 


1804 


1,042,403 


1805 


1,140,368 



But the advantages in favour of the American merchants en- 
gaged in the China ti'ade, were incomparably greater than in 
the other branches. The discrimination in the duties on teas 
was enormous — and, like the tonnage in the coasting trade, 
amounted to a virtual prohibition of foreign vessels. 

Schedule of the duties anteas^ by the act of 1789. 



In American vessels. 
Bohea tea, per lb. 6 qents 

Souchong and otlier black teas, 10 
Hyson tea, 20 

Other green teas^ 12 



In foreign vessels. 
15 cents. 
22 
45 
27 



48 



109 



Average, 

* Se}'bert, p. 318 



12 



27i 
t Idem, 317. 



EXAMINATION OF THE TARIFF. 525 

In order to evince the great extent of the protection thus 
afforded to commerce, I shall not — as Mr. Cambreleng says — 
have recourse to *■'• vague declamations about these matters, 
which would not satisfy sensible men." I shall, '' therefore ex- 
plain my calculations by figures," and state the case of a cargo 
of 30,000 lbs bohea — 20,000 lbs. souchong— and 30,000 lbs. 
hyson tea. 

Duty in an American Duty in a foreign 

vessel. vessel. 

30,000 lbs. bohea g 1,800 $ 4,500 

20,000 lbs. souchong 2,000 4,400 

30,000 lbs. hyson 6,000 13,500 



g 9,800 S 22,400 

Whoever compares this admirable regulation, in favour of 
commerce, founded on the experience of the most trading na- 
tions of the globe, with the paltry duty of five per cent, on the 
manufactures of cotton, wool, iron, steel, brass, &c. will be 
struck with amazement at the shocking contrast it exhibits — at 
the fostering care bestowed on one "• branch of industi-if — and 
the almost total disregard of another branch, of at least equal 
utility and of equal claims and rights. Let it be distinctly ob- 
served, that all idea is disclaimed in the most unequivocal man- 
ner, of censuring the protection of commerce. — This part of the 
sy-tem is entitled to the most unqualified approbation. To the 
inequality of the protection afforded manufactures alone, I wish 
to turn the reader's attention. 

A brief analysis of Mr. Cambreleng' s " venerable system?^ 

We have seen, 

I. That the " protection" afforded to the great mass of manufac- 
tures was 5 per cent. 

II. But that those articles usually imported, which affected the 
agricultural interest, were subject to duties, varying from 12 
to 66 per cent, and averaging 29 per cent. 

III. And that the merchants were effectually secured in the ex- 
clusive possession of the coasting and China trade, and had 
such advantages in every other species of trade, that their 
shipping was more than doubled in one vear — trebled in six 
— and quadrupled in eight. 

CONTRAST. 

Duty. 
50,000 dollars worth of manufactures of cotton, wool, 

iron, brass, steel, &c. paid S 2,500 

62,500 lbs. of cheese, value 554375, paid 2,500 



526 STRICTURES ON THE 

12,500 lbs. of hyson tea, value jS7'500, when imported 

in an American vessel, paid 2,500 

But 5600 lbs. of the same tea, value ^3600, if import- 
ed in a foreign vessel, paid 2,520 

ONE MORE CONTRAST. 

A yard of broadcloth, value ^5, paid 25 cents. 

A pound of hyson tea, value 60 cents, imported in a 

foreign vessel, paid 45 cents. 

Being an addition to the duty when imported in an 

American vessel, of 25 cents. 

Notv/ithstanding the immense difference in the protection 
afforded by government to the several " branches of industry," 
the agriculturists and merchants have been constantly com- 
plaining of the " monopolies" of the manufacturers — .and of 
their " taxing the many for the benefit of the few." This is 
precisely aaalogous to the case of the monk and lay-brother in 
the School for Scandal. The former, rioting on all the good 
things that smiling Pioity could spread before him, from her 
corr:ucopia, reproaches the latter, who is the very picture of 
Famine, with gormandizing, because he has picked up some of 
the crumbs that fell from a cake which the monk is greedily 
devouring. 

I will propose two queries to Mr. Cambreleng, on which to 
exercise his talents, and to prove how well founded is his admi- 
ration of this " venerable system." 

Can any satisfactory reason be assigned why the raw materi- 
als, cotton and hemp, paid a duty of twelve — cheese of 57 — 
and manufactured tobacco of 66 per cent, while manufactures 
of flax, cotton, wool, iron, steel, &c. paid but 5 ? 

Can there be any adequate reason, why the American mer- 
chant, in his conflict with a foreigner, should have had a dis- 
crimination in the duty on teas to the amount of 125 per cent, 
while the American manufacturer, in his conflict with his foreign 
rival, had only five per cent, protection ? When these ques- 
tions are answered, more shall succeed them. 

On a fair view of the subject, it may be pronounced, that a 
xnore partial or unequal scheme of policy has rarely been seen, 
in any age or nation, pretending to equal rights, than Mr. Cam- 
breleng's " venerable system^'' of 1/89 — 90; that it as scrupu- 
lously guarded the interests of two " branches of industry," as 
it neglected those of the third ; that it partook largely of the 
spirit which breathes in the legislation of '' mother countries^'' 
as they are absurdly called, for their colonies ; and that it adds 
one to the thousand previous instances, to prove, that where the 
legislation of a nation is confined to one or two descriptions of 
ritizens, the others rarely experience^ equal justice. 



EXAMINATION OF THE TARIFF. S2T 

These are bold averments. But they are not lightly hazarded. 
They are matured and deliberate convictions, the result of a so- 
ber and- serious reflection as I have ever bestowed on any sub- 
ject. They are true or false. If true, they ought, however un- 
palatable — and greatly unpalatable they must be to some of our 
citizens — to be loudly proclamied, and have been too long sup- 
pressed. For their truth, I make myself responsible, if, how- 
ever, they are false, let their errors be pointed out, and they shall 
be acknowledged and retracted by 

NECKER. 
yw/i/ 30, 1821. 



NO V. 

Mr. Cambreleng's views of the early prosperity of the eotton 
" branch of industry'''* come next under discussion. In various 
parts of his work he most unequivocally asserts that this branch 
was in a most flourishing state, *•' under the old and moderate 
duties''^ previous to the war. 

" From the advantages naturally possessed by the united 
" states, in the production of the raw material ; from the en- 
*' couragement afforded by the emigration of English manufac- 
" turers, and the substitution of machinery for manual labour, 
*' it was evident that manufactures of this raw material would 
*•'■ be ani07ig the Jirst objects of attentio7i in this coxintry. We 
•' accordingly find that in 1790, a factory existed with a capital 
" of S50u,000.* And the cotton manufactories, as we shall 
" see, with the aid of these powerful causes, continued to fiour- 
'' ishr\ 

" Our present duties are high enough for revenue. Our cot- 
" ton factories never flourished more than they did under our old 
" and moderate duties, long before the xvar — and certainly they 
" do not stand in need of high duties now.'':): 

This splendid detail is a mere " beau ideaP^ — or " fancy 
sketch" Closing the historic page, and unmindful of the facts 
of the case, it draws largely on imagination. 

The " society" referred to by Mr. Cambreleng, was estab- 
lished at Patterson in New Jersey, and, under a more auspicious 
regime, could not have failed of signal success. The place pos- 
sesses every possible advantage for manufactures on a large 
and magnificent scale. Suitable sites were purchased — and ma- 
chinery and workmen provided. Nothing was wanting but th^- 

* For this fact Mi". Canibreleig" refers to Mr. Hani'ltnn's Rcnorl 
f Ex.iTnination, page S7. ^ Tdcm. 



528 STRICTC'irRES OU tllE 

favour and protection of government. A duty equal to that 
imposed on hemp or cotton, or a third part of that on tobacco^ 
or chefese, would have rendered Patterson a mine of individual 
and national wealth and prosperity. All applications for the 
purpose were wholly in vain. The congress of that day re™ 
garded with the same withei-ing indifference, the decline of the 
establishment as their successors have in 18 16, 17", 18, 19 and 
20, regarded the calamitous scenes exhibited in Pittsburg, at 
Brandywine, in Philadelphia, and elsewhere.* The danger of 
smuggling — the high rate of wages — the injustice of " taxing 
the many for the henejit of the few'''' — our want of ripeness for 
manufactures — the enormous extent of our back lands — the pu- 
rity of a country life, with the immorality of manufacturing es- 
tablishments — and the great variety of other i-easons, if reasons 
they can be called, which have been so constantly used ever 
since, were then adduced with success, to defeat the appli- 
cations of the manufacturers, and prevent a compliance with 
their petitions. The protection of government, which, to the 
success of this important undertaking, so worthy of national 
support, was as necessary as the alternation of heat and rain, 
to secure a plentiful harvest, was withheld. The duty remained 
at five per cent, while, as Ave have seen, cheese was protected 
by a duty of fifty-seven, and manufactured tobacco by 66 per 
cent. The consequences were fatal, as was foreseen and pre- 
dicted. The establishment went to ruins— the undertakeirs were 
bankrupted — the capital invested was wholly sacrificed — the 
workmen were dispersed, and generally " went back" to cul- 
tivate the soil — and the undertaking served as " an awful beacon''' 
to warn our citizens of the folly of engaging in irtanufacturing 
establishments on a large scale, under a government which left 
them to struggle against the overwhelming superiority of for- 

* It ought to be borne in remembrance, that above forty petitions and memo- 
rials, witli thousands of signatui-es, were presented iii 1S1(> — 17, to the fourteenth 
Congi'ess at its second session, by the suffering manufacturers in Boston, Provi- 
dence, Newhaven, Hartford, New York, Philadelphia, Baltimore, Pittsburg, 
Berkshire, in Massachusetts, Oneida county in New York — and from various 
other towns and places in Massacliusetts, Connecticut, Rhode Island, New York, 
New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Kentucky, and Illinois ; pi-ayingfor protection against 
the overwhelming competition of foreign nations, with whose merchandize, to 
an enormous amount, the country was deluged, whereby their capitals, ,.tQ the 
amount of millions, were nearly destroyed, and their hopes of prosperity in the 
pursuit of their lawful avocations blasted ; that not one of them tuas &uer t'eadin 
the house ; that they ivei^e not e-oen reported 07i, except those that respected the iron 
hiisiness ; and that not one single measure was adopted to afPbrd relief to tlie ap- 
phcants. Such flagrant and unfeeling disregard of public distress, such gross 
neglect of the voice of constituents, was probably never displayed by any otiier 
legislatiu-e in any age or nation. This was the memoi-able Congress, wiiich pass- 
ed the act to render themselves salary officers, with 1500 dollars per annum. 
This act %vent thi'ough the houses almost wi^out debate, and, in twelve dayy 
from its inception, became a law ! 



£XAi!£lNATIOK OB THE TARIFi. 529 

cign rivals, with a *-*■ protecting duty^'* of 5, 7h-, or 12| per cent ! ! 
The admonition was not lost, as will appear in the sequel. 

Yet this is Release on which Mr. Cambreleng, unhappily for 
his cause, relies, to establish the prosperity of the cotton " branch 
of industry." If it proves nothing else, it moit satisfactorily 
proves how careless he must have been in his investigations — 
and how cautiously he is to be received as authority. 

Cotemporaneously with the establishment at Patterson, a re- 
spectable society was formed in Philadelphia, which embraced 
a considerable portion of our citizens. A cotton factory on an 
extensive scale was established, and struggled with foreign ri- 
vals for some time. But the struggle was equally unavailing 
with that at Patterson. The undertaking shared the same fate; 
looked in vain to the government for protection ; went to decav ; 
and was finally " blotted from the map" by a conflagration, the 
work of a wretched incendiary. 

Having now dismissed these two establishments, I proceed to 
detail the real state of the cotton manufactory under " the old 
and moderate duties" of " the venerable system'''' of the Con- 
gress of 1 790, which " equally protected every branch of z«- 
dustry.^^ 

With all the immense advantages for the cotton manufacture 
possessed by this country — boundless water power — raw ma- 
terial to an unlimited extent — hundreds of immigrants brought 
up to the manufacture — and citizens of the utmost energy and 
enterprize — it made so little progress from 1789 till the close of 
the year 1807, that there were at the latter period but 8000 spin- 
dles in operation in manufacturing establishments, in Massa- 
chusetts, Connecticut and Rhode Island — that Is, at the expira- 
tion of the eighteenth year of the operation of a government, 
which, we are gravely assured, " afforded equal protection to 
every branch of industry." 

This is a strong assertion, and demands irrefragable proof, 
which shall be given. 

Mr. Gallatin was instructed, by a resolution of the house of 
representatives of the united states, to institute an inquiry 
into the state of the manufactures of this country. With this 
order he complied, with his usual indefatigable industry, and ac- 
cordingly made report on the 17th of April, 1810. Misstate- 
ments are in the most direct hostility with the captivating des- 
criptions of Mr. Cambreleng. 

" The first cotton mill was erected in the state of Rhode- 
" Island, in the year 1791 ; another in the same state in the 
" year 1795 ; and two more in the state of Massachusetts, in 
"the years 1803 and 4."* 

• Gallatin's report on manufactures, 
67 



530 si-RICTURES ON THE 

This was the wonderful state of prosperity of the cotton ma- 
nufacture, in 1804, after a lapse of fifteen years from the date of 
the " vetierable system o/" 1789." 

" During the three succeeding years, ten more were erected, 
" or commenced in Rhode Island, and one in Connecticut, mak- 
" ing altogether fifteen mills erected befoj-e the year 1808, work- 
" ing at that time about 8000 spindles, and producing ab out 
" 300,000 lbs. of yarn a year."* 

What a prodigious contrast between this plain statement, and 
the view presented in the ^^Examination of the tariif!" The 
one oifers the dreary and desolate face of winter — the other all 
the loveliness and bloom of spring. 

For some of the numerous errors of Mr. Cambreleng's book, 
apology can readily be made. Its publication was, according to 
his own statement, " of necessity hastened, that it might antici- 
pate the vote on the tariff," and defeat the views of the manu- 
facturers. On some points it was difficult to procure documents 
under such circumstances of haste. But when he could not pro- 
cure them, he ought not to have used such strong and positive 
assertions and assumptions, so very wide of the real state of the 
case. 

An egregious error of Mr. C. respecting the cotton "branch 
of industry" is an idea clearly held out, that it was injured by 
the embargo and other restrictive measures. 

"We have," says Mr. C. " in the preceding chapter, traced 
"the history of our cotton factories to the present time; and 
"have also noticed that '■'■ their natural vigour was suchy that 
*' tho2/gh distracted by embargoes^ restrictions and war, they st\ll 
" increasedyf 

I trust I have satisfactorily proved, that there was no such 
" natural vigour" in the cotton factories as is here asserted ; 
and that the whole number of spindles employed before the year 
1808, was only 8000. Now it remains to prove, that so far 
from being " distracted," their progress was prodigiously acce- 
lerated, by " embargoes, restrictions and war." 

We have seen how slender was their progress till the close cf 
1807. The embargo took place about that time. As to the 
subsequent progress, I refer Mr. C. and his friends to Mr. 
Gallatin, who says — " Returns have been received of 87 mills 
"which were erected at the end of the year 1809 — Sixty-two of 
" which, (48 mules and 14 horse mills) were in operation, and 
*' worked at that time 31,000 spindles. The other 25 will be in 
" operation in the course of this year [1810,] and, together with 
" the former ones (almost all of which are increasing their mu- 

* Gallatin's report on manufactures, 
f Examination of the taj'iff. 



EXAMINATION OF THE TARIFF. oSl 

"• chinery,) wiii, by the estimates received^xvork viore than 80,000 
^'■spindles at the comineticetnent of the year 1811. ^^"^ 

So much for the " distractions of the embargo and restrictions ^ 
Now for the effect of the war. In 1815, the capital invested in 
this branch was S40,000,000 — the cotton consumed 90,000 bales 
— the number of people employed 100,000 — the wages paid an- 
nually Si 5,000,000 — and the value of the cotton produced, 
JS24,300,0004 

Would it not be a work of extreme supererogation, to add a 
fact or an argument, to prove how radically Mr. Cambreleng's 
statement on this subject is wrong in all its points ? 

NECKER, 



NO. VI. 

To the Friends of Natural Rights^ aliasy the Cambrclengian 
Philosophers. 
Gentlemen^ 

It is, you will suppose, with the utmost fear and trembling, 
that I venture to enter the lists against so formidable a phalanx, 
armed with the tremendous weapons you employ with such pro- 
digious skill and facility. Those weapons are as truly formi- 
dable as langrage, Congreve rockets, red hot balls, fire ships, and 
infernal machines in warfare. The oratory of iEschines, De- 
mosthenes, or Cicero — the logic of Aristotle, Locke, Watts, 
or Blair — and the political economy of Colbert, Sully, Elizabeth, 
Frederick, or Hamilton — could no more withstand you than a 
sloop of war could withstand a well-directed broadside from a 
seventy-four. What chance, then, can the poor " Careyan Phi- 
losophers," as you judiciously, and humourously, and wittily 
style your antagonists, have in the conflict with you ? None. 
We must beat a retreat — burn our books and papers, including 
" the library of old Statisticus" — succumb to your irresistible 
lucubrations — and, if pursued, surrender at discretion. 

To prove that my terrors, however extreme, are not irra- 
tional, and that 1 do not overrate the destructive nature of the 
logical weapons you employ, it will be proper to describe them, 
which I shall do in brief. They are — a most outrageous mis- 
representation and caricature, not to say falsification of the po- 
sitions and statements of your antagonists — intrepid assertions, 
not only without the shadow of proof, but without an attempt at 
proof — puerile personalities — a quibbling evasion of facts which 

♦ Mr. Gallatin's report. 

+ lleport of the committee of commerce and manufactures, 18X6. 



532 STRICTURES ON THE 

cannot be disproved — an unceasing attempt at humour, wholly 
out of time and place — in a word, the reverse of every thing like 
fair or dignified argument. 

Those who carry on a polemical campaign with such wea- 
pons, have an immeasurable advantage over their antagonists : 
for without one fair or candid quotation from their writings — 
without a single relevant fact — ^without the slightest study or 
examination of the subject — without disproving a fact or refut- 
ing an argument — they can silence and bear down all opposition, 
and, carrying on " a windy war of words," throw dust in the 
eyes of their opponents and those of the public. 

But, gentlemen, powerful as is this system of warfare, and 
great as is your ability in carrying it on, I cannot flatter you in 
the opinion that you are the inventors of it. No. It has ex- 
isted from the earliest periods of human controversy to the pre- 
sent time, and been invariably called in to aid a feeble cause : 
a sound one scorns such an auxiliary. But though I cannot 
admit your claim to the invention, I freely allow that you have 
great merit in its improvement. You far excel your predeces- 
sors in the various manoeuvres and stratagems of which the sys- 
tem is susceptible. 

Mr. Cambreleng wrote a book against the tariff, containing a 
tiumber of vital errors calculated to mislead the public mind 
on this important subject. I regarded it not merely as a right, 
but a duty to point out those errors. I have done it, I trust, in 
a manner becoming a gentleman, without an offensive or illiberal 
line or word. If I have succeeded in establishing those er- 
rors, the course for Mr. Cambreleng or his friends to pursue, is 
to retract them — not, as you have done, to involve the subject 
in mists and confusion, in order to prevent a correct public de- 
cision. But if I have failed, let the failure be proved, and I 
shall acknowledge my mistake. 

You have, ad captandum^ accused me of an " unnatural hosti- 
lity to farmers,''^ You are called upon either to produce a sen- 
tence which warrants this accusation ; to admit that you have 
been guilty of calumny ; or else to let the matter pass sub silen- 
tio, and acquiesce in the public decision on the case. 

Your reflections on my age — my '■^ patriarchate,^^ &c. &c. I 
will not say, I despise. That would be a very harsh word. But 
this I will say, in perfect soberness, that I regard them with the 
most sovereign indifference, and as a proof either of the ac- 
knowledged weakness of your cause, or the want of judgment 
of its advocates. On these topics you may freely ring the changes 
to the utmost extent of the ^powers of your prolific pens. 

. Of your evasion of facts, incapable of disproof,^ I will furnish 
but one instance t — 



EXAMINATION Of TH£ TARIFF. 533 

Mr. Cambreleng asserted that " the Congress of 1790, equal- 
ly protected every branch of industry ;" and on the basis of this 
assertion, erected a splendid fabric of eulogium on that Con- 
gress, and held out their example to be followed at present. 

This dictum I fully disproved, by reference to documents, 
and shewed that while the great mass of manufactures were left 
to struggle under '■'■ a protection^'' as it is incorrectly called, of 
five per cent, commerce experienced the most ample, liberal, 
and complete protection : — 

I. By a discrimination in the duty on the tonnage engaged in 
the foreign trade, equal to 700 per cent, on every voyage : for 

American vessels paid but six cents per ton, while foreign 
paid 50. Laws of Congress, Vol. II. page 6. 

II. By a discrimination in the duty on the tonnage engaged 
in the coasting trade, equal to above 4000 per cent, per annum, 
in the case of only six entries in the year. 

For American vessels engaged in the coasting trade, paid but 
six cents tonnage duty per annum ; while foreign paid 50 cents 
on every entry. 

III. By a discrimination in the duties on teas imported in 
foreign and American vessels, equal to 125 per cent, whereby 
the China trade was secured to the American merchants : 

In American In Foreign 
vessels. vessels. 

Duty on Bohea tea per lb.* 6 cents. 15 cents. 

Souchong and other black teas, 10 22 

Hyson, 20 45 

Other green teas, 12 27 

48 cts. 109 cts. 



Average, 12 27i 

IV. Bv an addition of 10 per cent, to the duties on goods 
imported in foreign vessels. 

To which I now add : 

V. By a bounty, in 1790, of ten cents per quintal on dried fish, 
and ten cents per barrel on salted fish and provisions. 

Now this is a plain case, in which there is no room for sub- 
terfuge or evasion. It is a mere question, whether five per cent, 
is equal to 125, or to 700. If not, Mr. C's assertion is wholly 
destitute of foundation. 

* These duties were imposed in 1789 — but were modified in 1790, when the 
duties on teas imported in American vessels were considerably raised. The dis- 
crimination was thus reduced to about 50 per cent, on an average, which was, as 
every person must allow, as total and complete a prohibition of the trade to fo- 
reigners, as the duties of 1789. 



534 STRICTURES ON THii 

And what are the arguments you advance to support Mr. 
Cambreleng, or to overturn my statements ? With the follow- 
ing four lines, you suppose you have gained a complete triumph 
over these important facts : 

" Then comes No. IV, with its attendant tables, to show us 
" how sumptuously the merchants fared at this bounty board — 
" Will Monsieur Necker tell us the merchants were very formidu' 
" ble in the Congress of 1790 ?" 

Now, Messieurs " Friends of Natural Rights," I ask what 
bearing has this query on the subject ? The only points at 
issue in this case, ai-e not, whether " the merchants were very 
formidable in the Congress of 1790" — -but whether their inter- 
ests were fully and completely protected — and whether equal 
protection was extended to " every other branch of industry," 
as Mr. Cambreleng has erroneously asserted ? I trust I have 
fully proved the affirmative of the one, and the negative of the 
other question. That the merchants must have had great influ* 
ence, the result makes manifest. They were most ably repre- 
sented. From these points you display your address in with- 
drawing the public attention. 

Of the " outrageous misrepresentation^'' of the positions of 
your antagonists, I shall furnish a few out of the numerous in- 
stances wherewith your three numbers abound : — 

" These disinterested and self-styled patriots, approaching 
" us with the tones of sweet persuasion, and expressing the ten- 
" derest solicitude for our welfare, tell us that xue never can 
" he rich and happy until we bind our wants ^ our rights^ and 
" i}iclinatio?is, with irritating and unnatural restrictions ; until 
" zve clothe one branch of industry with a general monopoly ; 2Xi^ 
" impose on the mass of the community the bonds of colonial 
" vassalage. 

44 Agriculture and commerce ruin a nation ; labour can never 
*' be productive but in manufactures. 

" When some branches of industry languish, all the atten- 
" tion of government should be bestowed on that branch 
" which remains profitable ; for it is a settled maxim in political 
" economy, that a bounty should never be granted^ until he who 
" is to receive it is able to do without it. 

" The proper way to enlarge the demand for surplus grain or 
" other productions^ is to confine the sale to the domestic mar- 
" ket. 

" Government was never instituted to secure personal rights, 
" or to preserve the morals or happiness of the people ; but 
" only to superintend the wealth of the nation : for, it is a set- 
" tied maxim, that no nation can be enriched without an entire 
" sacrifice of morals^ rights^ and happiness. 



EXAMINATION OF THE TARIFl. 535 

'' It is a vulgar notion, that the property which a citizen pos- 
" sesses, actually belongs to him : for he is a mere tenant^ labor- 
" er or agent of the government^ to whom all the property in the 
" nation legitimately belongs. 

" The government may, therefore, manage this property ac- 
" cording to its own fancy, and shift capitalists and labourers 
" from one employment to another. 

" Should a citizen be thus transferred from trade to trade, 
" and thereby lose that which he supposed to be his own pro- 
" perty, and find his family in want, he could have no right to 
" complain : the government would have only used its own pro- 
" perty in experiments to increase its capital.'^'' — Friends of Natu- 
" ral Rights, No. III. 

In what page of the writings of the friends of the protection 
of manufactures, have you found these sentiments ? Where 
can you produce any thing that looks even like the shadow ot 
them ? And if you cannot, how can you justify such a monstrous 
perversion of their views — such a wanton departure from fact ? 

The history of controversies, religious and political, affords 
hundreds of instances of books being condemned, and many of 
them burned, through the artifice of making partial, insulated 
extracts from the matter which they contained, whereby their 
authors were made to speak a language wholly foreign from 
their hearts. Your procedure is still more extraordinar\% 
You make no extracts, partial or impartial — but absokitely 
fabricate for your antagonists a system utterly abhorrent from 
their views. Your sketch is as fo^^eign from theirs as light 
from darkness — virtue from vice. This is the true plan of the 
inquisition, whereby the destined victim, previous to immola- 
tion, is clothed in a San Benito dress, ornamented with devils and 
" goblins damned'''' in torments, to excite the horror of the spec- 
tators. I appeal to the good sense of the readers of the Intel- 
ligencer, whether a more outrageous violation of fact can 
be found, than the preceding extracts exhibit. If the system 
of the " Cai-eyan Philosophers," be dangerous and destructive, 
there can be no need of such unprecedented fabrication. 

I will not ask whether this procedure is honourable, or gene- 
rous, or liberal — but merely whether it is honest ? \^'hether it 
is not unworthy of gentlemen — discreditable to the cause you 
advocate — and an insult to an enlightened public ? 

The cause at issue is one of immense importance. Let it be 
fairly argued. Let that side whose arguments are most cogent, 
triumph. But let not means be resorted to, which would answer 
equally v^-ell for the worst, and against the best, cause that ever 
existed. 

NECKER. 
Philadelphia^ Sept. 1, 1821. 



o36 STRICTURES ON TH£ 



NO. VII. 



I PROCEED to notice a few more of the very numerous er- 
rors in Mr. Cambreleng's book. These are, it is true, far in- 
ferior in importance to those I have already developed — and 
are adduced principally to afford further corroboration of the 
extreme carelessness, in point of fact, displayed in the Exami- 
nation, which, in a work of this kind, is a radical and vital de- 
fect. 

'' It may be fairly presumed, that a day labourer in a facto- 
*' ry, will remain and die in that condition ; and probably all 
" that he can leave his family will be that state of dependence 
*' in which he has lived. The very house which his family oc- 
" cupies, belongs to the proprietor of the factory. Such is too 
" generally the produce of the labour of that man who depends 
" on a factory for employ. He may add to the population of 
" the nation, which he would do in any case. But he adds no- 
" thing- to the wealth of the nation by accumulating property for him- 
*' self — the best possible wealth for a free government." Ex- 
amination, page 7. 

This statement is intended to excite, and has excited jea- 
lousy against the manufacturers, and hostility against any mo- 
dification of the tariff, as if the benefits to arise from protect- 
ing duties, v/ould have no operation in favour of the large 
class of working people, but centre wholly in the hands of capi- 
talists. Were this objection really well founded, it would af- 
ford an argument of no small force against the proposed sys- 
tem. But it is so wholly the reverse, that in many of the 
trades carried on in this country, there is not the least difficulty 
for a journeyman to commence operations on his own account. 
It is much more practicable than for a country labourer. I will 
exemplify this argument by the cotton branch — but the reason- 
ing will apply with nearly equal force to a great proportion of the 
other branches. 

A cotton weaver earns here five or six dollars per week. A 
sober, industrious, frugal man can support an average family 
of four persons on four dollars. A loom costs about twelve. 
With the savings of a very few weeks, therefore, a workman 
can purchase a loom ; commence business ; and, Mr. Cambre- 
leng's assertion to the contrary notwithstanding, may " add to 
the xvealth of the nation^ by accumulating property for himself — 
the best possible xvealth for a free government?'' 

This, let it be added, is not a " day dream" — a *' fancy 
sketch," calculated to dazzle or amuse. It is a sober reality. 
There are hundreds of persons in this single branch, of this 



EXAMINATION OF THE TARIFF. 537 

precise description, in Pennsylvania, New York, Massachu- 
setts, Connecticut, and Rhode Island, who are now working on 
their own account, after having been, at no very distant period — 
many of them within the last four, five, or six months — em- 
ployed as journeymen. In the city of Philadelphia alone, the 
number is so great as to be scarcely credible. At a late public 
sale of looms belonging to a factory, the buyers of this class 
were so numerous, that the looms sold very nearly as high as 
they originally cost. 

This state of things is by no means confined to this single 
branch. It extends, I repeat, to a very large proportion of the 
others. And it would not be extravagant to assert, that far 
more than half of the master manufacturers throughout the 
united states, even of those who conduct business on a large 
and extensive scale, were originally journeymen. 

There are, it is true, some branches, which require very large 
capitals, and which cannot, of course, be commenced so soon, 
nor on such easy terms. But there are scarcely any, which fru- 
gality and industry will not enable a journeyman to commence 
in process of time. 

In various parts, indeed throughout Mr. Cambreleng's work, 
he has fallen into an egregious error on the subject of Mr, Ha- 
milton's Report, which he gives as the foundation of the tariff of 
1790. 

" The report was acted on by the Congress of 1 790, so far 
" as it related to the revenue ; but that Congress cautiously 
" omitted adopting the language of the report, as far as it re- 
" lated to the encouragement of manufactures." — Examination, 
p. 26. 

" In consequence of Mr. Hamilton's report, and the neces- 
" sities of the government, a new revenue law was enacted on 
" the 16th of August, 1790."— Idem, p. 30. 

This " revenue law" was enacted at the date stated by Mr. 
Cambreleng. But Mr. Hamilton's profound and celebrated 
report was dated December 5, 1791. It could .not, of course, 
have been the basis of the " new revenue law." To all its wise 
suggestions and admonitions. Congress never paid the least at- 
tention. They were to that body a complete dead letter, to the 
manifest injury of the nation. 

*' If the British system be adopted, it mvst gradually transfer 
" the legislative poxver in this country ^from thefarmers to the ma- 
" nufacturers ; this being the inevitable effect of taxing the one 
" class to enrich the other ; thereby impoverishing the class tax- 
*'ed, and diminishing their numbers." — Idem, p. 9. 

This assertion is truly ludicrous. The idea that the increase 
of the duties on cottons, woollens, iron, &c. &c. eight, ten, or 
twelve per cent, or even fifteen or twenty, had it been contem- 

68 



538 - STRICTURES ON THE 

plated to raise them so high, would, " transfer the legislative 
powerfrom the farmers to the manufatturers^'' betrays a wonder- 
ful degree of credulity ; for I will not allow myself to believe 
that Mr. C. holds out this phantom to terrify the farmers, with- 
out being himself affected with the hideous spectre. 

*' Mr. Hamilton's great object, in his report on manufactures, 
"was to establish a system of revenue to meet the expenses of 
" the government, and pay the interest of the public debt." — 
Examination, page 25. 

Some of Mr. Cambreleng's errors, as I have already observ- 
ed, are entitled to apology, from his " publication,'' according 
to his own account, being " of necessity hastened that it might 
anticipate the vote on the new tariff." But for the present er- 
ror there is no apology whatever. Mr. Hamilton's Report was 
to be had without any difficulty ; and it is to be presumed Mr. 
C. must have had it in his possession — otherwise it would have 
been highly improper to refer to, and comment on it as he has 
done. Now, it requires but a very cursory examination, to see 
that the alpha and omega of this report were the protection and 
encouragement of manufactures. These form the object and 
end of all his reasonings — all his facts. Never was a subject 
more elaborately and convincingly discussed — and never was 
a sj'stem more ably and unanswerably supported. It is impos- 
sible to read the report with due attention, and with a mind 
open to conviction, without being a convert to its doctrines. 
Revenue is but rarely mentioned, and never otherwise than 
incidentally. Mr. H. successfully combats all the objections 
to his system on the ground of its pretended tendency to 
impair the revenue, by the following, among other irrefragable 
reasons. 

" The possibility of a diminution of the revenue may present 
" itself," says Mr. Hamilton, " as an objection to the arrange- 
" ments which have been submitted. 

" But there is no truth which may be more firmly relied on, 
" than that the interests of the revenue are promoted by whatever 
'■'■ /promotes an increase of national industry and -wealth. 

" In proportion to the degree of these, is the capacity of every 
" country to contribute to the public treasury : and where the 
" capacity to pay is increased, or even is not decreased, the only 
*' consequence of measures which diminish any particular re- 
" source, is a change of the object. 

" The measures, however, which have been submitted, taken 
" aggregately, will^for a long time to come^ rather augment tha?i 
" decrease the public revenue." — Hamilton's Works, Vol. I. 
page 275. 

This, I presume, proves that Mr. Hamilton's " great object" 
was not " to establish a sytem of revenue" — but to promote the 



EXAMINATION OF THE TARIFF. 539 

industry, whereby the capacity to raise a revenue would be 
greatly enhanced. 

I return again to the Examination : — 

" If the citizens of the united states," says Mr. Cambreleng, 
" want to see a democratic tariffs let them look at that of 1790. — 
" The men who framed it knew what equal rights were, because 
" they had fought bravely for them. In that tariff they will 
" not find the poor paying a higher duty than the rich for the 
*' same article. Each man zvas then taxed according to his ability : 
" and luxuries paid the highest rate of dutyP — Examination, 
page 94, 

I shall make a very fair comparison of the duties on different 
articles in this '•'- venerable^'' this '■'■democratic tariff^'' in order 
cleaily to establish how inexcusably wide of the mark Mr. Cam- 
breleng has diverged in this statement. I will take on the one 
side articles used exclusively by the rich — and on the other, 
articles in daily use by the poor, and I trust the reader will be 
lost in astonishment at the utter inequality and injustice of this 
tariff, although, as we are exultingly told, " the men who framed 
" it, knew Avhat equal rights were, because they had fought 
♦* bravely for them," Strong positive facts are not to beset 
aside or refuted by a few sounding phrases, however plausibly 
or dogmatically delivered. 

I confine myself on the one side, to silks, sattins, superfine 
broadcloths, gauzes, rich chintzes, gold watches, pearls, dia- 
monds, paste work, embroidery, jewelry, and laces — and on the 
other to bohea tea, brown sugar, coffee, salt, cheese, and molas- 
ses — and by these articles shall bring to the test the accuracy of 
Mr, Cambreleng's encomiums on this " democratic tariff^ 

The articles in the first class are easily dispatched. 
They were all subject to one simple duty, which was 

no more than five per cent . 

The other articles require more detail. They were subject to 
specific duties, as it would have been too revolting to have fixed 
ad valorem duties so extravagantly and iniquitously high as the 
amount they really paid. 

Bohea tea and brown sugar are exclusively used by the 

poor. The former cost at that period, 15 cents per lb. 

and paid a duty often cents, equal to sixty-six per cent. 

Brown sugar cost about six cents, and paid a duty of one 

and a half, which is twenty-Jive per cent. 

Salt cost about 15 cents per bushel, and paid 12, which is 

eighty per cent. 
Cheese cost about 8 cents per lb. and paid 4 cents duty, 

equal to ffty per cent. 



540 STRICTURES ON THE 

Molasses cost 24 cents per gallon, and paid 3 cents duty, 

equal to cud^l twelve per cent. 

Coffee cost 12 cents, and paid 4 cents ©niy, equal to 

thirty-three per cefit. 

Now, courteous reader, are you not lost in admiration of the 
" democratic principles'"^ of this " venerable tariff I'''' and of the 
profound regard for " equal rig-hts" of " the men who framed 
it," and " who bravely fought for them ?" 

Let us calmly examine the operation of this ver\' " Vener- 
able tariff," in order that " he who runs may read" its demo- 
cracy. 

A poor man with a family of four persons will consume about 
one third of a pound of tea, and three pounds and a half of sugar 
in the week, equal per annum to 17 lbs. of the former and 180 lbs. 
of the latter. 

17 lbs. bohea tea, cost $2 55 and paid duty ^1 70 

180 lbs. of brown sugar cost 10 80 and paid duty 2 70 



First cost, Si 3 33 Duty, !g4 40 

I will suppose a rich man to consume for himself and family 
in the year, 1 2 yards of superfine broad cloth, at four dollars, 
and 80 yards of silks, sattins, gauzes, chintzes, &c. at half a 
dollar. 

12 yards broad cloth $48 paid duty $2 40 

80 yards silks, &c. 40 paid duty 2 00 

First cost, S88 Duty, $4> 40 

Note. These prices and duties refer to the year 1790. 

Thus the poor man paid on less than 14 dollars, in necessa- 
ries, as much duty as the rich man on 88, partly luxuries ! So 
much for Mr. Cambreleng's " democratic tariff"''* — and so much 
too for the impartiality of the first Congress, who " knew what 
equal rights were" — as " they had bravely fought for them." 
The reader must, therefore, clearly agree with Mr. Cambreleng, 
that " each man was taxed according- to his ability ! ! .'" and that 
" luxuries paid the highest rate of duty ! ! .'" 

Much comment on this cannot be necessary. It requires but a 
single glance to perceive, that a more unjust, partial, unequal or 
impolitic system can scarcely be conceived. It taxed necessa- 
ries high, and luxuries low, and thus bore hard on the poor — . 
and lightly on the rich. It taxed most exorbitantly all the ar- 
ticles which we could not or did not produce, and admitted at 
the minimum rate of duty all the important articles, of which 
the manufacture was or could be established in the country. — 
It was admirably calculated — I do not pretend (as I only dis- 
cuss its actual operation) to say intended — it was, I repeat, ad- 



EXAMINATION OF THE TARIFF. 541 

iiiirably calculated to promote the manufactures of Europe, and 
to depress those of this country.* 

A recent writer has triumphantly asked, what connexion has 
this tariff with the present policy of this country? Let him make 
this enquiry of Mr. Cambreleng. It was he, not I, who intro- 
duced it on the tapis. 

NECKER. 

Philadelphia^ Sept. 17, 1821. 



NO. VIII. 

I HAD determined to discontinue these strictures — but on 
casting my eye again over Mr. Cambreleng's work, I find so 
many important mistakes remaining unnoticed, that I have judg- 
ed it necessary to resume the subject. 

Among the multifarious errors in the writings of the oppos- 
ers of a modification of the tariff, the most serious and perni- 
cious is, the assumption of consequences from the measm-e, of 
which it is not, and cannot be susceptible. They conjui^e up a 
hideous monster, with a Gorgon's head, the creature of a wild 
imagination. Of this monster they display the terrible features, 
to affright and terrify the public. They give him battle with 
great zeal and ardour, and obtain an easy triumph — which they 
magnify into a victory over the projected measure. This is a 
revivalof the heroic achievements of Don Quixote, and a speedy 
conversion of windmills into giants — of flocks of sheep into 
legions of armed men. On such terms literary and polemical 
honours are of easy attainment. 

• This is a very strong assertion, but has been coolly and deliberately weighed, 
and is fearlessly advanced. It challenges Mr. Cambreleng and all his friends 
for a refutation. The reputation, talents, public spirit, or integrity of the first 
Congress, which have been pressed into the service, by a recent writer, have 
nothing to do with the question, and are introduced merely to throw dust in the 
eyes of the pubUc, and withdriiw attention from the real merits of the case. Had 
that Congress been composed wholly of Washingtons, Franklins, .Teftersons, Han- 
cocks, Adamses, Rutledges, Randolphs, Jays and Clintons, this circumstance 
would not convert their en'ors into wisdom, nor their aristocratic tariff into a. 
•'democratic" one. And I trust there cannot be found in the wide compass 
of the united states, a single man who has any reputation to lose, who will dare 
to assert, that it was wise, just, fair, equitable, or consistent with sound policy, to 
tax bohea tea at 66 per cent ; coffee at 33 ; salt at 80 ; moKasses at 12 ; brown su- 
gar at 25, and cheese at 50, while silks, sattins, cmliroidery, watches, gauzes, 
chintzes and pearls were subject to only five per cent ; and the great leading ma- 
nufactures of cotton, wool, hemp, flax, &c. to the same low duty. Never in the 
whole history of trade, commerce, or political economy, lias tbcrc been a similar 
case exhibited. 



542 STRICTURES ON THE 

I will not assert that this system proceeds from a deliberate 
intention to lead the reader astray — or to deceive the nation. 
The course I have pursued with Mr. Cambreleng forbids this 
assumption. Knowing the powerful influence of prejudice, I 
am willing to suppose that the errors here complained of, result 
from any other source than wilful misstatement. 

Among the cases of this kind, is to be enumerated Mr. Cara- 
breleng's anticipation of the '■'- prohibk'ton of the exportation of 
cotton^'" as the result of the new tariff! This tremendous result 
is to be produced not by a direct or positive act for the purpose 
—but is to be indirectly accomplished in a " smoother xvay^^^ of 
which Mr. Cambreleng himself shall furnish an explanation, 
whereby the reader v/ill be able to judge of the fallacy or the 
soundness of his views. 

" The policy of the government ought to keep in view the 
" market for our surplus cotton. If we adopt the -wild scheme 
'' of coercing Great Britaiii^ and ruining her factories^ by prohi' 
" biting the exportation of our cotton to England! I ! it will ter- 
*'minate like our fomner experiments. It will not answer to tell 
"us, there is no intention of prohibiting the exportation of our 
" surplus cotton ; a system which virtually effects it, is only a 
" smoother xvaij of doing the same thing : the difference is in 
"form, not in motive or result." — Exajnination^ page4<2. 

Now, courteous reader, what is the very " smooth way" in 
Vi^hich this terrific consequence is to be produced—this " -wild 
scheme of coercing Great Btitain^'' whereby " the exportation of 
our surplus cotton^'' is to be '•'■prohibited^'* and the ^'•factories of 
England to be ruined T"* You will probably suppose it is by a 
prohibition, or something approaching to a prohibition, of the im- 
portation from Great Rritain, of cotton manufactures of every 
description— as scarcely any thing short of this " Tjoild measure^"* 
could produce such an awful result. 

In these suppositions, you would be egregiously in error. — 
I will sta.te exactly what is the change the proposed tariff would 
make in the existing duties on manufactured cotton. At present 
cotton goods below 25 cents per square yard, are dutied as if 
they cost 25 cents ; and all above that price pay "Hth per cent, on 
the invoice. 

By Mr. Baldwin's tariff, all European cotton goods above 25 
cents per square yard, would pay 33 per cent.; those below that 
price, 33 per cent, on 25 cents ; and those from beyond the 
Cape of Good Hope, 40 per cent. 

Thus it appears that this desperate confederacy for the pur- 
pose of " coercing Great Britain^'' and " ruining her factories^"^ 
'■'' hy prohibiting the exportation of our surplus cotton^''^ resolves 
itself into a simple addition of 8 per cent, to the existing duties 
on cotton goods. That is, that such goods as now pay 25 per 
cent, shall in future pay 33. 



EXAMINATION OF THE TARIFF. 543 

It is difficult to treat such monstrous errors on so important 
a subject with good humour. Waving all idea of sinister mo- 
tives, they betray such a carelessness of investigation — such an 
intrepid assumption of positions diametrically opposite to the 
real state of the case — and such an extravagant delusion, as ex- 
cite astonishment, and justly merit severe censure. They forbid 
reliance on the dicta of writers who are led so far astray by their 
passions or prejudices. 

Let it be observed that Mr. Cambreleng has asserted une- 
quivocally, not only that the present high duty on cotton goods 
below 25 cents per square yard, is equivalent to a prohibition, 
(see Examination, page 45,) but that our cotton goods had for 
ten previous years superseded the use of the coarse East India 
cottons. Therefore, as the low-priced goods, according to his 
view of the subject, are, even at present, effectually excluded, 
the question oi'"'- ruining the British manufactories^'' turns mere- 
ly on the 8 per cent, which, as I have stated, is to be added to 
the duties on those above 25 cents per square yard. It is 
scarcely necessary to add, that the 40 per cent, on East India 
' cottons could not " ruin the British factories j" on the contrary, 
by excluding many of the articles now imported from beyond 
the Cape, they would afford a vacuum to be filled with British 
goods. 

Once more, " If our laws prohibit importations ^^"^ [what an 
important little word is if ! We might simply reply — hut ij they 
do 720?, what then?] "the farmer must necessarily cany his 
" produce where he can exchange it for the articles he v/ants, 
" to the domestic manufacturer, or his agent, the merchant.— 
" It is idle to think that we can long find a market abroad for 
" the produce of our farms, (/'zfc take nothing but money in cx- 
" change.'''' 

What a mighty fabric is here erected — no less than the pro- 
hibition of importations — and the receipt of " nothijig but mo- 
ney'''' for our productions ! What an extraordinarv and perni- 
cious change in our affairs! But never was there a fabric 
erected on a more tottering and unstable foundation. The 
whole rests on two ifs. It requires but slender powers of logic 
to see how ill able they are to support this mighty burden. It 
is to be regretted that Mr. Cambreleng did not preface his hy- 
pothesis with another if and make a trio of them. For instance 
— ^we cease to use tea, coffee, W. I. rum, sugar and brandy, 
wines, pepper, s^lt, cashmere shawls, Leghorn hats, superfine 
cloths, &c. in such a case what will become of our commerce — 
and our merchants — and where shall we find a market for our 
surplus productions ? 

In order to tranquillize Mr. Cambreleng's fears, and to prove 
that our dangers are not quite so formidable as he appears to 



544 STRICTURES ON THE 

suppose — let it be observed that the duties on teas, coftee, su- 
gar, molasses, salt, wines and spirits, amounted in 1819, to 
189,631,738 — and rating them at 40 per cent, of the cost, which 
is about a fair average, the value of the imports was above 
24,000,000 of dollars. Adding to this sum three or four mil- 
lions for raw materials, and 10 or 12 millions for broad cloths, 
line muslins, gauzes, Leghorn bonnets. Cashmere shawls, 
gold and silver plate, jewelry, watches, millinery^ embroidery, 
and an immense variety of other articles, which we shall con- 
tinue to import, let the tariff be regulated as it may, the whole 
will amount to a sum, perhaps equal to our exports at the pre- 
sent or any probable future prices. I hope this statement will 
remove Mr. Cambreleng's apprehensions, and those of his nu- 
merous friends and well wishers. 

" England," says Mr. Cambreleng, " which has now the 
" largest portion of manufaturing population, with all her pro- 
*' hibitions, bounties and monopolies, did not increase her ma- 
*■' nufactures in one hundred years^ as much as zve have done in 
" thirty.'''' 

For the manufactures of the united states, I shall go back to 
1790 and extend no farther than 1820, which will embrace 
Mr. Cambreleng's " thirty years." 

In the former year the population of this country was about 
4,000,000. Estimating the consumption of the nation, of ma- 
nufactured articles, at the low average of 20 dollars per head, 
the total would be, §80,000,000 

Deduct imported manufactures, 16,372,000* 

Consumption of domestic fabrics, ^63,628,000 



In 1810, according to the returns of the marshal's, the manu- 
factures of the united states v/ere, gl 72, 761, 977 

Allowing 50 per cent, increase from that 
period, equal to 86,380,988 



They were in 1 820, about g259,142,965 

Deduct amount in 1790, 63,628,000 



Leaves a total increase in " 2>0 years'''' of §195,514,965 



According to Mr. Cambreleng, this exceeds the increase of 
English manufactures in " one hundred years y 

Mr. C. will be petrified with astonishment to find that the 

* Seybert's Statistics, page 158. I here take into view all the articles subject 
to ad valorem duties, which include nearly all the manufactures imported,,^ 



EXAMINATION OF THE TARIFF. 545 

increase of a single manufacture^ not in " one hundred years," 
but in about forty ^ has been nearly, if not fully equal to the 
above. 

The cotton manufacture in England, in the year 1783, amount- 
ed to sterling 960,000/.* 

Whereas in 1812, it was 29,000,OGO/.t 

I have no exact statement of its extent in 1820, and must 
therefore have recourse to an estimate. Of the data on which 
it is grounded, the reader must judge. 

The cotton imported into England in 1811, 

was, 326,141 bales:}: 

and the consumption in 1 820, was 470,000<§ 

I have no means of ascertaining how much was exported in 
the former year, but presume at least 26,000 bales. This would 
leave for the consumption about 300,000. The weight is, I have 
reason to.believe, considerably heavier than formerly ; it is there- 
fore probable that the consumption in 1820 was 66 2-3d per cent, 
more than in 1812. But only supposing the manufacture to 
have increased one half, which must be considerably below the 
real fact, it amounted in 1820, to 

Sterling /.43,500,000 

Deduct, in 1783, 960,000 

Leaves an increase in 37 years, 7.42,600,000 

Equal to about §186,000,000 

Several years after the commencement of the reign of George 
III. it amounted only to 200,000/.|| 

Thus it appears that this manufacture increased in Great 
Britain between 1763 and 1783, from 200,000/. to 960,000/. 

— between 1783 and 1812, from 960,000/. to 29,000,000/. 

and between 1812 and 1820, to 43,000,000/.; that is to say, 
about five fold in 20 years — and about 40 fold in 37. Whereas 
all our manufactures united increased in Mr. Cambreleng's 
*' 30 years" only three fold. So much for his accuracy and the 
dependence to be placed on his vaunted work. Let it be noted, 
moreover, that our population has increased from 1790 to 1820, 
about 140 per cent ; that is, from 4 to about 19,600,000. Whereas 
the increase in Great Britain from 1790 to 1812, was only about 
20 per cent. In the former year it was 10,242,000 ; in the lat- 
ter 12,353,000.** 

* Macpherson's Annals of Commerce, Vol. 4. page 16. 

j Colquhoun on the wealth, power and resources of Great Britain, page 91. 

4 Seybert's Statistics, page 91. 

§ Price Current of Bolton, Ogden and Co. Liverpool, Jan. 13, 1821. 

jt Macpherson, vol. iv. page 132. 

** Colquhoun, page 10. 

69 



^46 STAICTURES, &C. 

It may be supposed that the increase of the cotton branch 
has impaired that of the woollen. The reverse is the fact. The 
woollen manufacture in 1783, was 16,800,000/.* 

Whereas in 1812 it was 26,OOo',000/.t 

NECKER. 

Philadelphia^ Nov. 21, 1821. 

* Macpherson, vol, iv. page 15. 
t Colcjuhoun, page 91. 



FIMIS, 



INDEX. 



Aberdeen, instructive cases of, . . . . 344 

Acts of Congress, chronological view of, . 311, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16 
Advantages to Great Britain of the restrictive system, , 47 
Advantages of encouraging manufactures, . . 133 

Agricultural nations, disadvantages of, . . 110,112 

Agricultural and manufacturing districts, in England, com- 
parison of, . . . . . . .64 

Agricultural labour, extraordinary production of, . 476 

Agriculture, duties for the protection of, . 149,210,370 

Agriculture injured by the depression of manufactures, 140, 143, 

385, 439,479 
Agriculture, how benefited by manufactures, . 109,111,136 
Alexander I's. fostering protection of Odessa, . . 398 

American manufactures, perilous situation of, in 1816, . 135 

American policy, enormous encomiums on, . .248 

Anderson on National Industry, sound maxims from, . 49 1 

Animals and animal and vegetable food, export of, . 442, 473 

Appeals, pathetic, but ineffectual, to Congress, . . 145, 305 

Austria, prohibitions of, . . . . .193 

Baltim^^re, memorial from the manufacturers of, . 280 

Barbary powers, disbursements for the, . . .215 

Bank of North America, charter of, repealed, . . 271 

Banks, misconducted, . . . . .231 

Banks, operation of the, ..... 425,6 

Banks, mismanagement of, assigned as the cause of the gen- 
eral distress, ...... 323 

Banking capital of Pennsylvania, increase of, in 1814, , 323 

Blankets for Indians, deficiency of, . . . . 29 1 

Bounties, considerations on the subject of, . . 123,124 

Bounties and premiums bestowed by Frederic of Prussia, . 60 
Bread stuffs, immense importation of, into England, . 445 

British colonies, poverty of the, . . . .174 

British merchants benefited by protection of American ma- 
nufactures, . . . . . '. 146 

British policy compared with that of the United States, . 48 
British navigation act, attempt to coerce the repeal of, 368 

Brougham, Henry, on the ruin of American manufactures, . 143 
Brown, Gen. Jacob, sound views of, . . . 432 

Calamities of immigrants in 1819, . . . 379 

Cambreleng, Mr. various errors and mistakes of, 521, 5, 6, 7, 530, 

6, 7,8,9,40, 41,44 
Capital, want of, a reason for not protecting manufactures, . 4 
Capital invested in cotton manufacture in 1815, . .132 



Index, 

Capital, unsafe to risk it in manufactures, . . 431 

Chaptal, sound maxims of, . . . . , 203 

Chatham, lord, hostile to manufactures in the colonies, , 143 

Chatham, lord, admonitory observation of, . . ,412 

Circular Letter of a committee of the citizens of Philad. . 229 
Citizens of the United States, appeal to the, . .193 

Clothing, immense importation of, . . . 289 

Commerce, depression of, ..... 385 
Commerce, protection of, . 150, 154, 212, 247, 522, 533 

Commerce benefited by the protection of manufactures, . 146 
Commerce, alleged interference of manufactures with, . 66 
Commerce of the United States, profits of the, . . 359 

Commerce injured by the depression of manufactures, , 362, 3 
Commerce of the United States, reflections on the, . 351 

Commerce, fostering care of, by Congress, . . 365,6,7 

Commerce of the United States, injurious effects of the, 355, 6 

Committee of the citizens of Philadelphia, report of, . 221 

Committee of Commerce & Manufactures a com. of oblivion, 305 
Committee of Commerce & Manufactures, report of the, 129, 1 39 
Committee of Commerce & Manufactures, erroneous report of 287 
Comparison between the state of the manufactures of the U. 

States and those of England, France, Russia, and Austria, 234 
Comparison between American citizens and Russian subjects, 55 
Compensation Bill, rapid progress of the, . . .317 

Competition secures fair prices, . . . . 117 

Conduct of Portugal and the United States, comparison of . 94 
Congress of 1790, unfounded praises of the, . . .514 

Congress, withering neglect of, . . 56,227,301,417 

Congress, dilatory proceedings of, . . 309,310,311 

Contempt of constituents by Congress, . . . 306 

Contrasts, remarkable, .... 375,521,525 

Contrast between manufactures and exports of the U. States 1 59 
Contrast between the situation of the agriculturist, manufac- 
turer and merchant, . . . . .155 
Contrast between Prussian and American policy, . 17 
Cotton manufactures of Rhode Island and its vicinity, 54, 259, 505 
Cottonmanufactures, report of a com. of Congress, respecting 130 
Cotton, importation of, into Great Britain, . 164,492,3,4 
Cotton, exportation of, into Great Britain, . . 195 
Cotton manufacture, immense advantages of, 46, 77, 163, 164, 165 
Cotton, domestic consumption, and export of, . .483 
Cotton exported from England to China, . 497 
Cotton culture, extent of the . , . . 22 
Cotton manufacture, slow progress of the, . . 503, 529 
Cotton, reduction of the price of, . . 189,384,385 
Cotton, export of, from Calcutta, . . . 192 
Cotton, Brazil and E. India, increase of the importation of, 39 1, 406 
Cotton manufacture, extent of, in 1815, . 158, 504, 5, 6, 8 
Cotton manufacture in the U. States, situation of, . 295 
Cotton, East India, importations of, into Great Britain^ 191, 192 



Index. 



Cotton manufacture, progress of, in 1 5 years, . . 131 

Cotton, export of, for four years, . . . 189,389 

Cotton, manufacture and export of, . . 355, 450 

Cotton, importation & consumption of, in G. B. for five years, 487 



390,3 

436 

353 

501 

496 

486, 498 

487, 97 

394 

161 

161 

298 

244, 247 

539 

62 

. 477 

127 

423 

8,9 

108 



267, 



Cotton, statement of the prices of. 

Cottons, coarse, excessive duties on, 

Cotton and woollen manufactures, depressed state of the, 

Cotton, export of, for fifteen years, . 

Cotton, losses to the exporters of. 

Cotton, prices of, . 

Cotton planters, reduction of the incomes of the. 

Cotton, United States, imported into Great Britain, 

Culture of cotton, estimate of the expense of, 

Culture and manufacture of cotton, comparison of, . 

Dallas's tariflf, extracts from, 

Deceptions statements, .... 

Democratic tariff of 1789, unfounded panegyric of. 

Demoralizing effects of manufactures, supposed 

Depression of prices by glutted markets, 

Draw^backs, reflections on. 

Distress, general, alleged causes of the, 

Distress, intense, after the revolutionary w^ar, . 

Diversity of talent finds employment in manufactures, 

Domestic manufactures alw^ays ultimately cheaper than foreign, 1 1 7 

Domestic market preferable to a foreign one, 109, 1 10, 344, 49 f 

Duties on teas, wines, &c. .... 76 

Duties, low, in United States, after the revolutionary war, 266, 273 

Dutch, wise policy of the, .... 442 

Duties, double, repealed, ..... 263 

Duties for protection of agriculture, compared with those 

for the protection of manufactures. 
East India cotton, importation of into Great Britain 
East India muslins as fine as any in the world. 
East India indigo, immense increase of, . 
East India trade, vessels engaged in the 
Edict of Nantz, consequences of repeal of the, . 
Elizabeth, Queen, compounds with her bondsmen, . 
England, great advantages of, . 
Europe, long-continued sufferings of. 
Examination of the new tariff, strictures on the. 
Exaggeration, extravagant, .... 
Excise law, unproductiveness of the 
Excise law, impolicy of the, .... 
Excise not possible to be collected. 
Exports, average of, for 20 years. 
Exports, domestic, for 1 5 years, statement of. 
Exports from the United States, for 30 years, 
Exports of the United States, for 1815, . 
Exports for 1819, extracts from the, . 
Exports, immense, to the U. S. after the revolutionary war, 266, 7, 8 



375 
90, 191 
192 
407 
427 
448 
182 
11 
13 
511 
536, 542, S 
285 
284 
412 
216 
355 
357 
157 
336 



263, 



Index. 



548. 



Exports of United States not adequate to pay for imports, . 1 3S 
Exports of 1804, extract from the, . . . 287 

Exportation of specie, effects of the, . . . 429 

Extortion, calumnious charge of, against the manufactu- 
rers, . . 72,73,145,168,238,337,342,437,438 
Fable of the belly and the members, commentary on the, 37 
Farmers ol the United States, address to . . . 409 

459, 60 
151 
115 
458 
138 
189 
294 
437 
239 
336, 343 
215 



Females and children employed in manufactures, 

Fish, dried or salted, bounty on. 

Flax and hemp, manufactures of, in the United States, . 

Fleeces, weight of, . 

Florence owed her prosperity to the woollen manufactures 

Flour, export of, for four years, ... 

Flour, beef and hemp, prices of during the war. 

Flour at the Havanna, fluctuation of the price of. 

Flour, extraordinary rise of, . 

Food and drink, consumed in Philadelphia, amount of, 

Foreign intercourse, expenses of, 

France, slow progress of manufactures in, . . .182 

France and Spain, supposed case of, . . ,. 82 

France, view of the prosperity of, . . . .217 

France, view of the policy of, . . . . 218 

Frederic of Prussia, policy of, . . . .57 

Fi-eedom of trade, pretended, destitute of reality, . 245 

Free trade of United States, ruinous consequences of, . 266 

Fruits of the earth, consumed by manufacturers, . 335 

Funding system, operation of the .... 285 

Furnaces prohibited to be erected in British America, . 143 

Georgia and South Carolina, prostrate state of, . .371 

Gerry, Eldridge, his indignation at the proposition of the 

secretary at war, , . . . .291,2 

Government of United States, a government of opinion, . 386 
Grain, consumption of, in England, . , . 331 

Grand Jury of Newcastle county, presentment of, . . 98 

Great Britain would derive benefits from the protection of 

American manufactures, ..... 386 
Great Britain, policy of, . . . . . 41 

Great Britain, prohibitions of, . . . 193,205 

Guilt and pauperism, more prevalent in agricultural than in 

manufacturing districts, ..... 64, 68 
Hamilton, Alexander, admirable maxims of, 16, 45, 203, 283, 4 
Hamilton, Alexander, encomiums on his report, . 99, 283 

Hamilton, Alexander, his opinion of the necessity of protect- 
ing manufactures, . . . , . . 143 
Harmony, settlement of, its sound policy, , . 12 
Harmony, instructive case of, .... 345 
Havanna, reduction of the price of flour at the, . . 437 
High prices not disadvantageous, . . . . 233 
House rent, depreciation of, in Philadelphia, . . 227 
Identity of interest of the different parts of the U, States, 121,413 



Lidex. 

Immigrants, tables of, .... 451,3,4,467 
Immigrants, advantages to be derived fro|n, . 380, 1, 2 

Immigrants, encouragement of, by England and France, 376, 7, g 
Immigrants, numbers of, into the United States, . .378 

Immigrants from St, Domingo, wealth imported by, . 286 

Immigration, advantages of, . . • . . 448 

Importation of clothing, immense, •• . . 289 

Imports of the United States, . . 202, 280, 285, 358 

Imported articles, rise in the price of, . . . 341 

Indians, blankets for, not to be had in the United States, 291, 45o 
Indigo, important facts respecting, . . • 407 

Inspections oi manufactures, remarks on, . . . 138 

Insurrection in Massachusetts, .... 270 

Iron, manufactures of, in the United States, . . 1 15 

Italy depressed by the introduction of foreign manufactures, 39 
Italy, effects of manufactures on the state of, . .182 

Jefferson, Thomas, character of, .... 276 

Jefferson, Thomas, error of, . . . . . 276 

Jefferson, Thomas, retractation of, . . . 277 

Labour, high price of, an objection to manufactures, . 429 

Landed interest, liberality of, asserted, . . . 241 

Landholders, immense advantages of, . . 330,1,2 

Leather manufactures, extraordinary profits of, . . 46 

Lincolnshire, sheep raised, and wool shorn, in, , . 457 

Linen manufacture, extraordinary profits of, . . 46 

Liverpool merchants, advices from, 393, 4, 5, 488, 9, 90, 5, 8 

Low prices no advantage to a nation, . . . 233 

Machinery, British, immense advantages of, . .184 

Maxims of Adam Smith, refutation of, ... 34 

Manufacturers of United States and of Europe, comparison of, 279 
Manufactures sacrificed to revenue, . . . 411 

Manufactures, strong inducement to protect, . .138 

Manufacturers divested of employment, . . . 469 

Manufacturers, disadvantages of the, . . . 438 

Manufactures of the United States, extent of, in 1810, . 167 

Manufacturers converted into agriculturists, . 54, 441 

Manufactures, duties on, ..... 327, 8 
Manufacturers, combination against, . . . 274 

Manufactures, objections to, ... . 62 

Manufactures, various important recommendations of, 104, 105, 

106, 107 
Manufacturers, calamitous state of, . . . 140 

Manufacturers and planters compared, . . .54 

Manufactures of Flanders, competition with, . . 143 

Manufactures sacrificed to commerce, . . .351 

Manufactures of Philadelphia and vicinity, decay of^ 222, 223, 224 
Manufactures, U. States, pretended not to be ripe for, . 430 

Manufactures, General Brown's argument for, . . 432 

Manufactures immensely advantageous to agriculture, . 349 
Manufactures of cotton, wool, flax and leather, profits of, 48 



Index. 



Manufactures carried on in the United States 
Manufacturers, unheeded ruin of, 
Manufacturing establishments, destruction of, 
Massachusetts, insurrection in, . 
Massachusetts' Bank, incorporation of, 
Mediterranean commerce, act for the protection of, 
Memorials to Congress, pathetic, but disregarded, 



299, 



115 

,300 

300 

270 

. 272 

151 

300, 301, 

302, 303 

79 



Memorial to president of the United States, 

Memorial from Oneida county, on the ruin of manufacturing 

establishments, . . . . . .139 

Memorial to Congress, from the Pennsylvania society, for 

the encouragement of manufactures, . . . 237 

Memorial from the manufacturers of Baltimore, . 280 

Metallic Medium, reduction of the, . . .428 

Methuen treaty, facts connected with, . . . 89, 90, 9 1 

Misery, definition of, . . . . , 42 1 

Misrepresentation, most outrageous, . . . 534 

Missouri question, tedious debates on, . . .310 

Monopolies deprecated, . , . . . 241 

Monopoly, correct definition of, . . . . 243 

Monopoly, fallacious idea of, . . , . 116 

National prospei'ity, erroneous assumption of, . . 248 

National independence connected with the prosperity of 

manufactures, . . , . , .119 

Naval department, expenses of, . . . . 215 

Navigation act, attempt to enforce the repeal of, . .152 

New inventions, encouragement of, . . . 128 

New York, distresses of, . . . , .418 

New Olive Branch, . . . , , 253 

Non-importation act, proposal to suspend, . . .291 

Objections to the protection of manufactures, . . 528 

Odessa, immense increase of, ... . 398, 9 

Oneida county, miemorial from, . . . . ' 139 

Owen of Lanark, calculations of, respecting machinery, . 184 
Paper manufacture, extraordinary decay of, . . 224 

Patterson, manufactory at, rise and downfall of, . . 527, 8 

Pauperism and guilt, more prevalent in agricultural than in 

manufacturing districts, .... 64 

Paupers in England, number of . . . ,47 

Pennsylvania, depreciation of real estate in, . . 321 

Pennsylvania, distresses of, in 1809, . . 321, 415, 16, 17, 18 

Pennsylvania, wise law of, ... . 282 

Pennsylvania, manufactures of, . . . . 324 

Persons employed in manufactures in Philad. and Pittsburg, 295, 6 
Petitions^ and memorial to congress, not read in the house, 306 
Philadelphia manufactures, decay of, . . 222, 223, 224 

Philadelphia and Pittsburg, distress in, . . 319, 320 

Pittsburg, calamitous state of, . . 300, 302 

Pittsburg, disadvantages of, . . . . . U 



Ind^x, 



ro, 



Pittsburg price current, ..... 447 

Plaster of Paris, act regulating the importation of, . 151, 367 

Policy of Portugal and the U. States, similarity between, 94 

Policy of the United States, view of the, . . 10,15,259 

Policy of the United States, compared with that of England, 48 
Policy, sound and liberal, of Frederic of Prussia, 57, 58, 59, 60 
Policy of the United States, contrasted with that of Russia, 
Policy of the U. States, pernicious even to Great Britain, 
Policy, subtle, of the British government respecting the colo 
nies, ....... 

Political economy, importance of, . 

Political economy, principles of, . . . 25, 1 

Poor taxes in England, .... 

Portugal, reflections on the case of, . 

Portugal, impressive and irresistible case of, 

Portugal exhausted of her specie by the Methuen treaty, 

Poverty of the British colonies. 

Predictions, awful, literally fulfilled. 

Premiums, reflections on, .... 

President of the United States, memorial to, 
President of the United States, his views of the distress of 
the manufacturers, ..... 

Prices, reduced, disadvantages of, . 

Price of manufactures, reduction of, in consequence of pro- 
tection, ....... 

Products of the earth, rise in the price of. 
Prohibitions of rival articles, remarks on. 
Property of Harmony settlement, wonderful increase of. 
Prosperity of Portugal, under the restrictive system. 
Protection of agriculture and manufactures, contrast be- 
tween the ....... 

Protection of manufactures not a monopoly, 
Protection of domestic industry, enquiry into the, . 
Protecting duties, remarks on. 
Providence, cotton manufactories in and near, 
Public securities, depreciation of the, 
Quarterly Review, important extracts from, 34, 35 

Raw materials, pi'ohibition of the export of, 
Raw materials, consumption of, . 

Raw materials, market for, destroyed. 
Report of a committee of congress, impolitic. 
Report of a committee of the citizens of Philadelphia, 
Restrictive system, and its opposite, supposed case of, 
Restrictive system enforced from the earliest periods of h 
Revenue, mode of promoting the. 

Revenue promoted by the encouragement of manufactures, 
Revenue, diminution of by the war, . 

Revenue, danger of the, an assumed reason against the pro 
tection of manufactures, .... 

Revolution of France, one of the causes of, 

ro 



307 
78 

178 

17 

171 

47 

93 

89 

91 

174 

199 

126 

79 

265 
447 

435 
340 
123 
347 
90,91 



209 

241 
514 
122 
5-4 
272 

6, 37, 38 
123 

333, 475 

455 

382 

222 

83 

istory, 35 
202 
129 
411 

74 
180 



Index. 

Rise of price, by scarcity, ..... 477 

Rise of price, not extortion, .... 239 

Rousseau, sound political maxim of, . ... 282 

Ruin of the prosperity of Portugal, by the Methuen treaty, 90 

Russia, prohibitions of, . . . . .194 

Russian tariff, extracts from, . . • . 51 

Russian policy, . . . . . .50 

Russian policy contrasted with that of the United States, 307 

Saxon blue, invented by the Hugonots, . . . 449 

Schemes of foreign m.anufacturers to destroy American ma- 
nufactures, . . . . . . .135 

Secretary of the Treasury, his views of the distress of the 

manufacturers, . . .... 265 

Secretary of the Treasury, sound maxim of, . . 452 

Seminole war, tedious debates on the, . . . 310 

Shays, insurrection of, . . . . . 270 

Sheep and lands in Great Britain, .... 457 

Smith, Adam, fallacious maxims of . 14, 18, 19, 26, 30 

Smuggling, danger of, assigned as a reason for not protect- 
ing manufactures, . . . . 75,218,219 

Soldiers perished in Canada for want of comfortable clothing, 293 
South Carolina and Georgia, prostrate state of, . . 371 

Southern members of Congress generally voted for low du- 
ties on cotton goods, ..... 70, 7 1 

Spain, Ireland, France, and the United States, policy of, 500 

Spain and France, supposed case of, ... 82 

Spanish restrictions on importation of bread stuffs, . 47 1 

Speaker of the House of Representatives, duty of the, , 314 

Specie, enormous exportation of, . . . 427, 8 

Specie, exportation of, . . . . . 269 

Spectator, extract from the, . . . . .178 

Specie of Portugal drained away to pay for British woollens, 91 
Starke, Gen. unfeeling conduct of Congress to, . .316 

Swiss, application of, for lands, .... 382 

Tariff of Russia, extracts from, . . i .51 

Tariff of the United States, extracts from, ^ . 76, 207 

Tariff of 1 804, extract from, ..... 288 

Tariff of 1789, extracts from, . . . . 278,280 

Tariff of 1789, utter impolicy of, . 274, 517, 18, 19, 541 

Tariff, Mr. Baldwin's, view of, . . . . 462, 3 

Tariff, British, extracts from, ... 42, 43 

Tariff, features of a sound and of a pernicious, . . 277 

Tariffof the United States, impolicy of, . . .211 

Tariff of 1789, review of, . . . . . 281 

Taxing the many for the benefit of the few, . 205, 327, 434 

Taylor, Col. John, heterodox opinions of, . . 297 

Teas, enormous duties on, . . . 76,150,366,524 

Tender Laws enacted in New Hampshire, . . 269 

Tobacco, snuff, and segars, importation of, . . . 403 

Tobacco, reduction of the price of, . . . 404, 5 



Index. 

Tobacco and snuff, prohibitory duties on, . . I 371 

Tobacco, export of, for four years, . . . 189 

Tobacco, East India, importation of, . . . . 405 

Tobacco trade, sound reflections on, . . . 403 

Tobacco, importation of, into the United States, . 52 1 

Trade, unrestricted, ruinous consequences of, . . 86 

Trade will regulate itself, fallacy of the maxim» . . 81 

Transition to a state of peace assigned as the cause of public 

distress, ...... 325,423 

Tonnage of the United States, . . 153,213,369,524 

United States, situation of the, in 1819, ... 197 

United States, rapid decline of the, . . . . .201 

United States, immense advantages of the,' . . 414 

United States, situation of, from the peace of Paris, . 266 

United States, depressed state of the, . . . 415 

United States, situation of the, at the close of the late war, 197 

United States, situation of the, at the close of the revolution, 261 
United States, flourishing situation of, during the French re- 
volution, ...... 175 

United States, causes of the distresses of the, . . 96 

United States, disadvantage of the interior of the, . 304 

United States, great advantages of the, . . 226, 274 

United States, prosperity of the, dependent on the calamities 

of Europe, . . . . . . 15 

United States policy, reflections on the, . . . 290 

United States, calamitous state of, 10, 24, 80, 95, 230, 261, 409 

Ustariz, sound views of, .... . 264 

Vacant lands, an assumed objection to the encouragement of 

manufactures, ...... 68 

AVages in England often as high as in the U. States, . 430 

Wages high, an assumed objection to the encouragement of 

manufactures, . . . . . .67 

Washington, Gen. complains of the proceedings of Congress, 314 
War in Europe, presumed necessary for our prosperity, . 499 
Western country, calamitous state of the . . 195 

Wheat and flour excluded from England, when below a cer- 
tain price, ....... 400 

Wheat and flour, reduction of the price of, . . 397 

Wheat and flour, exportation of, from the U. S. for 30 years, 446 
Wheat, extraordinary rise in the price of, in England, . 445 

Wheat and flour, export of, for 1 7 years, . . - 397 

Wheat, flour, Indian com, and Indian meal, export of, . 476 
Wines, teas, &c. enormous duties on, . . . 220 

Women and boys employed in cotton manufacture, . .158 

Wool, exorbitant rise in the price of, . . . 339 

Wool, amount of, shora in the United States, . 293, 455 

Wool, importation of, into England, . . . 457 

Woollen manufacture, advantages of, . . .167 

Woollen manufacture, situation of, . . . 295 

Woollen manufacture established in Portugal, . . 89 



Index, 

Woollen cloths prohibited in Portugal, ... 89 
Woollen manufactures, extraordinary profits of, . . 46 
Woollen manufacture, profits of, . . . 339 
Woollen and cotton manufactures, above 1,000,000 of peo- 
ple employed in, . . . . . . 21 

WooUenmanufactures, state of, in 1816, . . .139 

Yeas and nays on the vote for the duties on cotton goods, 7 1 



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